<http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/21/world/asia/21afghan.html?hp&#62;

Despite rocket attacks in Kandahar and an insurgent gun battle in Kabul, Afghans came out to vote last week in the country’s 2nd ever presidential election.   The Taliban has intimidated the Afghan people through warnings and attacks, but this has not deterred them from reaching the voting booths.   The people want to see change and a better place for the younger generations.  The response from the Afghan people shows their support and desire for democracy and their bravery for standing up for what they believe in even in the face of terrorism.

Voter turn out in the North is stronger because of greater security and less Taliban presence.  The regions where our schools are located (also in the North) are most likely to have their voices heard through voting, a positive sign for the citizens seeking change.  The Southern region however, has seen considerable action by the Taliban in closing poll stations and stepping up violence, with 26 killed on election day related violence.  But there are positive signs there too.  Even with considerable violence, some voters still showed up, surprising US soldiers and Afghan officials.

These are all great positive things to take away from the election, but one has to remember that this election is not about electing a candidate to lead Afghanistan’s Government.

This election is about showcasing who has the power in the country.  In many areas, particularly in the rural regions and the South, the Taliban is well respected and remains in control of resources and people while the Afghan government has struggled to secure the country.

We saw a partial answer for the Question of Power on election day.

Last week’s election matters because it showed the Afghan people that their fellow people citizens in their government and it demonstrated to the world that, because the elections took place with a relative amount of success, that the government operates with significant power.  Had the Taliban had controlled the majority of polls and impeded election efforts, the world would have seen their strength of controlling the country.  Even the small voter turn out to polls that had seen heavy violence gives evidence of the importance for Afghani citizens.

To further spread the power and effectiveness of the government and diminish the reach of the Taliban, the goal of the new Afghan Government, as well as U.S. and NATO Security Forces should be to prioritize what the Afghani people want and need.  Focus should also be to market and provide these services in a better capacity than the Taliban.

The Afghani people first and foremost want security; no one wants to live in a constant state of fear.  Second, Afghanis want economic opportunities in terms of trade and commerce.  With continued violence there has been an unstable economy in Afghanistan.  Third, Afghanis want more of a focus on education.  Afghanis believe that education is the proper method of building strong and economically sound communities for the welfare and benefit of their entire country.

In many cases, the Taliban has been able to provide security and commerce better than the Afghan government, especially in rural areas where the Taliban’s reach is greater.  If the government, with the help of security forces, can begin to provide security, legitimate commerce opportunities, and better funding for education, then the tide of civilian support will shift toward the government away from the Taliban.

The Taliban’s message to the Afghans is that they will remain long after any foreign forces are there, an attempt to remove hope of a different future for the country.  To get their message across, they will continue to use violence and aggressive conservative tactics.

Malalai Joya, the bravest woman in Afghanistan speaks out AFP/GETTY IMAGES

In hiding and in fear of her life, the Afghan MP and women’s rights campaigner says the warlords have already won

Today, at Malalai Joya’website is her statement given to the Independent. Her opening remarks:

Read the rest of the story

(Ed. Note: In celebration of Women’s Equality Day (August 26), please go and buy a copy of Malalai’s book Raising My Voice at your local bookstore)

source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qZmCUHYdLo8&eurl=http%3A%2F%2Fnews%2Egoogle%2Ecom%2Eau%2Fnews%2Fsearch%3Fpz%3D1%26ned%3Dau%26hl%3Den%26q%3Dafghan%2Belection&feature=player_embedded#t=27

The expected charges of vote-rigging are flying, as reported here. And out in the deserts, thousands more American troops are moving into action. But according to this New York Times dispatch, “something is missing”– help from the Afghan government:

It all raises serious questions about what the American mission is in southern Afghanistan — to secure the area, or to administer it — and about how long Afghans will tolerate foreign troops if they do not begin to see real benefits from their own government soon. American commanders say there is a narrow window to win over local people from the guerrillas.

It’s interesting how different sides in a conflict make different use of the same words. We used to call mujahideen “freedom fighters” when the U.S. was financing them to fight the Russians. Now we call them “rebels” or “insurgents.” We say we’re there as “liberators.”

I was reminded of this watching TV Ontario’s Saturday Night at the Movies: a stark reminder of the bitterness of Afghanistan in a movie called The Beast.

A 1988 film, The Beast tells the story of a Russian tank crew stranded with their machine in the bleak wilderness of Kandahar during the Soviet-Afghan war.

It is decidely anti-Russian, depicting the terror-crazed tank commander as a sadistic monster willing to kill his own men as well as the enemy. It was filmed in southern California and the actors portraying the mujahideen were all Iraqis. They deliver a stunning performance in a thoroughly believable plot.

Who are the “beasts” in today’s Afghanistan? Obviously, the Taliban would nominate a different casts of players than would we. Canada has lost over 125 people there, but that is miniscule compared to the numbers of deaths the people of Afghanistan have had to endure.

If you haven’t seen The Beast, I suggest visit your video store today to see if you can rent a copy. Watching it won’t change the fact that the Taliban represent an oppressive, primitive force that will do no good for their homeland. But it may remind you that they’re human, too, and grieve for their losses.

Looking north from the Fort over the city to the hills beyond

It’s Saturday afternoon just about the same time as Ricky Ponting got hit in the face at the Kennington Oval (poor Ricky) and a loud and clear bang rings out near the Fort. We checked in with our security team who said it hadn’t been reported - surprising for such a loud bang. The guards said that it was 2-300 yards away. Close, but no smoke visible from the roof so difficult to be sure. However not a word from the local police which was a concern but as always the truth in Afghanistan is more complicated.  In our district, Kart-e-Parwan the fights are as interconnected with tribal groups as they are the police. It seems likely that it is preferable to keep these things quiet to avoid retribution.

Looking south west from the fort over the old British embassy and to tv hill beyond.

The photos are taken from the roof of the Turquoise Mountain Qala and give an idea of our surroundings. The small mosque in the top image has a surprisingly loud call to prayer especially on a Ramadan morning. The dusty hills beyond used to be the city limits but Kabul has swelled by millions in the past decades. In the middle image the brick tower and white building are the Old British Embassy. Commissioned by Lord Curzon in the 1920s so the Ambassador would be the ‘best-housed man in Asia’. Unfortunately the current owners, the Pakistan Government are unwilling to let anyone return despite speculation otherwise. It would be a great place for a party and I have tried to get TM interested in restoring it but apparently the guards are trigger happy so a site visit is out of the question.

Afghan of the week, Hussain our cook. Aged "about 65" he is from Ghazni and is from the Hazara tribe.

Today was the first day back at work since the elections and views are mixed. When asked what the result would be one of the senior engineers essentially replied ‘you tell me’ meaning he thought the US of the UK governments had such control over the situation that they would be able to influence results. My site foreman beautifully described the sound of the rockets whooshing overhead before exploding into the presidential compound a few hundred metres away. The new site architect couldn’t get back to Ghazni because of the Taliban’s tight control of the roads and although I have seen ink-stained fingers some admitted to not voting due to intimidation.

Afghan of the week is Hussain, TM’s cook in the Qala for the last three years. His story in TM is as charming as it is accidental. When he came for an interview in the early days of Turquoise Mountain he was turned down but when he appeared for work the next week no-one had the heart to explain the situation so he stayed.

Duncan DJ

*I realise the analogy is closer to George Berkeley’s falling tree than Schrödinger’s cat but it’s not so catchy.

The election happened – VERY INITIAL reports here and here indicate that it may not have been perfect, it was far from overwhelmingly problematic.

Congrats to those who voted.

I await what happens next.

On the domestic front, Pakistan’s military continues to make progress against dangerous groups. Weakened by the death (and or disappearance) of leader Baitullah Mehsud, the Taliban in Pakistan “seems to be in disarray”. Meaning Islamabad’s offensive against factions this year are bearing fruits for the War on Terror and shifting toward more stability, hopefully for the long term. But if elections in Afghanistan are pushed to a second round, weeks of political irresolution can allow terrorist groups a climate of uncertainty within which to recuperate from losses and cause turmoil. Which since 2001 has shown that a dangerous spillover effect exists wherein Afghani militant groups shift in to Pakistan harboring themselves into the nebulous, virtually imperturbable border.

Broader regional considerations also factor into Pakistan’s hopes for stable elections. The spillover of militant groups since 9/11 intensifies Pakistan’s long desired interest in seeing a democratic, stable Afghanistan where refugees may repatriate. In fact,Pakistan hosts one of the largest refugee populations in the world, an underreported story that actually helps explain why dangerous factions were able to develop in Pakistan. Millions of devastated Afghans, some armed and many destitute from fighting Soviets in the 1980’s found refuge from their war ravaged country in Pakistan. A mostly destitute population seeking refuge in a developing country with highly volatile political circumstances allowed violent sectarian and religiously extremist factions to exploit and recruit refugees to their cause. In addition, there are heavy economic costs for Pakistan in maintaining such a large number of refugees. Since last years military escalation in Afghanistan, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees explains that there is around 2 to 2.1 million Afghani Refugees now living in Pakistan. He said the United Nations planned to launch an emergency appeal for hundreds of millions of dollars needed to sustain refugees that have come in just this past year. So peaceful elections in a first round that move Afghanistan in a direction of democratic stability is integral to Pakistan’s security: they relieve Islamabad of a very costly responsibility to a long-standing refugee challenge.

Although some minority, yet raucous opinions say elections ushering democratic authority are not in Islamabad’s interest because they “diminish Pakistan’s influence in Afghanistan”. Thus suggesting policymakers are strategically motivated to prevent losing an allegedly malleable buffer zone that Afghanistan serves against India. It’s an unlikely, poorly reasoned notion. It attempts to be qualified by citing Islamabad’s insistence on uprooting domestic militant/fundamentalist groups, so as to avoid confrontation with a supposed malleable buffer forces. But expecting policy makers to divert efforts from turmoil at home to external threats is a laughable assertion. Before taking care of neighboring militant groups whose primary focus is not on fighting Pakistanis, Islamabad legitimately devotes resources to uprooting domestic factions who pose an immediate threat. Suicide bombings have become an almost weekly recurrence in Pakistan and with that level of instability, faulting Pakistan for not doing enough to uproot neighboring terror is outrageous. Plus, NATO forces and amplified American presence in Afghanistan furthers the absurdity of such calls for Pakistan to ignore turmoil at home and focus on Afghanistan. And neither of these allegations logically indicate a Pakistani motivation for instability so as to use Afghanistan as a buffer zone.

But perhaps the most unreasonable way of supporting a notion that Pakistan lacks interest in successful elections refers to relations with India. Specifically, that Islamabad’s refusal to remove forces from the Indian border despite current spillover from Afghanistan indicates an excessive concern with an Indian threat. A few reasons why this is incorrect: firstly, referring again to amplified U.S. and current NATO presence and given an abundance of domestic threats that require Islamabad’s attention, removing troops from the Indian border to the Afghan border does little to help Pakistan now, (especially weighted against the risks of doing so). Secondly, even if troops from were redeployed, those forces are squarely trained/equipped to face a potential Indian threat, not in counterterrorism. Which became well known much to Washington’s dismay with the military’s many unsuccessful attempts at uprooting militants from the northern regions along the Afghan border.

Finally, a refusal to redeploy forces is not because of an excessive concern given the reality of current Indian-Pakistani relations. The Mumbai atrocities occurred less than a year ago and the aftermath saw a speedy, vehement escalation of tensions. Some Indian media and politicians fanned the flames, and when tensions rise between India and Pakistan, the world gets nervous. By way of a counterfactual, we can tie how these tensions relate to justifying Islamabad’s decision to maintain troops on the border: If, God Forbid, another atrocity took place on Indian soil since 11/26/08 and Pakistan had redeployed troops away from the border. The result could be an even further escalation of tensions. A terrifying potential  for confrontation ensues and Pakistan’s capacity to defend against an already far more immense Indian force is drastically diminished. Which itself has a potential to cause hasty, over offensive beahvior from either side. Basic lessons in Realism thus teach us that redeployment away from the Indian border is out of the question. Given history, and sensitive circumstances since 11/26 I think military strategy might advise the same. Thus from a Pakistani policymakers point of view, troops on the Indian border is a legitimate priority. If anything, one might even argue they deter confrontation.

So, allegations that Islamabad is not sufficiently committed to stable election processes in Afghanistan are just not reasonable. If anything, successful elections relieve Pakistan of deep social and economic costs through refugee repatriation. And from the Mumbai atrocities to countless civilians who suffer daily from terror and a climate of instability that allows violent factions to operate, a peaceful, prosperous Afghanistan beginning with successful elections is very much in Pakistan’s interest.

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED @

Me, on July 28:

The timing of Holbrooke’s comments defending the legitimacy of the election, coming before the election takes place, exposes the game plan for the weeks ahead. Holbrooke is seeking to preempt questions about election legitimacy before the election takes place because the administration plans to defend the legitimacy of the election no matter what. That’s because this is what occupiers do–what Edward Herman calls “ratification-of-conquest.”  The Obama administration needs to be able to point to a “legitimate” election so they can translate that legitimacy into a perception of legitimacy for their entire Afghanistan policy.

From the New York Times today:

American officials were quick to declare the poll a success — worth the expanding commitment of troops and money to an increasingly unpopular and corruption-plagued government.

From Malalai Joya, former Afghan member of parliament, earlier today:

We Afghans know this election will change nothing. It is merely a show of democracy put on by and for the West, to legitimize its future puppet in Afghanistan.

Like millions of Afghans, I have no hope in the results of this week’s election. In a country ruled by warlords, occupation forces, Taliban insurgency, drug money and guns, no one can expect a legitimate or fair vote.

Headline from another NYT story:

Gibbs: Afghan Election Outcome Won’t Change Policy

Hope you have your grain of salt handy for the coming news cycle.

“We have no idea how the election went …. If we’re not all admitting—and I’m using the plural deliberately, because I include myself in this—that we’re stumbling about in the dark while prognosticating about this thing, then we are lying to our readers.”

Here here!

IPS News Analyst Gareth Porter yesterday published a story that detailed a massive vote fraud campaign intended to re-elect Hamid Karzai. According to Porter, Karzai’s vote fraud scheme includes:

• Alliances with warlords, who will deliver votes from their territories for Karzai by hook or by crook. Some have already made threats of reprisal against village elders if they did not cooperate with the vote fraud schemes.
• Massive registration of underage voters (up to 20 percent of the rolls)
• Rampant (as in 85-percent occurrence) issuance of multiple voting cards to single individuals, including one case where one person was given about 500 voting cards.
• Issuance of voting cards to people before they registered.
• Issuance of cards to women without their physical presence based on lists provided by family (in some provinces this practice was used in 90-99 percent of registration stations).
• Allowing men to take registration books home for the ostensible purpose of obtaining their women-folk’s fingerprints for registration. This practice, combined with the list practice mentioned above, led to outrageously fraudulent numbers of “women” being issued cards–between double and thirty percent more than the number of cards issued to men. Female Members of Parliament in Afghanistan have called these numbers not credible.
• Purchase of voting cards from locals by warlord vote organizers.
• Manufacture and sale of many thousands of fake registration cards.

Oh, by the way…the government body in charge of gathering evidence of vote fraud is comprised of seven members, all appointed by Karzai and led by a chairman who’s a flat-out Karzai partisan.

The Afghan government also barred reporting on violence during today’s election, threatening foreign reporters with expulsion if they break the ban.

Keep all this in mind when the U.S. and Afghan governments break out the Purple Fingers spin.

Ann Jones put together a great piece for The Nation [h/t Tom] that sums up the mess we’ve made for ourselves in relation to this election:

All this–and much more chicanery–leaves the United States in a no-win situation of its own making. We got into it in 2004 by overestimating our ability to put one over on Afghans and Americans alike. And by underestimating Afghans: we expected voter fraud and we ignored it. Even when the percentage of women voters surpassed an inconceivable 70 percent of the total voter registration (in provinces where women are scarcely allowed out of the house), some internationals welcomed the trend. More blatant fraud this time around, and more conspicuous deals, are proof of Afghans’ aptitude for the game we taught them to call “democracy.”

…To ignore history is never a good idea. Remember when US policy embraced Islamic fundamentalists as our natural allies (as a Christian nation) against godless communism? And where are they now?

…It’s too bad about Afghans though. Given half a chance, they’d vote for change and peace and reconciliation and no more soldiers.

And here’s former Afghan MP Malalai Joya:

We Afghans know this election will change nothing. It is merely a show of democracy put on by and for the West, to legitimize its future puppet in Afghanistan.

FYI, if you’re looking for a way to get crowd-sourced news from Afghanistan on today’s election, check out Alive in Afghanistan.

West celebrates successful Afghan elections ... 100% turnout in Helmand Province as last surviving resident votes

Von David Nauer, Bamiyan.

Bärtige Krieger, unterdrückte Frauen: Sie prägen unser Bild von Afghanistan. Die Provinz Bamiyan aber ist anders. Hier herrscht Frieden – und der Gouverneur ist eine Frau.

Landschaftlich reizvoll ist die Provinz Bamiyan und im Land auch sonst aussergewöhnlich: Der Arm der Taliban reicht hierhin nicht.
Bild: Reuters

Dem smaragdgrünen Talboden sind sie entlanggekommen, die Horden des Dschingis Khan. Furchterregend, laut, es dürstete sie nach Blut. Ihr Ziel: Die Festung von Bamiyan. Das Bollwerk hielt nicht lange stand. Die Mongolen knackten die Mauern – und metzelten alles nieder, was sich bewegte. Das Blutbad, schätzen Historiker, ereignete sich im Jahr 1221.

Heute steht Ali Taheri, 23, auf der Felskuppe inmitten der Ruinen. Soeben hat er die grausame Vergangenheit seiner Heimat anschaulich geschildert. Nun zeigt er mit der Hand nach Osten. Zwischen den Feldern zeichnet sich ein braunes Band ab. «Das ist die Strasse nach Kabul.»

Tourismusindustrie mitten in Afghanistan

Ali Taheri ist frisch ausgebildeter Fremdenführer für Bamiyan. Ja, man glaubt es kaum. Diese kleine Provinz im Herzen Afghanistans baut gerade eine Tourismus-Industrie auf. Einen Nationalpark gibt es schon; auch ein Informationsbüro und einige kleine Gasthäuser.

Während der Rest von Afghanistan im Krieg versinkt, herrscht in Bamiyan Frieden. Keine Anschläge, keine Überfälle – sogar Ausländer können ohne Sorge über den Basar spazieren. Das Geheimnis von Bamiyan sind seine Menschen. Hier leben fast ausschliesslich Hasara, die drittgrösste Bevölkerungsgruppe Afghanistans. Mit ihren asiatischen Gesichtern unterscheiden sie sich rein äusserlich von ihren Mitbürgern; als Schiiten heben sie sich auch religiös ab. Zudem sind sie als friedfertig und tolerant bekannt.

Verfolgt seit Urzeiten

Diese Sonderrolle hat den Hasara viel Leid gebracht. Solange sie sich erinnern können, wurden sie verfolgt. Von den Königen aus Kabul, von Kommunisten und Warlords. Zuletzt von den Taliban. Die fundamentalistischen Gotteskrieger brachten nicht nur Tausende Hasara um. Sie zerstörten auch den grössten Kulturschatz von Bamiyan: die Felsbuddhas. 1500 Jahre hatten die beiden Steinstatuen überdauert. Selbst als die Menschen in Bamiyan längst zum Islam übergetreten waren, blieben die Kunstwerke unberührt. Doch 2001 erklärte Taliban-Chef Mullah Omar die Kunstwerke für «unislamisch». Die frommen Kämpfer rückten mit Panzern und Sprengladungen an.

«Das war ein ganz trauriger Tag gewesen», erinnert sich Fremdenführer Ali. Wir stehen nun vor den Felsnischen. Das ist alles, was von den Buddhas übrig blieb. Ein müder Wächter hat uns das Tor aufgeschlossen. Wir sind die ersten Besucher des Tages, und wahrscheinlich auch die letzten. Denn der Tourismusindustrie von Bamiyan fehlt bisher vor allem eins: Die Touristen.

Die Provinz selber ist zwar sicher, aber sämtliche Zufahrtsstrassen werden von den Taliban kontrolliert. Eine Fahrt nach Kabul ist lebensgefährlich. Linienflüge gibt es keine, einzig die Uno schickt gelegentlich ein Flugzeug auf die Schotterpiste von Bamiyan. Das Gebiet, umgeben von den Gipfeln des Hindukusch, ist eine Insel, abgeschnitten, fast unerreichbar.

Und ausgerechnet in dieser Abgeschiedenheit, fern von der Welt, hat sich eine kleine afghanischen Revolution ereignet. Eine Geschlechterrevolution. Der Gouverneur von Bamiyan ist eine Gouverneurin. Habiba Sorabi, die einzige Frau im ganzen Land an der Spitze einer Provinz.

Keine Attentate wie anderswo

Vor ihrem Amtssitz geht es fast beschaulich zu. Ein einziger Polizist schiebt Wache. Vis-à-vis haben sich 150 neuseeländische Soldaten eingegraben. Sie sind die örtliche Vertretung der internationalen Streitmacht in Afghanistan; und wohl eine glückliche Truppe. Statt Selbstmordattentaten plagt sie höchstens der staubige Wind, vielleicht gelegentlich ein Durchfall.

«Gott sei Dank ist Sicherheit kein grosses Problem», sagt auch Habiba Sorabi. Nicht mal für die Wahlen von morgen Donnerstag erwartet sie grosse Schwierigkeiten. Die Gouverneurin sitzt auf einem grossen Lederstuhl, das Haar mit einem weissen Tuch bedeckt. Ihre Rolle als fast einzige Frau in der grossen afghanischen Politik? Für sie ist das kein Thema, oder nur ein kleines. «Ich bin zwar eine Frau; aber ich denke wie eine Gouverneurin», sagt sie. Das Amt sei wichtiger als das Geschlecht. Auch wenn es ihr, wie sie einräumt, die Hasara besonders einfach machen. «Unser Volk ist offener», sagt die Gouverneurin. Als sie ihren Job antrat, habe ihr ein Kollege, ein Paschtune, ungläubig gesagt: «Bei uns dürfen die Frauen nicht einmal aus dem Haus. Bei euch machen sie Politik.»

Frauenquote im Parlament

Das ist nun fünf Jahre her. Hat sich die Stellung der Frau seither verbessert? Habiba Sorabi warnt vor übertriebenen Erwartungen. Schritt für Schritt müsse sich etwas tun. Immerhin habe sie mit Gesinnungsgenossinnen auf gesetzlicher Ebene schon einiges durchgedrückt. Die afghanische Verfassung hält nun fest, dass Mann und Frau die gleichen Rechte haben. Auch eine Frauenquote gibt es im Parlament: 26 Prozent der Abgeordneten müssen Frauen sein.

Sonst aber fehlt Sorabi die Zeit, um nationale Frauenpolitik zu machen. «Ich habe genug zu tun mit meiner Provinz.» Bamiyan ist eines der ärmsten Gebiete von Afghanistan. Die Gouverneurin will das ändern – den Tourismus fördern und die Landwirtschaft, auch Eisenerz soll dereinst aus dem Boden geholt werden. Doch für einen nachhaltigen Aufschwung braucht es vor allem Bildung. Und da muss Bamiyan fast bei null anfangen. Mancherorts kann nicht einmal jeder Zehnte lesen.

Besuch im Bergdorf Sari Sadbarg: Eineinhalb Stunden dauert die Fahrt von der Stadt Bamiyan hierher. Über eine rumpelige Piste, vorbei an goldgelben Weizenfeldern, Kartoffelacker, sprudelnden Bächen. Auf einem Plateau ducken sich zwei einfache Gebäude in die Landschaft, daneben stehen mehrere Zelte. Es ist dies die Schule von Sari Sadbarg. Rektor Rajab Ali Navit, 43, ein verstrubbelter Mann mit schiefen Zähnen, führt stolz durch sein Reich. 221 Schüler lernen hier Lesen und Schreiben, Mathe und Physik.

Auch Mädchen in die Schule

Es fehlt allerdings an vielem: Bücher und Hefte sind das eine. Doch nicht einmal Schulräume gibt es genug. Der Unterricht findet deswegen meist in den Zelten statt. Auch einen Tisch hätte Rektor Navit gerne in seinem kleinen Büro. Vorerst schreibt er halt am Boden. Und doch sind die Dörfler glücklich.

Der Ältestenrat habe 2004 beschlossen, dass Sari Sadbarg eine Schule braucht, berichten Rektor Navit. Dann kamen die ausländischen Helfer dazu: Die Aga-Khan-Stiftung, eine internationale NGO, lieferte fachlichen Support. Die schweizerische Direktion für Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit (Deza) spendete eine kleine Summe Geld. Ein Anfang war gemacht. Inzwischen gehen fast alle Kinder von Sari Sadbarg zur Schule, auch die Mädchen. Rektor Navit muss nicht einmal Überzeugungsarbeit leisten. Die Familien verstehen Bildung als Schlüssel zu einer besseren Zukunft, unabhängig vom Geschlecht. Ein Problem gibt es noch mit den Lehrern: Die meisten haben selber kaum mehr als eine Primarschulbildung. Die Aga-Khan-Stiftung führt deswegen Fortbildungskurse durch. Bereits wächst eine neue Generation von Lehrern heran – und Lehrerinnen. Mehrere junge Frauen steigen ins Berufsleben ein.

Ob Frieden, ob Frauen. Bamiyan ist anders. «Es könnte ein Modell sein für das ganze Land», sagt ein Entwicklungshelfer. Er hofft es, vorerst aber nur leise. «Denn rund um Bamiyan ist der Rest von Afghanistan.» Dort, das wissen wir, sind viele Frauen unterdrückt; und die bärtigen Krieger auf dem Vormarsch.

http://www.thurgauerzeitung.ch/ausland/asien-und-ozeanien/Wo-Afghanistan-eine-Traumdestination-ist/story/24310146

Rangin Dadfar Spanta: “Afghanistan is a very young democracy, and that is why the continuation and the support of the process of democratization is crucial”

Presidential elections are due to take place on August 20. In view of the resurgence of the Taliban, will security be adequate?

Rangin Dadfar Spanta: The terror network Al Qaida and its supporters are determined not to accept the elections. However, Afghan security forces and the international community have taken considerable precautions. We are resolved to conduct these elections.

I accept that we must reckon with some security challenges in the south of the country in particular. But these elections are an important milestone in the advancement of Afghanistan’s young democracy, and we will not allow ourselves to be scared off by terrorists.

read the full article at source:

http://www.qantara.de/webcom/show_article.php?wc_c=476&wc_id=1203

Dr. Abdullah Abdullah

Election Update:  There have been more attacks on the Afghan Presidential campaigners.  A campaigner for Dr. Abdullah Abdullah was killed and a campaign center down south in Helmand was blown up.  There are still 19 days left until the Presidential election is held.  It was also shocking to hear about the 200 child suicide bombers discovered in Northwestern Pakistan.  The oldest child was 13 and the youngest was 6 years old!!   Some of the parents allege their kids were brainwashed at the school and now their own children are threatening to kill them.  But even more shocking is that it happened a few days ago and did not make major headlines.  Instead the focus is on the body count in Afghanistan.  This was the deadliest month for our coalition forces since OEF started in 2001.  Sadly we lost 76 coalition troops and 40 of those were my American brothers in arms.

More about the child suicide bombers here:

McClatchy Newspapers: Pakistanis say Taliban trained teens as suicide bombers

The Independent: Taliban running school for suicide bombers

PressTV: 200 child suicide bombers rescued in Pakistan

Pakistan News Net: 200 boys groomed as suicide bombers rescued in Pakistan

MSG Abdullah's garden

This morning I made my daily trip to ANA land and went to see the supply warehouse manager MSG Abdullah.  He is in charge of building the guard shack we funded with special project money.  Apparently he is still waiting on some additional construction materials before starting the project.  After our business was conducted, I asked to see his garden.  It was unbelievable how tall the sweet corn has grown along with his tomato plants and vegetables!  Perhaps he had stumbled on a secret growth formula and failed to mention it.  But as I suspected he was using the nutrients from “night soil” to stimulate the plant’s growth.  He was still willing to entertain the thought of using some of the Miracle Gro plant food I gave him.  My wife sent it to me in a previous care package.
MSG Abdullah does not read English, so I used my interpreter Omid to instruct how much plant food to use.  I even demonstrated by using a few grains and then mixing it into the soil.  I felt my illustration would be sufficient instruction and handed him the bottle.

Trying out the Miracle Gro

He examined the small circular openings in the top of the lid and then proceeded to use it like a salt shaker and peppered the plants with the fertilizer.  Using Omid, I tried to explain if he used too much of the food, the plants could die.  Despite my attempt to explain the proper amount, he ignored me and continued to sprinkle about 4 times too much on each plant.  I did manage to get him to stop and pose for a picture.  I’m thinking about sending it to the Miracle Gro Corporation.  Maybe he will become the next poster child in Afghanistan for Miracle Gro.  I have a feeling when I return tomorrow, the container will be empty and I will have to request more from my wife so he can feed the rose gardens.
I also stopped by the library-tea shop to check on the progress.  The ANA soldiers were still hard at work removing broken concrete from the flooring and deck.  To resolve my curiosity, I used my translator to inquire whether these soldiers were volunteers or were they getting paid for their labor.  Just as I suspected, the SGM was paying them for their hard work.  I gave the contract to my ANA SGM since it’s impossible for us to go into the city and find vendors to coordinate the work.  But I was under the impression a contractor was hired and would be responsible for the construction.  So now the SGM has some explaining to do.  My translator Omid enlightened me about how business is conducted in Afghanistan and then the big proverbial light bulb came on in my head.  Omid knows about business too.  He is attending college classes at night (taught in English) and majoring in business.  Since my degrees are in business, we have some good discussions.

Another camp puppy

After lunch while at the main gate, one of my teammates pointed out another puppy.  This puppy’s features resemble his mother Darkness and are much larger than the other puppy.  She was so playful and rolled over and exposed her belly.  I couldn’t resist taking her picture.  Also, Honey, somehow Pupparoni was mixed in with my beef jerky in the last care package.  I really don’t think it was intended for me.  Hmmm…what should I do with it?  Of course I can’t violate GO-1B directly.  But should an Afghan feed her, I think this is permissible.

 افغانستان ميں اس وقت صدارتی انتخابات کے لئے کمپاين زور و شور سے جاری ھے جس ميں کچھہ عالمی ذرائع ابلاغ، مقامی اندازوں اور “زمينی حقائق” کے مطابق موجودہ صدر حامد کرزئي کا پلھڑا بھاری ھے اور اس کی ايک بڑی وجھ تو يھ ھے کھ ھمارے ہاں ہميشھ سے برسر اقتدار لوگوں کا پلھڑا بھاری بلکھ بھاری بھرکم رھا ھے۔

 نيويارک ٹائمز کے حال ہی ميں شائع ہونيوالی ايک رپورٹ کے مطابق اب امريکی حکام اور افغان عوام دونوں يھ نھيں چاھتے کھ جناب حامد کرزئی مزيد اس ملک کے صدر رھے، اور شايد يھی وجھ ھو کھ انھوں نے سب سے پھلا کام پرانے جھادی کمانڈروں اور بااثر سياسی، مذھبی اور قبائلی شخصيات کو کسی نھ کسی حربے سے اپنے حوارين ميں شامل کرنے کا کيا۔

 پشتو ويب سائٹس پر کچھہ ايسی رپورٹس بھی شائع ھوئی ھيں کھ جناب صدر صاحب نے مختلف کمانڈروں اور بااثر شخصيات سے وعدے کئے ھيں کھ ان کی وفاداری کے بدلے ميں اليکشن جيتنے کے بعد ان کو نھ صرف وزارتيں اور اعلی عھدے دئیے جائيں گے بلکھ ان کے زير اثر علاقوں کے کئ ضلعوں کو صوبوں کا درجھ بھی دياجائے گا۔

 اس چھوٹے سے ملک ميں جھاں حکومت پاکستان اور ايران سے آنے والے مھاجرين کے لئے سرپناہ کا انتظام نہيں کرسکتی ھر حکمران آتے ھی کوئی دوسرا کام کرسکتا ھے يا نھيں کسی کو خوش کرنے کے لئے ايک ضلع کو تو صوبھ بناديتا ھے۔ اور کرزئی صاحب کے زمانے ميں تو اتنے ضلعے صوبے ہوئے کھ ايک بار ننگرھار کے ايک آدمی نے مطالبھ کيا کھ اس کے علاقے کے پھاڑ کو بھی صوبے کا درجھ ديا جائے۔

 مقصد يھ ھوا کھ اگر پشتو ويب سائٹس کی مذکورہ رپورٹس درست ثابت ہوئيں اور ھمارے موجودہ صدر صاحب بھی دوبارہ کرسی صدارت پر براجمان ہونے ميں کامياب ہوگئے تو اس ملک کو اور کوئی چيز ملی يا نھيں صوبوں کی تعداد تو خير سے چاليس يا اس سے بھی اوپر ہوجائيگی۔

 اور يھی وہ “زمينی حقائق” ہيں جس کا شايد لوگوں کو اندازہ ہوا ہے اس لئے وہ چاہتے ہيں کھ ملک ميں ايک مثبت تبديلی آئے۔ اگر يھ بات سو فيصد يقينی ہوتی کھ انتخابات صاف و شفاف ہوں گے تو پھر تبديلی آنے ميں کسی شک کی گنجائش بالکل نھيں تھی کيونکھ تبديلی کے خواھشمند صرف امريکی نھيں بلکھ ہمارے لوگ بھی ہيں۔ بلکھ سچ تو يھ ہے کھ ہمارے لوگوں کے دل تو کسی پارسا ليڈر سے بھی چند ہی سالوں ميں اکتا جاتے ہيں۔

 مگر لوگوں کو شايد معلوم ہوچکا ہے، اور ميڈيا کے اس تيزرفتار دور ميں معلوم ہونا بھی چاھئيے، کھ موجودہ صورتحال ميں صاف و شفاف انتخابات کا انعقاد ايک بے بنياد نعرے اور خيالی خواب سے کم نھيں ہے ھر چند کھ يورپی مبصرين کی تعداد کافی زيادہ ہوگی۔ يھ اس لئے کھ انتخابی گھپلے صوبوں ميں ہوں گے جہاں يورپی مبصرين کے لئے اپنے دفتروں سے نکلنا، پولنگ سٹيشنوں ميں جانا اور نگرانی کرنا مشکل تو کيا ناممکن ہوگا۔ صوبوں ميں بادشاھی صرف صوبائی گورنروں کی ہے اور بھت لوگوں نے پھلی ہی ان پر جانبداری کا الزام لگايا ہے۔ اس تصوير ميں پوليس کی گاڑی کو انتخابی کمپاين کے لئے استعمال کرتے ہوئے ديکھا جاسکتا ہے۔

 انتخابی گھپلوں سے قطع نظر، ووٹروں کی مايوسی کی ايک بڑی وجھ يھ بھی ہے کھ ميدان ميں صدر حامد کرزئی کے مدمقابل ديگر اميدواروں ميں کوئی بھی ايسا نھيں ہے جس سے بڑی اميديں وابستھ کی جائے يا جس سے يھ توقع رکھی جائے کھ وہ اليکشن جيت ليں گے اور کوئی تبديلی لانے ميں کامياب ہوجائيں گے۔

 بھرحال، اب تو ايک مھينہ بعد [٢٠ اگست] يھ انتخابات ہونے والے ہيں اور مکمل تيارياں ہوچکی ہيں۔ يھ اگست کے بعد ہی معلوم ہوگا کھ ہم ايک جمھوری حکومت لانے ميں کامياب ہوتے ہيں يا ايک اور احمدی نجاد کا سامنا کرنے جارہے ہيں۔