“Teufelhunde!” (Devil dogs)
—German soldiers referring to U.S. Marines in WW I

234 years of honor: Marines celebrate their birthday

Recruits at Marine Corps Recruit Depot Parris Island got a brief respite Tuesday afternoon from the rigors of boot camp to celebrate the 234th birthday of the Marine Corps.

More than 300 Marines, recruits, veterans and local leaders packed into the depot’s All-Weather Training Facility for the annual birthday pageant and cake-cutting ceremony. It was in 1775 that the Continental Congress passed a resolution to create two battalions of Marines to fight the British.

“One of the reasons we celebrate this day is to remember those that have gone before us,” said Brig. Gen. Frederick Padilla, commanding general of Parris Island. “Each generation of Marines takes that history and puts their own mark on it.”

The Corps began celebrating its birthday in 1921 when then-Commandant Gen. John Lejeune ordered Marines everywhere to pause Nov. 10 to celebrate “the birthday of our Corps by calling to mind the glories of its long and illustrious past.”

In keeping with Lejeune’s order, 16 Parris Island Marines marched one by one Tuesday across the concrete floor, each wearing a period uniform spanning the Corps’ history.

Sgt. Terrance Bowens, a Columbia native, was selected to tote a musket and sport the green overcoat and cream-colored trousers worn by the first Continental Marines during the Revolutionary War.

“I had never even been to a pageant before, so it feels good to have been selected to wear this uniform,” Bowens said. “I’m very honored to have been able to play such a big part in this ceremony.”

In part, the honor is bestowed upon Marines who can fit into the uniforms.

Recruits halted Tuesday for the hour-long ceremony, said Staff Sgt. Tracie Kessler, depot spokesman.

The pageant helps bring to life the storied history the recruits became a part of when they enlisted.

“It’s great because this pageant and seeing those uniforms reinforces that this is what being a Marine is all about,” Kessler said.

The Marine Corps has been a part of the Lowcountry since June 1891 when a small security force was assigned to U.S. Naval Station Port Royal, a base on Parris Island. The Corps officially opened a recruit depot on Parris Island in 1915.

See also:
U.S. Marine Corps celebrates its history on its birthday
Marine Corps Birthday 2009
Happy birthday, U.S. Marine Corps
U.S. Marines of all ages celebrate 234th birthday of Corps
Marine Corps Birthday
The Founding of the Marine Corps
U.S. Marine Corps
United States Marine Corps
Commandant’s Marine Corps Birthday Ball
Marine Corps History
Marine Corps History
Leatherneck’s Famous Marine Quotes

/Semper Fidelis

To all United Staes Marines all over the world, I want to wish you a very Happy 234TH Birthday.
As we all know, our beloved Marine Corps was founded on November 10th, 1775 at the Tun Tavern in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, before we became a Nation. that’s a long time.
There is a reason that we are the Marines that we are. We are the President’s Own, First to fight and last to leave.
Today is a day for us to be proud of who we are. We are practically in every corner of the globe. Since the day we were founded, we have answered our country’s call to deffend our freedom whenever we were called to do so.
So, to all of you, I want to say, Semper Fidelis!

The American Revolution

What if we didn’t have people like Patrick Henry and Benjamin Franklin. What if we didn’t actually win the Revolutionary War? What would this world have been like if America never existed? If it wasn’t for the resolve, dedication and commitment by men like Patrick Henry and the fact that there was a rifle in every house, sometimes three or four, we would not have won our independence and you would have no day off on the 4th of July. We would have nothing to celebrate as Americans because there would be NO AMERICA. There would be no freedom of speech, no right to a fair and speedy trial, no equal rights under the law. The slaves would not have been freed and the history of this planet would have been changed drastically. Imagine the World Wars without America to save the day. Imagine how many people would have died. Do you think Hitler would have stopped at 11 million people? There are a million different scenarios covering a myriad of different areas of our history where, without America’s touch, things would have been drastically different. One more time, lets visit where it all started.

As the war ships started rolling in from the ocean, flying the Flag of Briton, people started to realize that they were not there help. The French-American war had been over for over 10 years and there was no other enemy for the British to fight. No other enemy but colonists. It was the largest military build up in the history of this new continent and the looming nature of it was what forced the colonists hands. Patrick Henry said,

“Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlement assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.”
Here in lies where our Founding Fathers got their inspiration from to craft the 2nd Amendment. If it was not for personal firearms ownership, we would not have had the necessary means to defend against an aggressor the size of the British Army. If they had antisipated this situation before hand and confiscated the colonists weapons before things got out of hand, America would NEVER have happened. In the same spirit, The Second Amendment stands as the last, final and largest check to balance out government.

“If the people fear their government, there is tyranny, if the government fears it’s people, there is liberty.” — Thomas Jefferson
So where would we be today if we did not have the Second Amendment?

“I would never invade the United States on the ground. There would be a rifle behind every blade of grass.” — Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto (Japanese Navy)

Defenseless and easy to dominate. How could we ensure our liberty and freedom if we had no recompense against a Government that is constantly trying to push through and go around our Constitution? Without the same means that the colonists had when challenging British tyranny, we would have no defense and, therefore, NO FREEDOM. It is not the act of revolution which insures our freedom. It is the ability to revolt, if needed, that defines our relative safety. I do not, in anyway what so ever, endorse revolution or armed insurrection in this country. The suffering would be great and you can never tell what may rise from the ashes of something as extreme as that. I do, however, strongly support our right as individuals to bare arms in our own defense and the defense of our freedom from threats, foreign and domestic. No one supports the act of nuclear war but I would be damned if most would want us to be nuke-less with the Russian Bear right across the Bearing Strait with 1000 warheads pointed at our cities. Well at least no one but the Bear. Abraham Lincoln once said that America would never fall at the hands of foreign invaders but would collapse from the inside out.

The really interesting stuff is coming up in my next and final post of the series. This is where we take a look at the statistics and raw data of how gun control and gun bans have affected other nations in the last 50 years. I think you will be surprised at what you read.

For those of you who, like me, hold the Second Amendment near and dear to your hearts, this will be nothing but a reaffirmation. Those of you who have not yet fallen in love with the great gift that our Founding Fathers gave us, this should help you to understand why some of us hold it as one of the most important aspects of the Constitution.

It was March 23, 1775 and Patrick Henry was addressing what was to be known as the very first representative form of government this nation has ever seen, The House of Burgesses. Years had passed since the end of the French-American War and England was coming down hard on the colonies. For ten years they had supplicated to the King. All the while, British Parliament was limiting their rights to meet in numbers, charging absorbent amounts of taxes without the offer of Parliamentary Representation and controlling trade and commerce, thereby limiting the colonists ability grow and be successful. The Parliament was mandating that all colonists must allow British military to quarter in their homes without permission and tried to implement the colonies first product duty tax through the Stamp Act of 1765.

As representative after representative showed their loyalist blood by asking for more supplication and surrender in fear of the British forces currently amassing off the coast, one man knew the answer to be clear. He knew there could only be two choices and he roused a feeling and sentiment that was to become the spirit of this great nation. He offered two roads. One slavery and the other liberty. There was to be no quarter, no middle ground. Liberty or death he cried, and he meant it. He saw the writing on the wall and knew something HAD to happen. The text to his historic speech is below. I leave you now with Patrick Henry’s words that sparked a Revolution. In a few subsequent posts I would like to talk about how it applies to our lives today and present you with some statistics that I think you will find revealing so come back in a few days.

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death

Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

“No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free– if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending–if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained–we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable–and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace– but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!”

He was cheered with people jumping to their feet all over the room, chanting, “To WAR! To WAR!”

It was a scary, dark day but at the same time it set in motion the events that led up to the forming of the country you live in and love.

(To be continued…)

“Amazing Grace”

Amazing grace! How sweet the sound
That saved a wretch like me!
I once was lost, but now am found;
Was blind, but now I see.

’Twas grace that taught my heart to fear,
And grace my fears relieved;
How precious did that grace appear
The hour I first believed!

 Through many dangers, toils and snares,
I have already come;
’Tis grace hath brought me safe thus far,
And grace will lead me home.

The Lord has promised good to me,
His Word my hope secures;
He will my Shield and Portion be,
As long as life endures.

Yea, when this flesh and heart shall fail,
And mortal life shall cease,
I shall possess, within the veil,
A life of joy and peace.

The earth shall soon dissolve like snow,
The sun forbear to shine;
But God, who called me here below,
Will be forever mine.

When we’ve been there ten thousand years,
Bright shining as the sun,
We’ve no less days to sing God’s praise
Than when we’d first begun.

 John Newton, on this date 7/14/1775, is said to have written in a letter,

“The knowledge of God cannot be attained by studious discussion on our parts;

it must be by revelation on His part.”

For many Americans Colonists, the time for “words with the homeland” was over.  By the time June of 1775 rolled around, clashes with British soldiers in Massachusetts had already left Colonial blood pooled on the ground.  It was now time to fight.  A Continental Army had just been formed and, on the 15th of June, George Washington was chosen to lead it.

The 15th was also when the Colonists received word that the British were looking to take control of the Charlestown peninsula.  On it were Breed’s Hill and Bunker Hill, which would give the British the strategic high ground, overlooking Boston and its harbor.  Armed with this advanced information, General William Prescott decided to get there first and, under the cover of night, he and 1,200 of his men made for Bunker Hill and began building an earthen works to serve as “musket ball absorption” material.

And as dawn broke on June 17, 1775, everyone got a surprise.  When British General William Howe arrived with 2,400 soldiers, he was shocked to see his enemy in an advantageous position (on the high ground) and waiting for him.  For his part, General Prescott was shocked to see that he and his soldiers were not dug in on Bunker Hill, but rather on neighboring Breed’s Hill.  I suppose digging in the dark with an 18th-Century map as a guide could get one into trouble.

General Howe may have figured that, if the Colonists couldn’t get their hills straight, they couldn’t shoot straight, either.  So, once out of their transport (a British frigate) and on solid ground, Howe marched them into battle and discovered he was only 50% right.

It’s reported that the famous words, “Don’t one of you fire until you see the whites of their eyes!” were said by General Prescott at this point.  But even if he didn’t, accounts bear out that the Colonists waited (almost too long) to fire.  And when they did, they pushed a British force twice their size back down the hill.  The British regrouped and again charged, but were again repulsed with heavy loss.

General Howe’s third attempt however, was successful.  The Colonists, now out of ammunition, had no way to further defend their positions and were forced to abandon them.  And once the British Regulars took the hill, they held the high ground and put lead and powder into the Colonial retreat.  In fact, a majority of the casualties among the Colonists (100+ dead, 300 wounded) occurred during the retreat, when they were most exposed.  But the Continental Army, still in its infancy, had stood its ground against a vastly superior force that was better equipped and better trained.

And as General Howe looked back at his path up the hill, he saw the bodies of nearly 250 men and officers lying still on the slopes.  He would have also seen more than 800 men with injuries, slight or grevious.  Howe’s Pyrrhic victory would be the last direct frontal assault the British would attempt in the Revolution.

Recommended Reading:  The American Revolution Website – All Revolution, all the time.

The sound of the gavel that ended the First Continental Congress in October of 1774 was still ringing through the streets of Philadelphia when it was replaced by gunfire in the streets of Lexington and Concord the following April.  The push for independence was gaining momentum among the people and, as the opposition to “overseas oversight” became stronger, less savory elements in the Colonies were becoming more brazen and more violent in their actions against those that sided with England.

Caught in the middle were a significant group of colonists that wanted independence, but believed that such a venture would certainly lead to an unwinnable war against an unbeatable British army and navy.  And once this certainly-bloody, but short-lived, conflict was over, additional blood from those deemed traitors would flow through the streets of Boston, Philadelphia, New York, and dozens of other places.

It was against this volatile backdrop of diverse opinions that the men of the First Continental Congress met again for what would become the Second Continental Congress.  All meetings have “action items”, and one of those from the first meeting was to meet again.  The date set was May 10, 1775 and their meetings opened, once again, in Philadelphia.

And though they didn’t know it at the time, this group of 56 men would meet almost continually for the next six years…that’s one long congressional session.  In 1775, they would discuss items like peace initiatives with the British Crown while simultaneously creating a Continental Army.  But as the relationship with the Crown disintegrated, issues like maintaining and funding an army and getting out of town (when Philadelphia fell to the British) would be added to the agenda.

There were a few new faces in the meeting hall.  John Hancock, who would become the Congress’ President, was there.  The stately Benjamin Franklin was also present, though events would see him (and eventually John Adams) sent to France.  And current President Peyton Randolph would be called back to Virginia, and his place was taken by a young man named Jefferson…Thomas Jefferson.

All told, 12 of the 13 Colonies were represented (just like at the first gathering).  But Georgia would remain without true delegates only until July.  And for the next six years, these men would work as a one-house government to hold together a fragile rebellion against an overwhelmingly powerful opponent.

Recommended Reading: John Adams

Citesc aici http://shalomshalom.wordpress.com/2008/01/19/de-poti-rudyard-kipling/ , o afirmaţie dintr-o postare  despre Rudyard Kipling : +romanul indian de spionaj “Kim”-1901+ , precum şi replica : “Kim poate fi orice altceva, numai roman indian de spionaj nu.”

Comentariul meu nu are intenţia să sprijine un punct de vedere sau pe celălalt. Numai că este vorba despre tema The Great Game, Marele Joc început de puterile europene încă din secolul XVIII, pentru stăpânirea Eurasiei. Britanicii ne-au implicat atunci şi pe noi, dar numai ca “marii perdanţi” prin pacea de la Kuciuc Kainargi din 1774. Însă britanicii, ocupaţi prea mult cu   Marele Joc eurasiatic, pierd din atenţie coloniile din America de Nord. Rebelii au timp să îşi organizeze o armată, care începea Războiul American de Independenţă la anul 1775.

Titus Filipas

From: http://www.finnvalley.ie/glenfin/other/brockaghfair/

Extract from Derry Journal 18th of August 1775 Cloghanbeg. A patent has been granted for several fairs and monthly markets to be held annually for ever, in or at the town of Cloghanbeg, the fairs to be held on the first of February, 19th of May, 28th August and the 19th of November, and the monthly market to be held on the first Monday of every month. This grant was issued to Sir Robert Style and Colonel William Style and was customs free for the first seven years. Peter Mulrine’s Lorry in Brockagh Village, some 70 years ago.  P.Mulrine & Sons, Ballybofey, is still going strong . The fair was transferred to Cloghanbeg in 1874. As happened at Dungloe, where the fair brought the name Dungloe from the old site into An Clochan Liath. Our fair, which was formerly held in the Coyle area of Brockagh townland, brought the name Brockagh with it to the new site, the village which is now in the townland of Cloghanbeg. The fair was held in the cow market, which was always owned by the occupier of Glenmore Castle, also in the townland of Cloghanmore. The monthly fair was held on the 19th, except the August fair, which was on the 25th. Some dealers used to come on August 19th by mistake. Many years ago the fair was policed by Big Boyce. Whenever he found two men fighting, he quelled the disturbance by catching one in each hand and throwing them over the hedge into the adjoining field. A man in the Croaghs had a stick fighting school, where young men came and stayed in his home for a number of days, preparing themselves for faction fights in Brockagh fair and elsewhere. Did You Know? Brockagh is derived from the Gaelige, Brocach, meaning Badger-field, and Cloghan (Clochan) – meaning Stony place. Drovers walked long distances to drive cattle from the fair. Such as Langan and Scott reached Brockagh shortly after nine o’clock, having walked from Letterkenny via Cark (where the windfarms are now situated). A man named Kelly from Killygordon played the fiddle at the fair and sang ballads and then sold the ballad sheets through the fair. Peter Harte offered three shots a penny to knock down Dolly by kicking a tied football. There was a prize for the one who was able to do so. When the young lads annoyed him with unofficial kicks, he used to say “Oh now, give the oul man a chance.” People with ’standings’ (stalls) selling apples, dulse etc. included Mrs. Lynch and Roddy Mulholland. McCormacks, Devenneys and other houses provided meals. Dealers in stock who came there to buy included Nee, Strain, Begley, King, McDonnell, Carson and Lafferty. Men who had been drinking at the fair used to come to Brockagh the day after - for a cure. That day was known as ‘The Oul Fair day’. There were stalls of second hand clothes – men such as Hanlon had patter to draw the crowd. Then there was McCallig from Mayo who dealt mainly in delph.

Happy Birthday Marines

November 10th, 2008

1775 Tun Tavern – Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Birth of the United States Marine Corps

Ask any Marine. Just ask. He will tell you that the Marine Corps was born in Tun Tavern on 10 November 1775. But, beyond that the Marine’s recollection for detail will probably get fuzzy. So, here is the straight scoop:

In the year 1685, Samuel Carpenter built a huge “brew house” in Philadelphia. He located this tavern on the waterfront at the corner of Water Street and Tun Alley. The old English word tun means a cask, barrel, or keg of beer. So, with his new beer tavern on Tun Alley, Carpenter elected to christen the new waterfront brewery with a logical name, Tun Tavern.

Tun Tavern quickly gained a reputation for serving fine beer. Beginning 47 years later in 1732, the first meetings of the St. John’s No. 1 Lodge of the Grand Lodge of the Masonic Temple were held in the tavern. An American of note, Benjamin Franklin, was its third Grand Master. Even today the Masonic Temple of Philadelphia recognizes Tun Tavern as the birthplace of Masonic teachings in America.

Roughly ten years later in the early 1740s, the new proprietor expanded Tun Tavern and gave the addition a new name, “Peggy Mullan’s Red Hot Beef Steak Club at Tun Tavern.” The new restaurant became a smashing commercial success and was patronized by notable Americans. In 1747 the St. Andrews Society, a charitable group dedicated to assisting poor immigrants from Scotland, was founded in the tavern.

Nine years later, then Col. Benjamin Franklin organized the Pennsylvania Militia. He used Tun Tavern as a gathering place to recruit a regiment of soldiers to go into battle against the Indian uprisings that were plaguing the American colonies. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and the Continental Congress later met in Tun Tavern as the American colonies prepared for independence from the English Crown.

On November 10, 1775, the Continental Congress commissioned Samuel Nicholas to raise two Battalions of Marines. That very day, Nicholas set up shop in Tun Tavern. He appointed Robert Mullan, then the proprietor of the tavern, to the job of chief Marine Recruiter — serving, of course, from his place of business at Tun Tavern. Prospective recruits flocked to the tavern, lured by (1) cold beer and (2) the opportunity to serve in the new Corps of Marines. So, yes, the U.S. Marine Corps was indeed born in Tun Tavern. Needless to say, both the Marine Corps and the tavern thrived during this new relationship.

Tun Tavern still lives today. And, Tun Tavern beer is still readily available throughout the Philadelphia area. Further, through magazines it is advertised to Marines throughout the world.

Tun Tavern: (excerpt from Warrior Culture of the U.S. Marines, copyright 2001 Marion F. Sturkey)

Borrowed From USMC Press.Com

October 24, 1775 – Lord John Murray Dunmore, orders a British naval fleet of six ships to sail up the James River and into Hampton Creek to attack Patriot troops and destroy the town of Norfolk, Virginia. British Capt. Matthew Squire led the six ships into Hampton Creek and began bombarding the town with artillery and cannon fire, while a second contingent of British troops sailed ashore to begin engaging Patriots.

With reinforcements in place, the Patriots and militia pushed the British back to their ships, where the riflemen began picking off British troops from the decks of their vessels. Facing a humiliating defeat at the hands of an outnumbered local militia, Captain Squire ordered a full British retreat. In the unorganized and hurried withdrawal that followed, two British ships ran aground and were captured. The Patriots did not suffer a single fatality.

War Memorabilia

Charles Royster. A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and American Character, 1775-1783. Reprint. University of North Carolina Press, 1996.

In his award winning, sweeping work on the American Revolution, Charles Royster sets out to prove his thesis that “there was an American character prevalent during the War for Independence and that we can profitably analyze it.” His focus is on the emotions, attitudes, and conduct of Americans in wartime but he also set out to prove that Americans exemplified collectively the disposition of revolutionaries. This notion of national character is an important one because it suggests an emergence of a sense of nationhood among the inhabitants of America’s colonies. Royster acknowledges that not all Americans were anti-British but he does conclude that the majority of Americans during the War for Independence were loyal to the revolution’s cause. These arguments are foundational to his discussion of the Continental Army. Royster deals with the rather broad topics of the ideals of revolutionary citizenship, society, and state by limiting his scope to the standards “that Americans defined for themselves in creating, recruiting, and fighting in an army” and it is this focus that makes the book more relevant to the military historian. He finds evidence of a disparity between society’s ideals and its actual conduct, the latter being “always flawed.” To find reasons for the disparity he touches, admitted lightly, on other areas such as religion, government, and commerce, drawing a connection between these and the way in which Americans related to the army.

Royster describes his book as analytical rather than narrative history. This distinction drives the book’s chronological format which supports his position that the study of revolutionary attitudes and the changes that took place over time are best observed “in the order that Americans experienced them.” Royster begins with an examination of the high ideals that Americans caught up in the revolutionary mindset placed upon themselves and others, ideals of virtue and valor. This foundation then allows him to explore the “tension” created when Americans failed to live up to those ideals and how they dealt with the disparity between desired standards and reality. Thus Royster begins with the years prior to the war’s start, describes the “rage militaire” of 1775, and then proceeds through the early war years in a series of chapters with religious titles and analogous themes: 1776: The Army of Israel, Jericho, and The Promised Land. The second half of the book focuses on Valley Forge, Treason, Division, and finally Legacy. It is in this final chapter that Royster brings together his analysis of the whole of the American experience at war.

This work is intended for students of early American history and particularly those who want to better understand the American Revolution. It should also find interest among military historians because of its focus on the experience of soldiers in the American Army of Independence as well as the institutional history of America’s armed forces. Royster’s forays into the realms of sociology, psychology, political, and civic history, should allow the book to find even broader readership. The work’s extensive notes section is worth mention. There is also an essay in the appendix that challenges some other authors who draw conclusions too quickly from statistics about American soldiers who fought in the Revolution, many of whom were both young and poor. The book is particularly noteworthy for its use of readily available primary sources but fresh approach to the information contained therein. His presentation is entirely satisfying albeit occasionally repetitive. One of the clear strengths of the book is its introduction to the reader of a broad number of characters of the period often through their own narrative or those of others around them.

Charles Royster brings impressive credentials to his work which is a shortened version of his doctoral dissertation. He received all of his degrees from the University of California, Berkeley including an A.B. (1966), M.A. (1967), and Ph.D. (1977). At the time of the book’s publication, Dr. Royster was assistant professor of history at the University of Texas. He is now professor of history at the Louisiana State University. Royster has amassed an impressive list of publications several of which received academically recognized awards. His work Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans won the Bancroft Prize, The Lincoln Prize, and the Charles S. Sydnor Award in Southern History. A Revolutionary People at War was recognized with the 1981 Francis Parkman Prize from the Society of American Historians, the 1979 John D. Rockefeller III Award, the 1981 National Historical Society Book Prize, the 1980 Fraunces Tavern Museum Book Award from the Sons of the Revolution in the State of New York, and the 1980 Silver Medal, Nonfiction from the Commonwealth Club of California.

Overall, Royster provides an excellent addition to scholarship of early America.

Grabado de 1755 mostrando las ruinas de la ciudad en llamas y un maremoto arrollando los barcos del puerto.

Lisboa, mañana del sábado 1 de Noviembre de 1775, día de Todos los Santos. La populosa ciudad despierta. Los fieles se dirigen a honrar a los muertos en iglesias como la de Santa María de Belém, São Nicolau o São Vicente de Fora, La Casa de Cuentas o plaza del Comercio; conocida como Terreiro do Paço por el palacio real que ahí se levantaba reanudaban sus actividades cotidianas. Pero a las nueve y media de la mañana el terror se desato, al empezar el suelo a temblar. El testimonio de John Fowkes, un comerciante inglés, afincado en la capital portuguesa revela la magnitud de la tragedia. Ese día, Fowkes se encontraba departiendo tranquilamente con dos amigos portugueses frente a la Casa de Cuentas cuando el suelo empezó a resquebrajarse y grandes bloques de piedra se desprendían de los edificios colindantes. Cuando el temblor remitió, Fowkes se dirigió a la Iglesia de São Nicolau “pero el horror que allí había nos confundió. Muchos ya habían fallecido y los que estaban malheridos (¡horrible espectáculo!) pedían misericordia a gritos mientras algún sacerdote los confesaba y absolvía” Ante ese horror decidió rodear la iglesia y dirigirse hacia la cercana plaza de Rossio, gateando por encima de las ruinas que llenaban toda la Rua dos Arcos. Allí encontró a su mujer y a sus hijos junto a dos criados. A continuación la familia buscó refugio en las colinas próximas, adonde se habían dirigido muchos de los supervivientes. Mientras en la ciudad, los braseros y las velas de las casas provocaron un gran incendio, que duro cinco días y devoró a las pocas casas que quedaban en pie.

José I de Portugal

Por otra parte, los supervivientes que habían buscado refugio en la playa corrieron la peor suerte. Después de las diez de la mañana, el mar se retiró, dejando los barcos varados en el pueblo, junto a mercancías y hasta los peces, ante la mirada sorprendida de las gentes que se agolpaban en la orilla. En torno a las once una ola de casi veinte metros de altura entro “barriendo y asolando cuanto delante hallaba, hasta la Real Casa de la Misericordia“, entrando en la ciudad unos ocho kilómetros; retirándose después y repitiéndose varias veces con menos fuerza hasta mediada la tarde. El palacio real, a orillas del Tajo, fue derribado en uno de estos embates, aunque el rey José I y la familia real se salvaron al haber acudido a misa esa madrugada a la iglesia de Santa María de Belém, situada en la zona menos afectada por el terremoto.

De una población lisboeta de 300.000 habitantes, unas 90.000 personas murieron, la mayor parte habitantes de la Cidade Baixa. Muchos de ellos murieron en los primeros momentos de la catástrofe, y la mala suerte hizo que fuera el día de Todos los Santos, por lo que muchas personas que habían acudido a las Iglesias, murieron al caerse las techumbres de estas. En el Hospital Real de Todos los Santos(el hospital público más grande de la época) murieron abrasados centenares de pacientes. En el Terreiro do Paço, el palacio real se desplomó por el embate conjunto del terremoto y del maremoto, desapareciendo numerosas obras de arte- incluyendo pinturas de Tiziano, Rubens y Correggio- y la Biblioteca Real, la cual guardaba alrededor de 100.000 ejemplares. La Real Casa de la Ópera (o Teatro de Ópera do Tejo) recién construida hace seis meses; el Archivo Real, el cual contenía detallados expedientes históricos que describían las exploraciones de Vasco da Gama y otros exploradores tempranos portugueses; la tumba del héroe nacional Nuno Álvares Pereira; e importantes iglesias de Lisboa, como la catedral de Santa María, las basílicas de São Paulo, Santa Catarina, São Vicente de Fora, y la iglesia de la Misericordia.

En Marruecos murieron cerca de 10.000 personas, en Sevilla también hubo víctimas y multitud de edificios quedaron dañados, incluida la Giralda y la Torre del Oro. En Ayamonte murieron más de 1.000 personas, en Cádiz las olas rompieron las murallas, Conil de la Frontera fue destruida lo mismo que Sanlúcar de Barrameda. Una de las torres de la catedral de Valladolid se derrumbó, en Jaén las torres de la catedral se agrietaron en Úbeda. Los Tsunamis golpearon las costas de Martinica y Barbados en América, los efectos llegaron hasta Turquía en el Mediterráneo y a Inglaterra y Dinamarca en el Atlántico.

Convento do Carmo. Su iglesia edificada en estilo gótico en el S. XIV, perdió en 1755 su techumbre y nunca fue reconstruida. Sus ruinas fueron preservadas para recordar a los lisboetas la destrucción causada por el terremoto.

El impacto del terremoto fue tal que José I jamás volvió a vivir en su palacio reconstruido, habitando hasta su muerte con toda su corte en un lujoso campamento de tiendas y pabellones situada en la colina de Ajuda, próxima a Lisboa.

Tras la reconstrucción, el marqués de Pombal, el primer ministro o válido del rey, tomo la iniciativa. Siguiendo su máxima de “se entierra a los muertos y se alimenta a los vivos”, mando a la población a extinguir los últimos fuegos, sacar de los escombros a los muertos y enterrarles de forma apresurada, para evitar de esta forma infecciones. Dada la enorme cantidad de muertos, se utilizaron algunos conventos como fosa común para enterrarlos. Hace algunos años, se hallaron, en la actual Academia de Ciencias (Antiguo convento de Jesús), los restos de 3000 victimas de la tragedia. Para prevenir los desórdenes en la ciudad en ruinas, y, sobre todo, para impedir el saqueo, se levantaron patíbulos en puntos elevados alrededor de la ciudad y al menos 34 saqueadores fueron ejecutados. El ejército fue movilizado para que rodeara la ciudad e impidiese que los hombres sanos huyeran, de modo que pudieran ser obligados a despejar las ruinas.

A continuación, un grupo de arquitectos se encargo de planificar la reconstrucción de la zona más afectada, la Cidade Baixa, a la que convirtieron en la llamada Baixa Pombalina, además de reconstruir secciones de otras ciudades portuguesas, como Vila Real de Santo António en el Algarve. Los edificios pombalinos fueron los primeros del mundo en ser diseñados para resistir terremotos; para comprobar la resistencia de su estructura se hicieron maquetas de madera de estos edificios, alrededor de los cuales se hizo marchar al trote a las tropas, igualando su efecto al de los terremotos. Gracias principalmente al oro de las colonias de Brasil, la ciudad pudo ser reconstruida al cabo de un año. Lisboa se convirtió en el prototipo de ciudad nueva europea, con sus manzanas grandes y rectilíneas, y amplias avenidas.

"El Marqués de Pombal mostrando la reconstrucción de Lisboa" por Louis-Michel van Loo, 1766.

Pero el terremoto sacudió mucho más que ciudades y edificios, influyó decisivamente en los pensadores de la Ilustración europea. Un ejemplo es Voltaire en Cándido o en su ‘Poème sur le desastre de Lisbonne’ (poema sobre el desastre de Lisboa) haciendo referencia al terremoto que ha sido representado como análogo al Holocausto. Kant publicó tres textos separados sobre el terremoto de Lisboa que en alguna medida se consideran como el principio de la geografía científica en Alemania y el comienzo de la sismología.