By Margie Duran Floresco, contributor

Manila, Philippines-Leftwing militants belonging to the fisherfolk alliance Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) on Sunday said the statement of Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) secretary Joselito Atienza that local government unit of Mindoro has the last say on the controversial nickel project on the island was misleading and extremely absurd.

“That’s not true, that’s not true. The mining project in Mindoro Island is a national flagship project and therefore, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has the last and final say on whether this nickel extraction escapade in the island should proceed or not,” said Pamalakaya national chair Fernando Hicap in a press statement.

Hicap said local government officials can voice their opposition to Intex Resources nickel exploration, but it is still President Arroyo who will decide whether to allow or disallow the Norwegian mining giant to push through with its’ project.

“The nickel project has the seal of approval of Malacanang and was billed as one of the flagship projects of the Macapagal-Arroyo administration. If Atienza wants to kill the project he should have revoked the environmental compliance certificate (ECC) issued on Oct.14 by his office and tell Mrs. Arroyo to stop this corporate madness for the sake of the environment and collective interest of the people,” the Pamalakaya leader added.

Atienza said the ECC granted to Intex Resources was just one of the requirements for the nickel mining project to commence and it us up to the local government if they allow the project to proceed. The environment secretary explained that could not arbitrarily cancel the ECC given to Intex because there are laws to follow, stressing that the cancellation of ECC will send wrong a signal to foreign investors.

But Atienza said that if the project is proven to cover a watershed area, as claimed by those who opposed to the project, then the ECC would be automatically moot in accordance with the law.

But Pamalakaya’s Hicap rebuked Atienza, and charged the environment secretary of gambling people’s lives and environment in the name of the government’s obsession for mining investments and fat commissions.

“How come the ECC of Intex Resources was approved by DENR? How come the people were not consulted? Mr. Atienza is not an expert on environmental concern as far as the Filipino public is concerned. He is just a limelight getter or an attention getter from boxing champ Manny Pacquiao,” Hicap added.

Meanwhile, Pamalakaya appealed to the Norwegian government to compel Intex Resources to pullout its mining investment in Mindoro, citing the disastrous impact of the project, which will initially displace around 20,000 residents, mostly members of the Mangyan tribe.

“The Norwegian government should convince Intex Resources to drop its mining investment in Mindoro like a hot potato. This project will put the European state in a very, very bad position and standing in the international community. While we recognize and pay high respect to the efforts of the Norwegian government as third party facilitator to the peace talks between the Manila government and the communist led National Democratic Front of the Philippines, we do not subscribe to this kind of destructive escapade,” the group said.

The militant group commended Mindoro Oriental Gov. Arman Panaligan and Vice-Governor Estela Aceron for sticking to their position against the nickel mining project in the island. But Pamalakaya advised the two top local government officials of the island province to bring the battle of the island people against the mining project to Malacanang Palace.

“The fight against the mining project should not stop at Secretary Atienza. The next and the penultimate battle should reach Malacanang and President Arroyo, since the Chief Executive and her policy on liberalized and all-out mining should be blamed for the current woes suffered by the people of Mindoro,” added Pamalakaya. #

By Gerry Albert Corpuz, senior reporter, The Pamalakaya Times
and Akihira Tatchu, contributor

Manila, Philippines-Two of the groups supporting the land claim of Hacienda Luisita farmworkers over the 6,453-hectare sugar estate in Tarlac on Monday said they were puzzled with the seemingly deafening silence of the influential Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) over the long running dispute inside the hacienda that led to massacre of 7 striking workers, injured 200 others and paved way for the arrest of 120 farmworkers and supporters on Nov.16, 2004.

“We ask the 117 archbishops and bishops of the influential Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines to break their silence and issue a pastoral statement condemning the new machinations of the Cojuangco family to evict farmworkers and deny their legitimate collective land claim over Hacienda Luisita,” the fisherfolk alliance Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) and the party list group Anakpawis said in a joint statement.

Pamalakaya national chair Fernando Hicap and Anakpawis secretary general Cherry Clemente said while they join the CBCP’s all-out support to farmers affected by aerial spraying in Mindanao and the church support to the struggle of farmers and indigenous people against the Laiban Dam, the prelate, they said, should also back the struggling farm workers of Hacienda Luisita currently facing a new round of eviction from the sugar estate management.

Hicap and Clemente said the CBCP should also issue a statement upholding the rights of the farmworkers over the Cojuangco lands, which they said were acquired through deceptive, manipulative and coercive means.

“We are not asking for CBCP’s divine intervention. But we believe their moral involvement and their Gospel are politically and morally required to rally the Filipino public against the cruel intention and sinister agenda of the Cojuangcos,” they said.

The two leaders informed the CBCP on ongoing deployment of government troops inside Hacienda Luisita.

Pamalakaya and Anakpawis said Liberal Party 2010 presidential candidate Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III’s hostile and incorrigible attitude on the land reform dispute is pushing farmers to reject his presidential bid next year.

The groups warned Noynoy of a massive peasant and rural people’s rejection of his presidential ambition next year if continues his arrogant and hostile attitude in dealing with legitimate demand of Hacienda Luisita farm workers to acquire the sprawling 6,454 hectare through urgent and free distribution.

“This presidential wannabe has resorted to traditional, shameless and Jurassic red baiting in order to evade an issue that needs politically correct, decent, lawful and moral response and this guy speak the same language of political terror spoken by his would be predecessors in case he wins the highest elective post in 2010. If he will insist on this kind of game plan, then he better forget his presidential ambition because rejection becomes him in 2010,” the groups added.

“Imagine, 7 farmworkers died on the spot, more than 200 strikers were injured and 120 of their co-farmworkers and their supporters were arrested during the Nov.16, 2004 violent dispersal of strikers. And Noynoy dismissed it as Leftist black propaganda. This is really mind-boggling, ridiculous and super incorrigible,” they said.

Pamalakaya lamented that while the LP presidential candidate was trying to pass himself off as champion of the Filipino people or a modern day messiah clad in yellow or in black shirt bearing the Philippine map, the hostile attitude displayed by the 49-year old politician against the legitimate demands for land and justice of Hacienda Luisita workers showcased what kind of a presidency Noynoy has to offer to 92 million Filipinos.

“How can he face and decently lead this nation of 92 million people if he cannot even face and contact eye-to-eye the 30,000 farmworkers and regular voters inside Hacienda Luisita? Give us a break,” added Pamalakaya.

Pamalakaya and Anakpawis are two of the groups which participated in the 109- vehicle caravan to Hacienda Luisita last week in support to farmworkers demand for the immediate and free distribution of the sugar estate to Luisita tillers.

Clemente of Anakpawis said the scheduled caravan is jointly organized by Kilusang Mayo Uno, Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan), Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) and Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) will also demand the immediate scrapping of Stock Distribution Option (SDO), the repeal of the recently passed Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension with Reform (Carper of RA 9700) and the passage of House Bill No. 3059 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB).

The 87-vehicle caravan will also demand the prosecution of government and military officials implicated in the Hacienda Luisita massacre. A case had been filed before the Office of the Ombudsman, but the latter dismissed the case against civilian officials, while criminal charges are still pending before the Ombudsman’s national office in Quezon City.

Clemente said international labor groups allied with KMU will also conduct simultaneous rallies in Japan, US, Europe, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand in support of the Hacienda Luisita farmworkers. Also on the same day, regional chapters of KMP will also stage mass actions to demand the immediate and free distribution of the Cojuangco estate to hacienda farm workers.

“This is going to be a history in the making for Hacienda Luisita farmworkers. On Nov.16 a strong political statement will be delivered at the gates of the hacienda where the massacre took place five years ago,” she added.

On December 18, 2008, the Hacienda Luisita Management signed by Hernan M. Gregorio, Jr. — assistant Estate Manager of HLI imposed a deadline to farm workers that they only have up to October 30, 2009 to harvest and finish all land cultivation activities inside the hacienda. The deadline lapsed and another memorandum calling all farmworkers to register was issued and hacienda workers were given until Nov.15 to enlist in the new registration being called by the management.

Meanwhile, lawyers of striking farmworkers cited legal courses of actions which they could avail to stop the management from issuing memorandum to farm workers. Legal counsel Atty. Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, executive director of Sentro Para Sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra) and campaign officer of National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers said they will file petition for indirect contempt against the members of the Board of HLI before the Supreme Court in violation of the temporary restraining order (TRO) issued by the high tribunal against the revocation of Stock Distribution Option (SDO).

However, Atty. Pahilga said they will also file a motion with the Supreme Court for speedy resolution of the case and to recall the TRO, so that the decision of the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC) which revoked the SDO and called for the immediate distribution of Hacienda Luisita lands to farmworker beneficiaries.

The counsel for Hacienda Luisita workers will also file of a motion with the Office of the Ombudsman to resolve the multiple murders, multiple frustrated murders and multiple attempted murders filed against the military and civilian involved in the infamous Hacienda Luisita Massacre. #

by Via Cheri de Venezia, The Pamalakaya Times Europe Bureau Chief

Rome, Italy (via PLDT)-Representatives of militant groups attending the People’s Forum on Food Sovereignty in Rome from November 13-17, a parallel forum to the United Nations Food and Agriculture (UN-FAO) World Summit on Food Security on Nov.16-18 today said Liberal Party vice’presidential candidate Mar Roxas should not to be ” too Liberal” to his running mate presidential candidate Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III regarding the controversial agrarian reform dispute in Hacienda Luisita.

In a press statement e-mailed from Rome, Gerry Albert Corpuz, information officer of the left-leaning fisherfolk alliance Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) advised Roxas to stop acting like a second-rate spokesperson of Hacienda Luisita management.

Corpuz reacted to the statement of Roxas defending his running mate from criticisms ranged against Aquino by militant groups and Hacienda Luisita farmworkers on the way the Liberal Party presidential candidate handled the land reform dispute in the sprawling 6,453-hectare sugar plantation.

Roxas in a press conference after the LP national convention in Quezon City said a big number of hacienda farmworkers are willing to enlist or register in the registration campaign of farmer beneficiaries initiated by the Hacienda Luisita management, and that only a noisy few are opposed to the enlistment.

“Who is Mar Roxas to state that? He is not from Hacienda Luisita and definitely he is the right person to talk in behalf of the striking farmworkers. He is the son of all-time despotic landlords in the country,” Corpuz asserted.

“Mar should be extra careful in issuing statements. He knows the legitimacy of the farmworkers struggle in Hacienda Luisita, but this vice-presidential wannable opts to stay with Aquino. Excuse me, Aquino is not a saint, but an ambitious politician who carries the interest and mindset of despotic landlord and feudal aristocracy,” the Pamalakaya information officer added.

Pamalakaya along with representatives of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) and Amihan peasant women federation yesterday launched a signature drive urging the Philippine government and the family of the late former President Corazon Cojuangco Aquino to immediately distribute for free, the 6,453 hectare sugar plantation in Hacienda Luisita to agricultural workers and other farmer beneficiaries.

The delegation of Corpuz,Antonio Flores of KMP, Edna Velarde, coordinator of UMA and Lennie Robinios, staff of Amihan peasant women federation said initially gathered some 52 signatures from the 400 foreign participants to the twin conference on food sovereignty in support to the striking farmworkers in Hacienda Luisita.

“The international community is very vigilant. They are eager to know what is going on in Hacienda Luisita five years after the massacre,” Corpuz added.

According to Corpuz, the signatures endorsing the urgent and free distribution of Hacienda Luisita were from Italy, India, Kenya, Madagascar, Palestine, Canada, Kenya, Sri Lanka, South Africa, Malaysia, Malawi, Zimbabwe,Spain, Hong Kong, United Kingdom, Cameron,Martinique, Cuba,Thailand, South Korea,Bangladesh,Nepal, Peru and the Philippines.

The Pamalakaya official said UMANGAT-Italy, the Italy chapter of Migrante-International will also support the signature campaign and will conduct their own signature campaign in Rome urging President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III to give in to the demand of Hacienda Luisita farmworkers.

Last sunday, a forum of Filipino community groups in Rome attended by 60 working migrants in Rome was held in Euclide were Flores of KMP and Arron Ceradoy of Asia-Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM) updated the Filipino community on the status of the current battle of Hacienda Luisita workers as far as the collective claim to the Cojuangco sugar estate is concerned.

L for Luisita: It's not a burden, it's a test of leadership

The crucial test of leadership for Noynoy Aquino is to take the lead in resolving the Hacienda Luisita issue once and for all.

Noynoy is an Aquino by name but more importantly, he is a Cojuangco by blood. No matter how small his stakes may be, he is still a stockholder of the 6,300 hectare sugar estate in Luisita, Tarlac. Inevitably, the Hacienda Luisita issue is pinned on him in his presidential candidacy.

At first glance, the issue may be a burden to his campaign but an efficient leader can transform this bane to a bastion of victory, not just in agrarian reform, but in asserting that he is a leader, a true leader, that empathizes with the plight of his constituents and fuels inspiration to a race that has long submerged itself to the pool of despair and resignation.

If he delivers well in leading the initiative, he will also unleash a spate of arrows clad with fire to his detractors who claim that he was just a sitting lawmaker in the lower House and an unproductive legislator in the Senate. Yes, it’s true, the public remembers him not for his legislative accomplishments but because he carries the name of a martyred hero revered by those who struggle for freedom to attain it. He is known as a “Benigno Aquino”, a name rich in history; a name that has been etched since his grandfather served as assemblyman during the Commonwealth years.

The Hacienda is his test of leadership and of political will. If he delivers, I say that he will finally emerge from the shadows of her well-loved parents. Cory, herself, failed to resolve the issue during her term and that’s one of the many flaws of her administration that the son could vindicate.

This would also create a new face to the “Benigno Aquino” name: that of a champion for agrarian reform and rights of the farmers, the nation’s backbone.

The Hacienda Luisita issue can have its closure in a simple but not too easy way. The hacienderos, that’s the Cojuangcos, should give up their control over the land and give it to the farmers who till it, who really deserves it. To do this, he needs leadership. To accomplish this, he needs a strong political will.

He must adopt to the notion that farmers must till their own lands and its produce is for themselves to earn. That’s what Hacienda Luisita should be and all the other haciendas in the country.

What Noynoy Aquino should do is to lead the change of control in the estate.

If he is able to do this, he will not just win the presidency, he will also have his name written in history, and on the good side of it.

]]> http://thesocialcommentator.wordpress.com/2009/11/17/landed-gentry-a-history-of-hacienda-luisita/ Tue, 17 Nov 2009 09:50:22 +0000 thesocialcommentator http://thesocialcommentator.wordpress.com/2009/11/17/landed-gentry-a-history-of-hacienda-luisita/

Straddling the municipalities of Concepcion and La Paz and the city of Tarlac, Hacienda Luisita is the sixth largest contiguous piece of land owned by a single family in the Philippines. At 6,000 hectares, Luisita can fit 1,000 SM Megamall complexes or 25 Bonifacio Global Cities. There is also a mall and an IT Park within the hacienda. Hacienda Luisita even has its own exit along the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway.

Hacienda Luisita was named after Luisa Bru Lassús, wife of Antonio López y López, Primer Marqués de Comillas (First Marquis of Comillas) and founder of the Spanish company Compañia General de Tabacos de Filipinas, SA, also known as Tabacalera, in the late 19th century. From the name of the company itself, one can tell that the Tabacalera is into the tobacco trade. But their cigar-manufacturing business was threatened by the abolition of the tobacco monopoly in 1881, forcing the company to look for alternative revenue-generating businesses. When the representative of the administrative council of the Tabacalera, Lope Gisbert, learned that the railroad will be extended from Manila to Dagupan, he recommended the acquisition of some 12,000 hectares of land surrounding the railroad. The acquisition of the land was made in 1907 and the sugar mill – Central Azucarera de Tarlac – was erected 20 years later in 1927.

The Cojuangco family’s involvement in the Hacienda Luisita started very recently in 1957 when President Ramon Magsaysay advised the late Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino, Jr. then mayor of Concepcion, Tarlas, to convince his father-in-law, Jose “Pepe” Cojuangco Sr., to acquire Hacienda Luisita and Central Azucarera de Tarlac from Tabacalera. This, according to Magsaysay, will prevent the sugar mill and plantation from falling into the hands of the Lopezes, who were the then President’s political rivals. Pepe Cojuangco, whose daughter Corazon “Cory” Cojuangco was married to Ninoy Aquino, acquired the sugar mill and the sugar plantation.

Of course, the Cojuangcos were not exactly cash-rich at the time. The Azucarera and the Hacienda were acquired from Tabacalera using debt financing from Manufacturers Trust in New York in a highly-leveraged transaction (more debt than owner’s equity). Later that year in August, the Monetary Board of the Central Bank of the Philippines agreed to extend another loan to the Cojuangco family to pay off the original loan with Manufacturers Trust. The loan was conditioned upon the distribution of the hacienda to small farmers in view of the then government’s social justice program.

A couple of months later in November, the Government Service Insurance System extended an operational loan of P5.9 million to the Cojuangcos. The loan was again approved partly because a letter of the Cojuangcos to the GSIS indicated that the acquisition of Hacienda Luisita by the Cojuangco family will pave the way to the sale of portions of Luisita to small farmers.

Twenty years later and five years after the declaration of martial law, in 1977, the Marcos government looked into progress made in the distribution of land in the Hacienda. Jose Sr. died the year before and his widow, Demetria Sumulong Cojuangco, decried as “unwarranted” government’s assertion that they should be made accountable for “the fulfillment of a condition that cannot be enforced” and claimed that the Hacienda had no farmer-tenants. She also denied that small farmers were ever mentioned in the Central Bank resolution extending the loan to their family.

In the beginning of the 1980s, the Marcos government filed Civil Case No. 13164 before the Manila Regional Trial Court against Jose Cojuangco, Sr. and his heirs for failing to adhere to the land distribution provision of the Central Bank and GSIS loans extended 22 years ago. Five years later, the Manila RTC orders the Cojuangco family to transfer control of Hacienda Luisita to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform for distribution. The Cojuangco family made an appeal on the decision and brings the case up to the Court of Appeals.

One year later, Ma. Corazon “Cory” Cojuangco Aquino, one of the six Cojuangco heirs and wife of the slain Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr., was brought to power by the 1986 EDSA “People Power” Revolution, a popular revolt and bloodless coup which was triggered by the alleged rigging of the results of the 1986 Snap Presidential Elections which pitted Aquino as the candidate of the United Opposition against the dictator.

In 1987, Mrs. Aquino issues Proclamation 131 and Executive Order No. 229 which puts lands planted to sugar under the scope of agrarian reform. The following year, the solicitor general, the governor of the Central Bank and the Department of Agrarian Reform filed a motion to dismiss Civil Case No. 13164 on the ground of the inclusion of Hacienda Luisita in the agrarian reform program. The Court of Appeals approved the motion two months later in May 1988 and dismisses the civil case against the Cojuangco family.

On June 10, 1988, Mrs. Aquino signed into law RA 6657 or the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of the Philippines, grounded on land-to-the-tiller principle and encompassing lands planted to rice, corn and sugar. The law provided for a stock transfer/stock distribution option (STO/SDO) as an alternative to actual land distribution. Critics of the law say that a powerful lobby by the landed gentry, who were either in Congress or had representatives on their informal payroll, allowed the insertion of the STO/SDO option in order for them to retain control of their landholdings. Another much-criticized provision of the law is the mechanism for land reclassification. Both figured prominently in Hacienda Luisita’s case.

In compliance with the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law through the stock distribution option, Tarlac Development Corporation (TADECO), the entity through which the Cojuangco family owns the Central Azucarera de Tarlac and Hacienda Luisita, creates a spin-off company named Hacienda Luisita, Incorporated (HCI). HCI would own the land and distribute over time 33% of its shares to the farmer-workers while the Cojuangco family retain majority control with 67% of the shares of HLI.

The Cojuangco family, the Secretary of Agrarian Reform, Philip Juico, the governor of Tarlac, and the mayors of Tarlac City, Concepcion, and La Paz presents the stock distribution option to the farmers on May 9, 1988. In the referendum that followed, 92.6% of the farmers present voted in favor of the SDO option. At the same time, TADECO, HLI and DAR sign a memorandum of agreement on the SDO.

Two days later in a referendum, the farmers, HLI and TADECO sign agreement to distribute ownership of 4,915 hectares of agricultural land in Hacienda Luisita through the stock distribution option. The agreement would be reaffirmed later on by another referendum supervised by then newly-installed Agrarian Reform Secretary Miriam Defensor-Santiago, with 96% of the roughly 6,000 farmer-beneficiaries giving an affirmative vote.

In 1995, 6 years after the SDO agreement was signed and 3 years after Corazon Aquino stepped down from the presidency, HLI, applied for the rezoning of 3,290 hectares of Hacienda Luisita land from agricultural to commercial, industrial and residential purposes. The measure was approved by the Provincial Board of Tarlac on September 1. Margarita “Tingting” Cojuangco, wife of Jose “Peping” Cojuangco, Jr., was then the governor of the province of Tarlac. The following year, DAR approved conversion of 500 hectares of the 3,290 rezoned land on the condition that it would not affect the benefits of the farmers and that the farmers will receive 33% of the gross proceeds from any sale.

In 2003, or seven years after the conversion of the land from agricultural to non-agricultural use, farmers refused to participation in the election of their representatives to the Hacienda Luisita, Inc. board. As owners of a 33% stake, Luisita farmers are entitled to four board seats. Their reason for the boycott was two-fold: first, their vote is overpowered by the family’s block, which has seven board members; secondly, their representatives are either swayed, influenced or coerced to side with family members. Shortly thereafter, Luisita supervisors filed a petition to revoke the SDO agreement before the DAR, citing its unconstitutionality and the HLI’s failure to comply with the provisions of the agreement that should benefit the farmers, which included annual dividends from earnings, 1% of gross sales of the Hacienda, and 33% of gross proceeds from the sale of converted agricultural land. The farmers also filed a supplemental petition for revocation with the same agency, citing similar reasons.

November 16, 2004 marks the darkest day in Hacienda Luisita’s history when soldiers from the Northern Luzon Command (Nolcom) and officers from the Philippine National Police, deputized by the Department of Labor and Employment who was then facilitating the negotiations between the company and the unions, violently dispersed the strikers, killing seven on the spot and injuring nearly a hundred others. A detailed time line of the days leading up and following the Luisita massacre can be found in Bulatlat.com.

A week later, the Department of Agrarian Reform convenes Task Force Luisita for the first time, created to discuss the petitions of the supervisors and farmers of Hacienda Luisita. The committee on agrarian reform of the house of the representatives concurrently held hearings on the violent dispersal of the strike and also touch upon the issues raised by the petitioners. Focus-group discussions were also held throughout the first half of the following year among the farmers, discussing their understanding of the stock distribution agreement, their benefits, other provisions and their recommendations.

In June 2005, Hacienda Luisita informs DAR on the completion of the distribution of the 118 million stocks due the farmers, 14 years earlier than scheduled. The stock distribution was supposed to happen over a 30-year period beginning 1989 and ending 2019. Task Force Luisita finalizes its report the following month.

In September 2005, the DAR special legal team handling the two petitions from HLI supervisors and the farmer-beneficiaries, taking into account the conclusion and recommendations of the Task Force Luisita report, recommended the revocation of the stock distribution agreement.

Sources:
Hacienda Luisita Timeline – Inquirer.net
History – Central Azucarera de Tarlac website
Hacienda Luisita Massacre Timeline – Bulatlat.com

Included in the webpage are photos of the Luisita martyrs, video clips from the footage of the massacre and zip files of the video documentary “Aklasan.”

Jess Santiago’s song, Pitong Libong Pulo, kept playing in my mind today.

I especially like the refrain, which is an anthem of hope: At mula sa guho tayo ay babangon / Pag-asa’y bulaklak na muling sisibol / Sa kinalugmukan ating ititindig / Ang bansa ng ating mga panaginip.

Early this morning, I silently hummed the song as I commented on the concept note drafted by Pancho Lara for a conference on November 19, on “Asset Reform, Environmental Change, and Conflict.” During our brainstorm a few days back, I suggested as conference subtitle: “Rebuilding our communities. Rebuilding our nation.”

After the devastating floods that hit MetroManila and neighboring provinces, followed by fatal landslides in Northern Luzon, the Philippine discourse on climate change has intensified, feeding into and feeding from the process leading to Copenhagen in December.

Climate change is a crucial factor, but not the only factor. There are previous persistent problems, like deforestation, siltation of waterways, market-driven urban development that has not included disaster risk reduction and ecological considerations. The conference we are preparing focuses on the link between environment, asset reform (and social justice), and asks ourselves how we can retool our approaches in community organizing and development advocacy.

Before noon, I went to the Oxfam office to attend the meeting of “RCube” an ad hoc group that seeks to influence the direction of the government-led reconstruction efforts. We hope that the realizations forced upon those in power will make them consider other ways to reconstruct our settlements, and make them open to ideas and good practices presented by communities in partnership with LGUs, urban planners, community organizers, and ecological advocates.

During our recent FPE board meeting, when we got updates about government moves to address climate change, someone asked: “Why only now? Climate change has been talked about for a decade?” The answer was straightforward. “Because MetroManila and the middle class (even some of the elite) have been hit, dramatically, by its consequences.”

The November 19 conference is being organized mainly by those of us who come from the social justice tradition. We want to be interrogated by the discourse on climate change and environmental change. We also examine two predicted threats to asset reform: “1) Anti-poverty gains from asset redistribution will be threatened by climate change and its severe effects on the environment, and the onset of violence and conflict arising from these changes. 2) The demand for increased public investments in asset reform will be threatened by the new priorities towards disaster awareness, prevention, and response, and climate change mitigation and adaptation of subnational, national, and regional states and the international donor community.”

The emphasis on climate change can have positive or negative outcomes. “On the positive side it reinforces the need for partnerships between State and civil society at various levels to address a brewing crisis that hardly differentiates between age, gender, class, and ethnicity. On the negative side it can be skewed in favor of actions that protect the “included”, rather than the “excluded”.  It may dampen, under-capitalize, or even thwart investments that strengthen the endowments and entitlements of the poor (asset reform), which remains a fundamental building block of anti-poverty efforts and the bulwark of democratic governance.”

The language can be a bit turgid. Those of us in popular education and grassroots leadership formation need to do a lot of work to make the issues more accessible.

The conference asks us to look beyond the imagery of tragedy and hopelessness, and see local communities as rallying points for survival and renewal. It is a call to work together around the task of rebuilding our communities and rebuilding our nation. “The expected outcome is an exploration of new strategies and partnerships between community, State, and a global civil society that is fair to all, and secures people’s lives and livelihoods over the long term, in the midst of the new global challenges confronting citizens and their communities.”

Jess Santiago’s song delivers the message is a more stirring way: 

Pitong libong pulo, tayo’y watak watak / Kanya-kanyang kilos, kanya-kanyang kumpas / Iba’t-ibang daan ating binabagtas / Hindi matagpuan landas sa pagunlad

Pitong libong isla, ating pag-isahin / Sa iisang mithi / Pitong libong pulo, matatag at buo /  Hindi mahahati / Sambayanang bigkis ng isang lunggati / Payapa’t malayang kayumangging lahi

 At mula sa guho tayo ay babangon / Pag-asa’y bulaklak na muling sisibol / Sa kinalugmukan ating ititindig / Ang bansa ng ating mga panaginip

 Ano mang sakuna sa ati’y dumating /  Ano mang mawasak ating bubuuin / Gaano mang bigat ang ating pasanin / magbabayanihan at babalikatin

 At mula sa guho tayo ay babangon /  Pag-asa’y bulaklak na muling sisibol / Sa kinalugmukan ating ititindig / Ang bansa ng ating mga panaginip

Jesus in yellow
By Patricia Evangelista
Philippine Daily Inquirer

THE GRASS IS YELLOW OUTSIDE THE GATES OF HACIENDA Luisita. Jesus walked here once.

His father watched him die, almost five years to this day. Nov. 16 was when close to 15,000 tenants gathered to protest their treatment under the Cojuanco-owned Hacienda Luisita. Dispersal units charged with a thousand soldiers in full battle gear. The Northern Command numbered over five hundred. Stones and shouts, water cannons, tanks that barreled into gates. It was three in the afternoon. The sun burned yellow. The father heard it first: rifle cracks, a barrage of bullets punching through bodies. Jesus died that day, one of seven reported union deaths. They tell me there are more whose names were never reported.

They called it a massacre. Sen. Benigno Aquino III called it propaganda.

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By TC Concepcion and Sugar Hicap

Manila, Philippines-Two of the groups supporting the land claim of Hacienda Luisita farmworkers over the 6,453-hectare sugar estate in Tarlac on Tuesday said Liberal Party 2010 presidential candidate Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III’s hostile and incorrigible attitude on the land reform dispute is pushing farmers to reject his presidential bid next year/

In a joint press statement, the left-leaning fisherfolk alliance Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) and the militant Anakpawis party list warned Noynoy of a massive peasant and rural people’s rejection of his presidential ambition next year if continues his arrogant and hostile attitude in dealing with legitimate demand of Hacienda Luisita farm workers to acquire the sprawling 6,454 hectare through urgent and free distribution.

Pamalakaya national chair Fernando Hicap and Anakpawis secretary general Cherry Clemente accused the LP standard bearer of turning the Hacienda Luisita row into a political circus, evading farmers’ call and resorting to political attacks and red bashing of Luisita workers unions and associations and their supporters.

“This presidential wannabe has resorted to traditional, shameless and Jurassic red baiting in order to evade an issue that needs politically correct, decent, lawful and moral response and this guy speak the same language of political terror spoken by his would be predecessors in case he wins the highest elective post in 2010. If he will insist on this kind of game plan, then he better forget his presidential ambition because rejection becomes him in 2010,” Hicap and Clemente issued the statement at before the meeting of the 60-member national council meeting of the activist party list group.

“Imagine, 7 farmworkers died on the spot, more than 200 strikers were injured and 120 of their co-farmworkers and their supporters were arrested during the Nov.16, 2004 violent dispersal of strikers. And Noynoy dismissed it as Leftist black propaganda. This is really mind-boggling, ridiculous and super incorrigible,”according to Pamalakaya’s Hicap.

The Pamalakaya official lamented that while the LP presidential candidate was trying to pass himself off as champion of the Filipino people or a modern day messiah clad in yellow or in black shirt bearing the Philippine map, the hostile attitude displayed by the 49-year old politician against the legitimate demands for land and justice of Hacienda Luisita workers showcased what kind of a presidency Noynoy has to offer to 92 million Filipinos.

“How can he face and decently lead this nation of 92 million people if he cannot even face and contact eye-to-eye the 30,000 farmworkers and regular voters inside Hacienda Luisita? Give us a break,” added Hicap.

Pamalakaya said in Hacienda Luisita, where there are 30,000 registered voters encompassing 10 big barangays, Sen. Noynoy will be lucky enough to get at least 10 percent of the votes come the May 2010 presidential election.

In fact, Hacienda Luisita farmworkers are threatening to campaign a zero vote for Noynoy if he will not do his job to resolve the agrarian dispute in favor of the land tillers”, the group said.

Pamalakaya and Anakpawis are two of the groups who will participate in the 87 vehicle caravan on Nov.16 to Hacienda Luisita from the National Capital Region to Tarlac in support to farmworkers demand for the immediate and free distribution of the sugar estate to Luisita tillers.

Clemente of Anakpawis said the scheduled caravan is jointly organized by Kilusang Mayo Uno, Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan), Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) and Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) will also demand the immediate scrapping of Stock Distribution Option (SDO), the repeal of the recently passed Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension with Reform (Carper of RA 9700) and the passage of House Bill No. 3059 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB).

The 87-vehicle caravan will also demand the prosecution of government and military officials implicated in the Hacienda Luisita massacre. A case had been filed before the Office of the Ombudsman, but the latter dismissed the case against civilian officials, while criminal charges are still pending before the Ombudsman’s national office in Quezon City.

Clemente said international labor groups allied with KMU will also conduct simultaneous rallies in Japan, US, Europe, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand in support of the Hacienda Luisita farmworkers. Also on the same day, regional chapters of KMP will also stage mass actions to demand the immediate and free distribution of the Cojuangco estate to hacienda farm workers.

“This is going to be a history in the making for Hacienda Luisita farmworkers. On Nov.16 a strong political statement will be delivered at the gates of the hacienda where the massacre tooj place five years ago,” she added.

On December 18, 2008, the Hacienda Luisita Management signed by Hernan M. Gregorio, Jr. — assistant Estate Manager of HLI imposed a deadline to farm workers that they only have up to October 30, 2009 to harvest and finish all land cultivation activities inside the hacienda. The deadline lapsed and another memorandum calling all farmworkers to register was issued and hacienda workers were given until Nov.15 to enlist in the new registration being called by the management.

Meanwhile, lawyers of striking farmworkers cited legal courses of actions which they could avail to stop the management from issuing memorandum to farm workers. Legal counsel Atty. Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, executive director of Sentro Para Sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra) and campaign officer of National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers said they will file petition for indirect contempt against the members of the Board of HLI before the Supreme Court in violation of the temporary restraining order (TRO) issued by the high tribunal against the revocation of Stock Distribution Option (SDO).

However, Atty. Pahilga said they will also file a motion with the Supreme Court for speedy resolution of the case and to recall the TRO, so that the decision of the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC) which revoked the SDO and called for the immediate distribution of Hacienda Luisita lands to farmworker beneficiaries.

The counsel for Hacienda Luisita workers will also file of a motion with the Office of the Ombudsman to resolve the multiple murders, multiple frustrated murders and multiple attempted murders filed against the military and civilian involved in the infamous Hacienda Luisita Massacre. #

by Sugar Hicap

Manila, Philippines- One of the groups supporting the land claim of Hacienda Luisita farmworkers over the 6,453-hectare sugar in Tarlac on Tuesday slammed Liberal Party 2010 presidential candidate Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino for dismissing the involvement of militant groups in the land reform row as Leftist black propaganda.

“This presidential wannabe has resorted to traditional, shameless and Jurassic red baiting in order to evade an issue that needs politically correct, decent, lawful and moral response and this guy speaks the same language of political terror spoken by his would be predecessors in case he wins the highest elective post in 2010,” the militant fisherfolk alliance Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) said in a press statement.

“Imagine, 7 farmworkers died on the spot, more than 200 strikers were injured and 120 of their co-farmworkers and their supporters were arrested during the Nov.16, 2004 violent dispersal of strikers. And Noynoy dismissed it as Leftist black propaganda. This is really mind-boggling, ridiculous and super incorrigible,” Pamalakaya national chair Fernando Hicap said.

The Pamalakaya official lamented that while the LP presidential candidate was trying to pass himself off as champion of the Filipino people or a modern day messiah clad in yellow or in black shirt bearing the Philippine map, the hostile attitude displayed by the 49-year old politician against the legitimate demands for land and justice of Hacienda Luisita workers showcased what kind of a presidency Noynoy has to offer to 92 million Filipinos.

“How can he face and decently lead this nation of 92 million people if he cannot even face and contact eye-to-eye the 30,000 farmworkers and regular voters inside Hacienda Luisita? Give us a break,” added Hicap.

Pamalakaya is one of the groups who will participate in the 87 vehicle caravan on Nov.16 to Hacienda Luisita from the National Capital Region to Tarlac in support to farmworkers demand for the immediate and free distribution of the sugar estate to Luisita tillers.

The scheduled caravan organized by Kilusang Mayo Uno, Anakpawis party list, Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan), Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) and Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) will also demand the immediate scrapping of Stock Distribution Option (SDO), the repeal of the recently passed Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension with Reform (Carper of RA 9700) and the passage of House Bill No. 3059 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB).

The 87-vehicle caravan will also demand the prosecution of government and military officials implicated in the Hacienda Luisita massacre. A case had been filed before the Office of the Ombudsman, but the latter dismissed the case against civilian officials, while criminal charges are still pending before the Ombudsman’s national office in Quezon City.

On December 18, 2008, the Hacienda Luisita Management signed by Hernan M. Gregorio, Jr. — assistant Estate Manager of HLI imposed a deadline to farm workers that they only have up to October 30, 2009 to harvest and finish all land cultivation activities inside the hacienda. The deadline lapsed and another memorandum calling all farmworkers to register was issued and hacienda workers were given until Nov.15 to enlist in the new registration being called by the management.

Meanwhile, lawyers of striking farmworkers cited legal courses of actions which they could avail to stop the management from issuing memorandum to farm workers. Legal counsel Atty. Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, executive director of Sentro Para Sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra) and campaign officer of National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers said they will file petition for indirect contempt against the members of the Board of HLI before the Supreme Court in violation of the temporary restraining order (TRO) issued by the high tribunal against the revocation of Stock Distribution Option (SDO).

However, Atty. Pahilga said they will also file a motion with the Supreme Court for speedy resolution of the case and to recall the TRO, so that the decision of the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC) which revoked the SDO and called for the immediate distribution of Hacienda Luisita lands to farmworker beneficiaries.

The counsel for Hacienda Luisita workers will also file of a motion with the Office of the Ombudsman to resolve the multiple murders, multiple frustrated murders and multiple attempted murders filed against the military and civilian involved in the infamous Hacienda Luisita Massacre. #

Legal Briefing Paper on Hacienda Luisita prepared by Atty. Jobert Ilarde-Pahilga, executive trustee Sentro Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra), and campaign officer of National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL)

THE ACQUISITION OF THE HACIENDA BY THE COJUANCOS
In 1957, Jose Cojuanco Sr., bought majority shares of the Central Azucarera de Tarlac (CAT), including the 6,453-hectare Hacienda Luisita from the Spanish company Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas (Tabacalera) thrug a loan from the Central Bank. The CAT and hacienda are transferred to Cojuangco’s Tarlac Development Corporation (TADECO), an agricultural corporation.

MARCOS FILED A CASE

On May 7, 1980, the Marcos government filed a case against TADECO before the RTC of Manila for specific performance to compel defendants TADECO, and the heirs of the late Jose Cojuangco, Sr. to turn over “Hacienda Luisita” to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform for the purpose of subdivision and sale at cost to “small farmers” or “tenants”.

On December 2, 1985, the Manila RTC rendered a decision that orders the Cojuangcos to transfer control of Hacienda Luisita to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform, which will distribute the land to small farmers after compensating the landowners P3.988 million.

The Cojuangcos elevated the case to the Court of Appeals which was docketed as CA G.R. 08634. March 17, 1988, the Solicitor General, CB governor and the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) filed a motion to dismiss the civil case against the Cojuangcos pending before the Court of Appeals on the ground that Hacienda Luisita would be covered by agrarian reform. Thus, on May 18, 1988, the Court dismissed the case against the Cojuangcos.

THE STOCK DISTRIBUTION PLAN and MOA

On May 9, 1989, the landowners, along with then DAR Secretary Philip Juico, Tarlac governor and the mayors of Tarlac City, Concepcion, and La Paz, the three municipalities covering the hacienda, held referendum among Luisita farm workers to present the SDO. Thereafter, Juico, Tadeco and HLI signed Memorandum of Agreement on the SDO.

In the MOA of May 11, 1989, HLI was designated as the SECOND PARTY to which the TADECO has transferred and conveyed the agricultural portions of Hacienda Luisita and other farm-related properties in exchange for shares of stock of the farm workers. The agricultural lands in Hacienda Luisita which was covered by the MOA consisted of 4,915.75 hectares with an appraised value of P196,630 million or approximately P40,000 per hectare.

Based on the MOA the farmworkers supposedly owned 33.296% of the outstanding capital stock of the HLI, which was P355,531,462 or 355,531,462 shares at 1 peso per share before May 10, 1989. In the stock distribution plan 33.296% of capital stock or P118,391,976.85 or 118,391,976.85 shares will be distributed to farmworker beneficiaries within 30 years. Thus, the P118 million worth of shares of stocks would be distributed to the farm workers not as a “one-shot deal” but for a period of thirty years at 1/30 per year

As likewise provided on the MOA, the qualified beneficiaries of the stock distribution plan shall be the farmworkers who appear in the annual payroll, inclusive of the permanent and seasonal employees, who are regularly or periodically employed by the TADECO

Thus, the distribution of the farmworkers’ shares of stock is actually based on the number of hours of work or mandays in the hacienda. The mandays in turn, are based on the system of guaranteed mandays, wherein the management of the HLI allocates the number of mandays available for manual work. Moreover, if a farmworker will be dismissed from employment for any cause and therefore his name will not appear in the annual payroll, he will not receive any shares of stock for the year he was dismissed onwards. On the otherhand, a newly employed worker, although he is not a resident of the hacienda and should therefore not be beneficiary of the SDO, as his name appeared on the annual payroll, will receive such shares of stock on the basis of his mandays.

DISMISSAL OF FARMWORKERS AND LOW WAGES

In the year 2003, the daily wage for seasonal workers is P199.17 and for casuals, P194.50 which translates to a maximum of P1,327.80 and P1,296, respectively, per month based on 80 guaranteed mandays. After deductions for the loans and advance pays, the average take home pay is P18 for the seasonal, or P9 for the casual for a 2-manday week.

Aside from the diminishing mandays and horrendous and intolerable take home pay, the area of the land originally placed under SDO likewise diminished by Land Use Conversion (LUC).

As guaranteed mandays dwindle, massive lay-off of farm workers in sugar-coated forms like early retirement (replete with quit claim/waiver documents) or the more direct retrenchment become widespread.

THE LAND USE CONVERSION IN HACIENDA LUISITA

On August 15, 1995, HLI applied for conversion a 500 hectares land of the hacienda.

On September 1, 1995, the Sangguniang Bayan ng Tarlac reclassified 3,290 hectares of hacienda Luisita from agricultural to commercial, industrial and residential purposes.

On August 14, 1996, DAR approved the conversion of 500 hectares of the 3,290 hectares of reclassified Luisita land and has already been converted into the Luisita Industrial Park.

The 500 hectares were sold for over two billion pesos (P2,000,000,000.00) yet, the farmworkers were only given P37.5 million by treating the same as 3% of gross sale from the production. In this year of 2006, sixty six (66) hectares is converted to make way for infrastructure projects like the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway.

THE PETITIONS FOR THE REVOCATION OF THE SDO

On September 28, 2003 elections for farm workers’ and supervisors’ representatives to the HLI Board of Directors only 15.26% of the shares voted thereof. Around 95% of the farm workers boycotted the elections as a protest to the SDO and because the four board seats were useless against seven management seats.

On October 14, 2003, the Supervisory Group of Hacienda Luisita, Inc. filed petition before the DAR to revoke SDO, saying the HLI was not giving them dividends, their one percent (1%) share in gross sales and thirty percent (33%) share in the proceeds from the conversion of 500 hectares of land. They likewise cited other violations by the HLI of the MOA and that their lives have not improved contrary to the promise and the rationale for the adoption of the SDO.

On October 7, 2003, during the opening of the milling season, more than a thousand farmworkers gathered to protest the SDO, land-use conversion, joblessness at the hacienda.

On December 4, 2003, around 80% of the 5,339 farmworkers at the hacienda through their organization, AMBALA, filed a petition to DAR to nullify and rescind the SDO and to stop land-use conversion at the hacienda.

THE TASK FORCE LUISITA AND PRESIDENTIAL AGRARIAN REFORM COUNCIL (PARC).

On November 6, 2004, members of the Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (CATLU) and members of the United Luisita Workers’ Union (ULWU) simultaneously staged a strike and blocked the mill’s Gate 1 and Gate 2. The strike arose from the deadlock in the negotiations for a collective bargaining agreement (CBA) between CATLU and HLI (HLI) and the illegal dismissal of 327 farm workers belonging to ULWU on October 1, 2004.

On November 16, 2004 a violent dispersal of striking workers leave seven (7) dead, scores were injured. This has been known as the infamous Hacienda Luisita Massacre.

On November 22, 2004, the DAR issued Special Order No. 789 which called for the strengthening of the Task Force Stock Distribution Option through the PARC Secretariat.

On Nov. 25, 2004, the DAR task force stock distribution, later renamed Task Force Luisita, convened for the first time to discuss the petitions by Luisita supervisors and farmworkers. Prior thereto, HLI filed with the DAR its answer to the petition/protest filed by the supervisory group of respondent Zuniga and Andaya.

On March 15, 2005, DAR deployed 10 teams to 10 barangays within the hacienda to conduct focus group discussions with 453 farmers concerning their understanding of SDO, the supposed benefits thereof, the home lots and other provisions of the agreement, their recommendations on the SDO, and to determine whether there is truth to the allegations of the farmworkers that they have been pushed deeper into the quagmire of poverty by the SDO and MOA.

THE DAR TERMINAL REPORT AND RESOLUTIONS OF PARC.

In July 2005, Task Force Luisita submitted its report on findings and recommendations to DAR Secretary Nasser C. Pangandaman especially as regards the investigation conducted on March 15, 2005.

In August 2005, Pangandaman created a special legal team to review the legal issues in the task force’s report.

On September 23, 2005, DAR special legal team submitted its terminal report on the two petitions, recommending the revocation of the 16-year-old SDO agreement in Hacienda Luisita.

On 23 December 2005, PARC issued Resolution No. 2005-32-01 which recalled/revoked the SDO plan of TADECO/HLI and placed the lands subject SDO plan under the compulsory coverage scheme of the CARP.

On January 3, 2006, HLI filed its motion for reconsideration of the said resolution.

PETITION FOR CERTIORARI AND TRO ISSUED BY SC

In February 2006, despite the pendency of the Motion for Reconsideration it has filed, HLI filed a petition for certiorari and prohibition against the PARC et al., before the Supreme Court.

Meantime, on May 3, 2006 PARC denied the motion for reconsideration of HLI.

In June 2006, the Supreme Court issued a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) which enjoins PARC and DAR to implement/execute the resolution revoking the SDO.

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

In June of this year, HLI issued demand letters to the farmwokers to stop the cultivation of the hacienda. The farmworkers were give deadline until October 30, 2009. However, the farmworkers defied the demand and the deadline.

In October of this year, HLI again issued another letter to the farmworkers requiring the farmworkers to register with HLI. They were given until November 15, 2009. But, the farmworkers will again defy the order.

PROPOSED COURSE OF ACTION:

1. Filing of petition for indirect contempt against the members of the Board of HLI before the Supreme Court;

2. Filing of a motion with the Supreme Court for speedy resolution of the case and to recall the TRO.

3. Filing of a motion with the Office of the Ombudsman to resolve the multiple murders, multiple frustrated murders and multiple attempted murders filed against the military and civilian involved in the infamous Hacienda Luisita Massacre.

Delivered today by Anakpawis Rep. Rafael “Paeng” Mariano at the House of Representatives while the documentary “Sa Ngalan ng Tubo” was shown before the plenary.

On the 5th Anniversary of Hacienda Luisita Massacre and Assumption of Jurisdiction

Mr. Speaker, mga kapwa ko kinatawan, narito ako ngayon upang ipaalala sa ating lahat kung ano ang nangyari noong Nobyembre 16, 2004 sa mga magsasaka at manggagawang bukid ng Hacienda Luisita sa Tarlac.

Nagwelga ang mga magsasaka ng Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (CATLU) at manggagawang bukid ng United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU) noong Nobyembre 6, 2004 upang iprotesta ang tanggalan sa trabaho, ipaglaban ang makataong sahod at mga benepisyo at higit sa lahat para igiit ang kanilang karapatan sa lupa. Nanawagan silang ibasura na ang Stock Distribution Option bilang isang pekeng reporma sa lupa.

Sa halip na pakinggan ang kanilang mga makatwirang hiling, bala ang isinagot sa kanila ng management ng Hacienda Luisita at ng gobyernong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

Mr. Speaker, in the afternoon of November 16, 2004, combined units from the Philippine National Police (PNP) Region 3 and Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Northern Luzon Command carried out a brutal massacre of striking sugar plantation workers at the Cojuangco controlled Hacienda Luisita.

After a stand-off with the strikers the day before, around 3 battalions of heavily-armed police and soldiers were sent to the Hacienda, accompanied by two armored personnel carriers, fire trucks and water cannons.  After launching a volley of tear gas grenades, army riflemen fired point-blank into the pickets’ front lines using live ammunition. A 60-calibre machine gun was also used. Truncheon wielding police chased hacienda workers into their barracks and later combed the ten barangays where hacienda workers live.

Mr. Speaker, the order to disperse the picketing workers and farmers emanated from the Assumption of Jurisdiction order (AJ) issued by the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE).

The DOLE-issued Assumption of Jurisdiction order practically became a death warrant for the striking workers. The attack was ordered directly from the government, by then Labor Secretary Patricia Sto. Tomas, and was carried out on behalf of the Cojuangco family, prominent landowners in the country.

Today we remember martyrs of the working people – Jesus Laza, Jhaivie Basilio, Juancho Sanchez, Jessie Valdez, Jun David, Jaime Pastidio and Adriano Caballero, who perished in the Hacienda Luisita massacre, the worst slaughter of Filipino workers in modern times.

Sumunod pa ang mga isa-isang pagpaslang sa mga tagasuporta ng welga sa Hacienda Luisita sina Ricardo Ramos, presidente ng CATLU; Tirso Cruz, director ng ULWU; Marcelino “Ka Marsing” Beltran, lider magsasaka sa Tarlac at Anakpawis –Tarlac provincial chairperson; Ben Concepcion, Anakpawis – Pampanga chairperson; Florante Collantes, Bayan Muna-Tarlac provincial Chair; Tarlac City Councilor Abelardo Ladera, Fr. William Tadena, ng Iglesia Filipina Independiente.

Mr. Speaker, hanggang ngayon, wala pa ring katarungan ang kanilang kamatayan sa kamay ng mga pulis at sundalo ng gobyerno. Hanggang ngayon, nananawagan pa rin ng hustisya ang kanilang mga kaanak, mga kapwa manggagawa at magsasaka.

Hanggang ngayon, nakakalaya pa rin ang mga salarin at pumapatay pa ng maraming mga manggagawa, magsasaka, mamamahayag, aktibista at kritiko ng gobyerno.

Mr. Speaker, ang AJ order na ginamit upang buwagin ang welga sa Hacienda Luisita ang mismong kautusan rin na matagal nang ginagamit ng gobyerno at mga ganid na kapitalista at malaking panginoong maylupa tulad ng mga Cojuangco upang pigilan ang mga manggagawa na isagawa ang kanilang batayang karapatan sa pag-uunyon at sama-samang pagkilos.

Article 263 (g) of the Labor Code of the Philippines states that the DoLE secretary shall have the power to assume jurisdiction in all industrial strikes considered as “indispensable to the national interest.” Lubhang mali ang esensya ng Assumption of Jurisdiction ng isang Kalihim ng DOLE. Ito ay labag sa Konstitusyon, sa karapatang pantao at sa ILO Convention No. 87 on freedom of associations.

Mr. Speaker, ang AJ ang nagbigay ng pambihirang kapangyarihan sa iisang tao, sa Kalihim ng Paggagawa, na ituring na para sa “pambansang interes ang Hacienda Luisita!  Kagila-gilalas na maging isang isyu ng “national interest” ang usapin ng Hacienda Luisita para ipatawag ang kapulisan at kasundaluhan upang pigilan ang welga ng mga manggagawang bukid at magsasaka sa Hacienda. Ang ganitong sitwasyon ay pagdedeklara na ng isang “emergency situation” na ayon sa ating batas ay nasa kapangyarihan lamang ng Presidente ang pagpapatawag nito batay sa mga kinakailangang rekisito. At maging ang kapangyarihang ito ng Presidente ay hindi maaring abusuhin, ayon na rin sa desisyon ng Korte Suprema sa katulad na kaso ng Executive Order 1017.

Paulit-ulit na ginagamit ang AJ para gipitin ang mga manggagawa at durugin ang mga unyon at welga. Kaya naman malakas ang panawagan ng mga manggagawa. para sa pagbabasura sa Assumption of Jurisdiction Order kahit sa panahon pa ng dating Kinatawan Crispin “Ka Bel” Beltran.

Hanggang ngayon, nakabinbin pa rin sa Committee ang House Bill 5095 na pagbabasura sa Assumption of Jurisdiction.

Dahil sa panghihimasok ng militar sa labor dispute sa loob ng Hacienda Luisita di namin maiwasang umabot ang aming pagsusuri na may malaking kaugnayan ang paggamit ng AJ ng Labor Code ng DOLE at ng Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL) ng AFP. Patunay dito ay ang iba’t ibang kaso ng military intervention sa mga lugar pagawaan na ipinanukalang imbestigahan ng kinatawang ito.

Mr. Speaker, we cannot but think that there is a connection between the use of AJ and the policy of Oplan Bantay Laya! Aside from imposition of AJ order, militarization of workplaces in strike-bound companies or where a labor dispute exists between management and workers and where existing unions or unions being organized are considered progressive or militant continue. Military detachments are put up and/or deployment of police and military elements under the pretext of counter-insurgency operations take place.   Nagbabase at nagtatayo ng kampo ang PNP at AFP sa mga lugar pagawaan upang takutin at iharass ang mga manggagawang may unyon o nagbubuo ng unyon.

Ilan dito ang mga sumusunod:

- 16th Infantry Batallion sa Robina Farms, Antipolo, Rizal

- Special Welfare Action Group (SWAG) sa mga  industrial parks at economic zones sa Laguna at Cavite

- 66th Infantry Batallion at Workers for Industrial Peace and Reforms o WIPER sa mga plantasyon ng saging sa Compostela Valley.

- 10th Infantry Division sa Dole Philippines agrocorporation sa Polomolok, South Cotabato

Mr. Speaker, the industrial peace espoused by the government and DOLE has killed 92 workers, labor leaders and advocates since 2001. For nine years, the implementation of the AJ under the Arroyo administration has made factories and workplaces a very dangerous place for workers.

AJ’s string of attacks against workers had trampled upon the workers’ Constitution-mandated right to organize, form unions and collective bargaining agreement, and against their basic right to life and liberty and what is condemnable is the lack of any form of protection that ordinary citizens can get from the state and much more justice to the victims of the Hacienda Luisita Massacre!.

Mr. Speaker, nananawagan ang kinatawang ito ng hustisya sa lahat ng biktima ng Hacienda Luisita Massacre, sa mga manggagawang pinagkakaitan ng karapatan nila para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa, at panahon ng irepaso ng Kamara at lubusan na nitong tanggalin ang AJ at ipatupad na ang  pagbabasura sa SDO.

Lubos ding nakikiisa ang Anakpawis at ang mga kinatawan nito sa mga manggagawa sa mga magbubukid ng Hacienda Luisita na patuloy na iginigiit ang karapatang magmay-ari sa lupain ng HLI na haba na ng panahon ng kanilang pagtatrabaho ay kanila ng nabayaran.  Tutal, namuhay na ng mariwasa ang mga Cojuangco dito napakatagal na panahon at may iba pa silang kabuhayan bakit di pa nila ito bitawan!

Mr. Speaker, nanawagan ang kinatawang ito na ipatupad na ang pagbabasura ng SDO dahil ito ay hindi isang reporma sa lupa. Isa itong pag-ikot sa batas at sa layuning ng isang tunay na reporma sa lupa na ibigay sa mga nagtatrabaho sa lupa ang lupang kanilang sinaka, pinagyaman at inaruga sa mahabang panahon!

Mr. Speaker, Ang hamong ito ay ibinabato din ng kinatawang ito sa mga tatakbo sa pagka-presidente lalo na isa sa “nagmamay-ari” sa Hacienda Luisita, kay Sen. Noynoy Aquino.  Bilang mambabatas ay dapat manindigan si Sen. Aquino para sa katarungan sa mga biktima ng Hacienda Luisita Massacre at sa mga biktima ng SDO sa ilalim ng huwad na CARP at ngayon ay CARPER! .

Hamon din ng masang Pilipino sa lahat ng mga tatakbo para sa public office, sa pagka-presidente na isabatas at ipatupad ang tunay na hustisya sa lipunan; ito ang sustansya ng batas! Pagsilbihin ang batas sa mas nakakarami, hindi sa iilan – ito ang batayang depinisyon ng demokrasya!

Ito lamang Mr. Speaker at kapwa ko kinatawan. Maraming salamat at magandang hapon. #

as delivered, November 9, 7:10 pm

Nov. 6: Militants farmers renew calls for distribution of Hacienda Luisita and justice for slain agricultural workers

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was principally liable to the bloody carnage in Hacienda Luisita that left 7 striking workers dead, injured 200 others and the arrest of 120 farm workers and activists on November 16 five years ago.

“Remember Mrs. Arroyo and the Cojuangcos were the best of friends then. In the defense of a political ally, President Arroyo mobilized 1,000 government troops and cops to quell the legitimate strike and pursued the campaign of annihilation in the name of the Cojuangcos and in the name of its rabid anti-Left campaign and incorrigible national security doctrine,” said Lito Bais, spokesperson of Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) and acting president of United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU).

Bais said the Hacienda Luisita massacre was a political accommodation and political reward for the Cojuangcos for supporting President Arroyo’s assumption to the presidency in 2001 and her reelection bid in 2004, before the two political clans parted ways in 2005 when the Hello Garci election fraud scandal rocked the Arroyo administration.

The agricultural labor leader recalled that Labor Secretary Patricia Sto. Tomas ordered the violent dispersal of striking farmworkers on Nov.16 on behalf of the Cojuangco family through the much abused pro-landlord and pro-capitalist tool known as Assumption of Jurisdiction (AJ). Bais said the order was echoed by spokesperson of Hacienda Luisita management to justify the bloody massacre as a “legitimate exercise of state power,” saying the work stoppage was “illegal and left-inspired.

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It’s not just euphoria that characterizes Noynoy Aquino’s candidacy, it is also stricken by a number of dilemmas and these will surely lose votes for Noynoy if he will not solve it as soon as possible.

Noynoy’s middle name is Cojuangco and that name is attached with a lot of connotations. On top of them is the concept of hacienderos and Hacienda Luisita, a 6,400 hectare sugar estate and a spate of unresolved issues on agrarian reform and the relations between peasants and landlords. If Noynoy will not lead his family in resolving the issue, it will remain as a stigma, a very bad one, in his campaign.

This is a test of leadership for Noynoy. If he delivers well, then votes will surely be delivered to him.

Another dilemma is his campaign itself. It has been months since Noynoy declared his intention to seek the highest post in the land but he is yet to release his platform of governance. Anyone who intends to lead this battered country, battered from incompetence and corruption and battered from typhoons and natural disasters, should have a clear goal towards eradicating the nation out of it. Noynoy’s candidacy has a lot of euphoria that stemmed from the death of his mother but it still lacks substance and that’s what we need most.

His position on the Reproductive Health Bill is another. Antonio Montalvan II, in his column today at the Inquirer, revealed how Noynoy actually double-talked on his position towards the matter. He said his opposition towards a family member who happens to be a nun but declared his support in a meeting with a monsignor in Tagbilaran City, Bohol. That’s definitely “balimbing” in Filipino context and that’s what traditional politicians are. Once and for all, Noynoy should reveal his real position on this crucial legislation.

Noynoy, with the memories of his parents and the idea of democracy with him, surely draws inspiration among the Filipino people. He stirs hope among us. Hope that has long transformed into despair after nine years of hopelessness that the current government gave. Hope that has resurfaced after he surfaced as a presidential aspirant.

But let these hopes be not false hopes that will just lead the Filipino people into delusion. Let this be a hope that is accompanied with leadership and strong will that will stir this nation towards progress and development.

Source: DRDLR 2009

With the new emphasis on rural development on the political agenda, rural communities keenly await a rural development programme that will create another countryside for them and future generations — one with jobs and a vibrant economy, equitable services delivery, access to land and support for food security and agriculture. In February this year the then Minister of Finance Trevor Manuel allocated R3-billion for increasing South Africa’s agricultural output, supporting small-scale farmers and raising rural incomes in 2009/10, describing these as key elements of the country’s rural development strategy. It then became part of the presidential priorities under the Zuma administration. With this, one might think, the rural development foundation was laid and government could focus on successful implementation.
But perhaps this optimism is a bit misplaced. On 13 – 14 October 2009 the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform (DRDLR) hosted the Stakeholders conference on Rural Development in Pretoria. Overcome with a sense of déjà vu images of the Land Summit in 2005 flared up as a group of fellow conference-goers and I sat huddled in a small business centre at the hotel where we stayed, revisioning clear rural development messages from civil society, identifying key concerns from current and past experiences and again dusting off the key resolutions from the Summit including abandoning the ‘willing buyer, willing seller’ approach.

On the one hand, there were grounds for hope and excitement and optimism to be part of a process to frame a new roadmap for rural development. This conference kick-started a process for the development of a Green Paper on Rural Development and Land Reform. For the sector it was an opportunity to think big and revision rural areas – a fresh rethinking of land reform as part of broader agrarian transformation and to discuss both aspects in the context of stimulating rural development. It was also a significant moment for civil society. A fragile and fragmented civil society came together with a renewed willingness to develop a common civil society voice in support of a realistic and achievable plan for rural development.

However, a few red lights started flickering when the two-day discussion started. While we were all ready to grab rural development by the horns the Department appeared to a certain extent overwhelmed and – one might even say – directionless, right at the moment when we were all looking to it for leadership in beginning a process of developing a vision for our rural areas. There was little sense of the future we were reaching for. Nor was there a sense of the past: as a World Bank visitor pointed out, there were no points on the agenda with insights into international experiences and perspectives on rural development and the department did not give a reflection of lessons from the past, etc. The whole process started off in a vacuum… and a telling picture of a mud hut and a satellite dish at the end of the DRDLR’s presentation on their concept of comprehensive rural development, at the opening of the conference. I was quietly wondering at that point if the picture captured the DRDLR’s vision for rural areas?

In one of the commissions on Agriculture and Land (which happened without Water Affairs or Agriculture officials present…) the commission facilitator (who happens to be in the DRDLR policy unit) asked at the start of the commission discussion, ‘What shall we talk about first? [Shall we talk about] land, or [shall we talk about] agriculture?’. That just said it all: after all these years, it appears land reform is still seen as essentially a different issue from agricultural production. The conceptual divide between the Departments of Land Reform and Agriculture that bedeviled agrarian reform in the first fifteen years after liberation is still in place. In fact, it appears to have deepened.
Many questions followed and were echoed throughout the two day meeting:

What is the Department’s vision for rural development? What will happen to land reform? Is this mandate far too ambitious for the DRDLR? Is it realistic to expect and task a very under-resourced and under-capacitated department; which failed by their own admission to deliver on their mandate to transfer only 30% of agricultural land in South Africa over the last 15 years, to do what a whole government is supposed to deliver?

And why, as a colleague at the meeting said are we so obsessed with documents and papers (in reference to the rush to get the Green Paper finalised) when none of these means actual delivery or makes any difference to rural people’s lives? Why are we rushing through such an important policy process, when we came to realise from past experiences that policy that is not well thought through might have unintended consequences? The Department wanted comments by 30 October (it’s not clear comments on what); a draft (not clear what draft) will go to the Minister by 30 November; to be tabled in Cabinet in February 2011; provincial consultations and focus groups will happen (after the fact) between April and June – and after a few other channels and processing, finalising a White Paper between August – October 2011. Yet there is no clear vision and rural development is lacking the leadership in the form of a well equipped and well resourced institutional vehicle. This signals alarmingly that we haven’t learned anything from the painful mistakes we have made in many rural people’s lives in land reform throughout the last 15 years.
Land reform can make a significant and fundamental difference to rural people lives and the department (and more so government as a whole) is at a juncture to go back to the basics:

• To start with a new vision that will consider what kind of land reform and agriculture is needed that will contribute to rural development of the South African countryside;

• To develop principles for land and agriculture reform;

• Create new strategies that will frame rural development and land reform objectives and;

• Decide where rural development should be housed, with clarified roles for all the relevant departments at national, provincial and local level and clarity on what role the DRDLR should or could play

Let the powers that be start afresh. Therefore set targets aside for now (they didn’t serve us well in the last 15 years of land reform) and assess what is possible and what we want to achieve with rural development, what resources are needed and what can be done with the current resources. We should not repeat the ISRDS (Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy) mistakes of the past…

In 2014 we are 20 years into our democracy – a democracy not experienced equally by all, and particularly not by a very large, very poor rural population. Let’s make democracy real for rural people and take small, manageable rural development steps with an effective and achievable land reform plan towards a far different and far better countryside for the rural poor.

By Roy Morilla and Jay Calaguing, contributors

Manila, Philippines-Supporters of Hacienda Luisita farmworkers will stage a 50-vehicle caravan on November 16 to commemorate the 5th anniversary of Hacienda Luisita massacre and affirmed their support to the struggle of striking agricultural workers for land, jobs and justice.

In a press statement sent by caravan sponsors Anakpawis party list, Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU), Alyansa ng Mga Manggagawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (Ambala) and Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA), two of event organizers— Danilo Ramos, secretary general of KMP and Anakpawis secretary general Cherry Clemente said Manila-based activists will also banner the urgent call for the immediate, unconditional and free distribution of 6,453 hectare sugar estate, which they said was lawfully and morally owned by farm workers of Hacienda Luisita.

“Hacienda Luisita belongs to Hacienda Luisita farm workers. Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and the Cojuangcos have no option but to relinquish the hacienda to the collective ownership and effective control of agricultural workers,” organizers said in a joint statement.

The KMP and Anakpawis leaders said Sen. Aquino, standard bearer of the Liberal Party in the 2010 presidential elections and son of the late former President Corazon Aquino should accept the fact that historically and lawfully speaking, the Hacienda Luisita is legitimately owned by the tilling and hardworking people of the hacienda.

“Sen. Aquino should learn the history of Hacienda Luisita and stop making the usual run-around and quit from displaying that patented pa-tweetum politics. It is time for the Cojuangco family to say goodbye to the sprawling 6,453 hectare sugar estate that does not really belong them and the Cojuangcos acquired the hacienda through dubious, manipulative and coercive means,” they said.

The KMP and Anakpawis said the caravan will mark a political statement that will oblige the Cojuangcos and their presidential frontrunner- Noynoy, to squarely face the issues involving Hacienda Luisita including but not limited to the free distribution of land and the punishment of government officials and state security forces implicated in violent dispersal of striking workers that killed 7 striking workers, injured 200 other farmworkers and arrested 120 agricultural workers and activist supporters on Nov.16, 2004.

Anakpawis’ Clemente also said KMU’s fraternal allies abroad, which include labor organizations in the United States, Canada, Europe, Asia and the Pacific, Japan and Australia will also conduct simultaneous solidarity actions on November 16, while regional and provincial chapters of KMP across the country will conduct demonstrations also on the same day to express their support to the struggling agricultural workers of the hacienda.

KMP and Anakpawis likewise criticized Noynoy’s plan to talk to business tycoon Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco. They dismissed the planned meeting with Danding’s group as a brewing compromise on how to divide Hacienda Luisita among members of Cojuangco clan.

“This political flirtation with Danding camp is a no show of promise but a glimpse of what a Noynoy presidency has to offer to the people—which is political accommodation and puppetry to big business,” the militant groups added. #

By Roy Morilla, contributor

Manila, Philippines-President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was principally liable to the bloody carnage in Hacienda Luisita that left 7 striking workers dead, injured 200 others and the arrest of 120 farm workers and activists on November 16 five years ago.

“Remember Mrs. Arroyo and the Cojuangcos were the best of friends then. In the defense of a political ally, President Arroyo mobilized 1,000 government troops and cops to quell the legitimate strike and pursued the campaign of annihilation in the name of the Cojuangcos and in the name of its rabid anti-Left campaign and incorrigible national security doctrine,” said Lito Bais, spokesperson of Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) and acting president of United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU).

Bais said the Hacienda Luisita massacre was a political accommodation and political reward for the Cojuangcos for supporting President Arroyo’s reelection bid in May 2004 elections, before the two political clans parted ways in 2005 when the Hello Garci election fraud scandal rocked the Arroyo administration.

The agricultural labor leader recalled that Labor Secretary Patricia Sto. Tomas ordered the violent dispersal of striking farmworkers on Nov.16 on behalf of the Cojuangco family through the much abused pro-landlord and pro-capitalist tool known as Assumption of Jurisdiction (AJ). Bais said the order was echoed by spokesperson of Hacienda Luisita management to justify the bloody massacre as a “legitimate exercise of state power,” saying the work stoppage was “illegal and left-inspired.

On Nov. 6, 2004, farm workers went on strike and demanded the reinstatement of some 327 unionists, including nine union leaders, who were fired ten days earlier by the management of the hacienda and the sugar mill –Central Azucarera de Tarlac (CAT).

This morning, some 50 supporters of Hacienda Luisita farmworkers identified with the activist peasant group Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) and Anakpawis party list trooped to Mendiola Bridge in Manila to begin the 10-day commemoration of the Hacienda Luisita massacre.

KMP secretary general Danilo Ramos and Anakpawis secretary general Cherry Clemente led activists in lighting candles, offered prayers and delivered fiery speeches in the memory of Hacienda Luisita massacre victims.

Both leaders declared that Hacienda Luisita belongs to Hacienda Luisita farm workers and that is about time the Cojuangco family relinquish the hacienda to the collective and effective control of farm workers.

The KMP and Anakpawis leaders told Sen. Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino, standard bearer of the Liberal Party in the 2010 presidential elections and son of the late former President Corazon Aquino should accept the fact that historically and lawfully, the Hacienda Luisita which his family refused to yield to farmworkers belongs to the collective ownership of hacienda workers and its transfer to farm workers is nearly a century overdue.

“Sen. Aquino should learn the history of Hacienda Luisita and stop making the usual run-around. It is time for the Aquino family to say goodbye to the sprawling 6,453 hectare sugar estate that does not really belong them and was acquired through dubious, manipulative and coercive means,” both said in a joint statement.

On December 18, 2008, the Hacienda Luisita Management signed by Hernan M. Gregorio, Jr. — assistant Estate Manager of HLI imposed a deadline to farm workers that they only have up to October 30, 2009 to harvest and finish all land cultivation activities inside the hacienda. But later the management denied that such eviction order exists, and clarified that was issued was an order asking farmworkers to enlist on or before Nov.15 for proper identification of Hacienda Luisita workforce and agrarian reform beneficiaries

In response to the Oct. 30 deadline, some 50 supporters of Hacienda Luisita farm workers issued their own cease and desist order against the management and delivered their notice to the Cojuangco business building in Makati City.

In their two-page cease and desist order, KMP and UMA declared the Hacienda Luisita Oct.30 deadline null and void, immoral, unlawful and fatally flawed.

Hacienda Luisita has been under stock distribution scheme since the implementation of CARP in 1991 during the Aquino administration, which the groups said superficially, classified the farmer-beneficiaries as “stock-holders. KMP and UMA said the SDO commenced with the massive land use conversion (LUCs) that left only about 3,200 hectares of agricultural lands from the original 7,500 hectares in 1958. #

By Gerry Albert Corpuz, Billy Javier Reyes and Chocolate Moose Fernandez

The left-leaning fisherfolk alliance Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) on Tuesday urged the six mayors of Pampanga who endorsed the plan of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to seek a seat in Congress in 2010 elections to rethink their position warning them of the phenomenal kiss of death attached to the Chief Executive.

“We ask the mayors of Pampanga to reconsider their support to Arroyo’s plan to run for a congressional seat in 2010 in sinister try to perpetuate herself to power and enjoy immunity from suit for the next three to nine years. Remember the kiss of death that is attached and irremovable from her and that could affect their respective political futures,” Pamalakaya national chair Fernando Hicap warned.

The Pamalakaya official reminded the six mayors of the second district– Dennis Pineda (Lubao), Eduardo Guerrero (Floridablanca), Ricardo Rivera (Guagua), Rogelio Santos (Porac), Leonardo Velasco (Sasmuan) and Yolanda Pineda (Sta. Rita) that President Arroyo is detested by the majority of the Filipino people, and even her townmates are not inclined to give her a seat in Congress despite her series of “visitorial escapades” in Lubao since last year.

“The people of Pampanga are decent people and they are proud of their revolutionary past against colonizers and traitors. They will not subscribe to GMA or to any kind of patronage politics. They want politics of change, not politics of accommodation and self-serving interest. In fact, Mrs. Arroyo appears like a dead man walking waiting for the death of her incorrigible career as a politician in 2010. So why stick to an ultimate loser and detested politician like Arroyo?” added Hicap.

Last week, Floridablanca Mayor Guerrero said he told Ms Arroyo about a petition urging her to run for Congress but did not get a categorical answer about her political plans. But the President just smiled at him in response to his proposal for her run as congresswoman in the province second district.

Political analysts agreed that Ms Arroyo’s frequent visits to the province this year—almost weekly, with some visits stretching for three days and most of them to towns in the second district—have led to speculation that she would seek the position now held by her son, Pampanga Rep. Juan Miguel “Mikey” Arroyo.

The President inspects and inaugurates government projects like school buildings, roads and water systems during her visits here. She also distributes relief goods, land titles, scholarship certificates and health cards to residents.

According to Lubao Mayor Pineda he will support Ms Arroyo 100 percent if she runs in the second district of Pampanga because she could serve the district well. Another supporter Porac mayor Santos said majority of the people in the province want her to run for congressional seat in 2010.

Meanwhile, Pamalakaya asked another Kapampangan—- 2010 presidential candidate Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and his party mates in the Liberal Party to qualify and quantify the change the son of the late former President Corazon Aquino carries as platform on his way of becoming the next President of the Philippine Republic.

“Please allow us to set the record straight. The Filipino people are not inclined not buy dime-a-dozen polemics and sheer rhetoric speeches and statements. The Liberal Party standard bearer and his party mates should qualify and quantify what changes they will bring in 2010 if Noynoy wins the presidency next year,” said Pamalakaya.

The militant prepared 10 issues which Senator Aquino and the Liberal Party should answer categorically to put substance and muscle to promise of changes offered by the Noynoy camp for the 92 million Filipinos.

The 10 issues raised to Aquino for his concrete response were:

1. The immediate and unconditional free distribution of 6,453 hectare Hacienda Luisita sugar estate to agricultural laborers and farmworkers.
2. The prosecution of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and members of her ruling clique on charges of high crime of corruption, grave human rights violations and election fraud
3. The legislative approval of the P 125 across the board daily pay hike for workers, P 3,000 across the board monthly salary increase for government employees and the P 9,000 pay hike demanded by teachers nationwide.
4. The abrogation of the RP-US Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA)
5. The repeal of Republic Act 9700 or the extended Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program with Reforms (Carper) and its immediate replacement of a meaningful agrarian reform program carried by House Bill 3059 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB).
6. The repeal of oil deregulation law and the nationalization of oil industry
7. The resumption of peace talks between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP)
8. The review and total abrogation of treaties entered by the Arroyo government including but not limited to World Trade Organization (WTO) and Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (JPEPA), which was ratified by Congress in 1994 and 2008 respectively.
9. The return of the P 130-billion coconut levy fund to small coconut farmers
10. An end to all government destructive projects in Manila Bay, Laguna Lake, Calabarzon areas and all parts of the country that displace millions of poor people and rural folk all over the Philippines.

Pamalakaya said it was shocked to see and hear Sen. Aquino on national TV announcing his plan to seek audience and talk to his uncle, business tycoon Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco, while at the same time maintaining either a hostile or elusive attitude to the invitation of Hacienda Luisita farmers to sit down and talk to them on the urgent proposal for the immediate and free distribution of hacienda lands.

“As far as we are concerned, flirting with the Danding camp is a no show of promise but glimpse of what a Noynoy presidency has to offer to the people—that is political accommodation and puppetry to big business,” the militant group added. #

By Chocolate Moose Fernandez, Cherry Pie Eggpie Sandoval,
Sugar Hicap and Lollipop delos Reyes

Manila, Philippines-The left-leaning fisherfolk alliance Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) on Monday asked 2010 presidential candidate Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and his party mates in the Liberal Party to qualify and quantify the change the son of the late former President Corazon Aquino carries as platform on his way of becoming the next President of the Philippine Republic.

“Please allow us to set the record straight. The Filipino people are not inclined to buy dime-a-dozen polemics and sheer rhetoric speeches and statements. The Liberal Party standard bearer and his party mates should qualify and quantify what changes they will bring in 2010 if Noynoy wins the presidency next year,” said Pamalakaya national chair Fernando Hicap in a press statement.

The Pamalakaya official prepared 10 issues which Senator Aquino and the Liberal Party should answer categorically to put substance and muscle to promise of change offered by the Noynoy camp for 92 million Filipinos.

The 10 issues raised to Aquino for concrete response were:

1. The immediate and unconditional free distribution of 6,453 hectare Hacienda Luisita sugar estate to agricultural laborers and farmworkers.
2. The prosecution of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and members of her ruling clique on charges of high crime of corruption, grave human rights violations and election fraud
3. The legislative approval of the P 125 across the board daily pay hike for workers, P 3,000 across the board monthly salary increase for government employees and the P 9,000 pay hike demanded by teachers nationwide.
4. The abrogation of the RP-US Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA)
5. The repeal of Republic Act 9700 or the extended Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program with Reforms (Carper) and its immediate replacement of a meaningful agrarian reform program carried by House Bill 3059 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB).
6. The repeal of oil deregulation law and the nationalization of oil industry
7. The resumption of peace talks between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP)
8. The review and total abrogation of treaties entered by the Arroyo government including but not limited to World Trade Organization (WTO) and Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (JPEPA), which was ratified by Senate in 1994 and 2008 respectively.
9. The return of the P 130-billion coconut levy fund to small coconut farmers
10. An end to all government destructive projects in Manila Bay, Laguna Lake, Calabarzon areas and all parts of the country that displace millions of poor people and rural folk all over the Philippines.

Pamalakaya said it was shocked to see and hear Sen. Aquino on national TV announcing his plan to seek audience with and talk to his uncle— business tycoon Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco, while at the same time maintaining either a hostile or elusive attitude to the invitation of Hacienda Luisita farmers to sit down and talk to them on the urgent proposal for the immediate and free distribution of hacienda lands.

“As far as we are concerned, flirting with the Danding camp is a no show of promise but a glimpse of what a Noynoy presidency has to offer to the people—that is political accommodation and puppetry to big business,” the militant group added.

“Senator Aquino wants to talk and exchange pleasantries with Danding. Now, what’s the big deal behind this sudden change of heart of the late President Corazon Aquino son? Is the senator and gentleman from Tarlac ready to smoke the peace pipe with Danding to gain the latter’s support for his presidential ambition in exchange for Hacienda Luisita and the land rights of agricultural workers and landless farmers?” asked Pamalakaya.

By Chocolate Moose Fernandez and Lollipop de los Reyes

Manila, Philippines-Leftwing militants belonging to Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) on Sunday said the ganging up of erstwhile Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC) presidential candidate Sen. Francis Escudero by his party mates led by Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco and son Rep. Mark Cojuangco was lucid testimony that Danding and sons operate the political party like a Mafia.

“The NPC is being run by the Danding Cojuangco mafia, and those who will oppose the sinister agenda and cruel intentions of the ruling syndicate shall be expelled from the party. The case of Senator Francis Escudero is highly evident here. After bolting out from the Cojuangco party, the senator is now being persecuted by the rabid lapdogs of the NPC,” said Pamalakaya national chair Fernando Hicap.

Yesterday, Danding’s son Rep. Mark Cojuangco admitted that radical positions taken up by Sen. Escudero on several issues that support the call of Filipino workers for P 125 across the board wage increase and the immediate scrapping of billions of debts incurred by farmers under the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) caused the split between the senator and the NPC founded by Danding in 1992 as his vehicle when the chair of San Miguel Corporation ran as President.

The young Cojuangco said the position of Escudero in favor of legislated wage increase might cause the collapse of the business ,while the proposal to condone billions of pesos in debt incurred by farmer beneficiaries under CARP should have wait for the inventory of the debts before the NPC takes an official stand.

“What is wrong in calling for the legislative approval of P 125 across the board daily wage hike for Filipino workers? What is wrong with the proposal to condone debts incurred by farmers under the bogus CARP? There’s nothing wrong about these advocacies,” added Hicap.

On the other hand, Pamalakaya said what was immoral and patently despicable was the annoucement of Liberal Party presidential standard bearer Sen. Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino on national TV that he was seeking a dialogue and reconciliation with Danding, while on the other hand remains elusive and non-committal to demands of Hacienda Luisita agricultural and farm workers for the free distribution of land, which he asserted, was acquired by the Cojuangcos through unjust, immoral, coercive and unlawful means.

Pamalakaya asserted that it is public knowledge that Danding wants a considerable portion of Hacienda Luisita for the expansion of San Miguel Corporation, and a Noynoy presidency will make the Pacman’s dream to come true.

On December 18, 2008, the Hacienda Luisita Management signed by Hernan M. Gregorio, Jr. — assistant Estate Manager of HLI imposed a deadline to farm workers that they only have up to October 30, 2009 to harvest and finish all land cultivation activities inside the hacienda.

In response to the Oct. 30 deadline, some 50 supporters of Hacienda Luisita farm workers staged a mass demonstration outside the Cojuangco business building in Makati City this morning, and issued their own cease and desist order against the Luisita management.

In their two-page cease and desist order, Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) and Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) declared the Hacienda Luisita Oct.30 deadline null and void, immoral, unlawful and fatally flawed.

Hacienda Luisita has been under stock distribution scheme since the implementation of CARP in 1991 during the Aquino administration, which the groups said superficially, classified the farmer-beneficiaries as “stock-holders. KMP and UMA said the SDO commenced with the massive land use conversion (LUCs) that left only about 3,200 hectares of agricultural lands from the original 7,500 hectares in 1958.#

By Roy Morilla, Jay Calaguing and Sugar Hicap

Manila, Philippines-Rural based groups representing farmworkers in Hacienda Luisita on Friday urged Liberal Party presidential candidate Senator Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino to stop “flirting” with business tycoon Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco Jr. and instead sit down with them to discuss the immediate and unconditional free distribution of 6,453 hectare sugar estate to farm workers and agrarian reform beneficiaries.

In a joint press statement, the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), the Unyon ng Mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) and the hacienda based United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU) and Alyansa ng mga Manggagawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (Ambala) accused Senator Aquino of evading the issue of Hacienda Luisita, including the October 30 deadline set by the management for agricultural workers to stop any tilling activities inside the disputed 6,000 hectare sugar estate.

KMP secretary-general Danilo Ramos said Sen. Aquino on Wednesday announced on national TV that he was seeking a dialogue and reconciliation with Danding, while on the other hand remains elusive and non-committal to demands of Hacienda Luisita agricultural and farm workers for the free distribution of land, which he asserted, was acquired by the Cojuangcos through unjust, immoral, coercive and unlawful means.

“Senator Aquino wants to talk and exchange pleasantries with Danding. Now, what’s the big deal behind this sudden change of heart of the late President Corazon Aquino son? Is the senator and gentleman from Tarlac ready to smoke the peace pipe with Danding to gain the latter’s support for his presidential ambition in exchange for Hacienda Luisita and the land rights of agricultural workers and landless farmers?

In the same vein, UMA spokesperson and ULWU acting president Lito Bais theorized that the LP standard bearer wanted to gain either the open or discreet support of his uncle, knowing Danding’s role as political kingmaker in every presidential election, ranging from campaign funds to electoral machinery.

“It is public knowledge that Danding wants a considerable portion of Hacienda Luisita for the expansion of San Miguel Corporation, and a Noynoy presidency will make the Pacman’s dream to come true. Noynoy and Danding can deny this high heaven, but they cannot escape the sharp eyes and highly critical minds of Hacienda Luisita people,” Bais said.

On December 18, 2008, the Hacienda Luisita Management signed by Hernan M. Gregorio, Jr. — assistant Estate Manager of HLI imposed a deadline to farm workers that they only have up to October 30, 2009 to harvest and finish all land cultivation activities inside the hacienda.

In response to the Oct. 30 deadline, some 50 supporters of Hacienda Luisita farm workers staged a mass demonstration outside the Cojuangco business building in Makati City this morning, and issued their own cease and desist order against the Luisita management.
In their two-page cease and desist order, KMP and UMA declared the Hacienda Luisita Oct.30 deadline null and void, immoral, unlawful and fatally flawed.

Hacienda Luisita has been under stock distribution scheme since the implementation of CARP in 1991 during the Aquino administration, which the groups said superficially, classified the farmer-beneficiaries as “stock-holders. KMP and UMA said the SDO commenced with the massive land use conversion (LUCs) that left only about 3,200 hectares of agricultural lands from the original 7,500 hectares in 1958.

The Cojuangcos have implemented land use conversions without consultation to “co-owners” farmer-beneficiarie s, which led to the construction of Luisita Golf and Country Club, Las Haciendas Industrial Subdivision, Luisita Industrial Farm, Family Park Homes Subdivision, Don Pepe Cojuangco Subdivision, St. Luis Subdivision, a 500-hectare Central Techno Park and 66 hectare for Subic-Clark- Tarlac Expressway (Sctex).

As massive LUCs reduced lands to be worked on by agri-workers, workload or man-days have been reduced and massive retrenchment and forced retirements have been implemented by HLI. As the economic well-being of the agri-workers are threatened by Cojuangcos’ management, they were compelled to launch a full-size strike on November 6, 2004 and followed the Hacienda Luisita massacre on November 16 which killed 7 striking agri-workers. #

By Roy Morilla, Jay Calaguing and Ms Gigi Babon

Manila, Philippines- The militant Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP, Peasant Movement of the Philippines ) and farmworkers inside the 6,453 hectare sugar estate of Hacienda Luisita announced on Thursday that they will defy the October 30 deadline imposed by the management stopping farm workers from cultivating the lands.

The KMP and the Hacienda wide groups United Luisita Workers’ Union (Ulwu) and Alyansa ng Manggagawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (Ambala) said they beefing up their forces as they anticipate displacement measures of the Hacienda Luisita, Inc.

On call

“We are on-call starting today as October 30 nears. It is the deadline set by the Hacienda Luisita, Inc. (HLI) on their letter to the agri-workers dated December 18, 2008 for them to leave the lands inside the hacienda. We believe that this letter is immoral, unjust and illegal as the case of Hacienda Luisita is at the Supreme Court, which means, they have no right to implement such order,” said KMP Secretary-General Danilo Ramos in a press conference today in Quezon City .

The letter signed by a certain Hernan M. Gregorio, Jr., claiming to be Assistant Estate Manager of HLI said that by the said deadline, farmers could have recover the costs they invested in cultivating the lands.

On the contrary, Ulwu and Ambala members have affirmed of no plans of discontinuing cultivation and said that the Cojuangcos’ only cling to the lands is a desperate Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) issued by the Supreme Court against the order of the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC) and Dept. of Agrarian Reform (DAR) revocating the Stock Distribution Option (SDO).

“The only obvious measure that has come out of the Hacienda Luisita struggle is the immediate and free distribution of lands to the agri-workers, ” added Ramos.

Stock distribution option

Hacienda Luisita has been under SDO since the implementation of CARP in 1991 during President Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino’ s regime which superficially classified the farmer-beneficiarie s as “stock-holders. ” History has shown that the Cojuangcos’ have no plans of distributing the lands to agri-workers instead they have commenced with the massive land use conversion (LUCs) that left only about 3,200 hectares of agricultural lands from the original 7,500 hectares in 1958.

The Cojuangcos have implemented LUCs without consultation to “co-owners” farmer-beneficiarie s, which led to the construction of Luisita Golf and Country Club, Las Haciendas Industrial Subdivision, Luisita Industrial Farm, Family Park Homes Subdivision, Don Pepe Cojuangco Subdivision, St. Luis Subdivision, a 500-hectare Central Techno Park and 66 hectare for Subic-Clark- Tarlac Expressway (Sctex).

“Stock Distribution Option (SDO) has been proven clearly to be useless for the agri-workers of Hacienda Luisita. It has caused poverty and misery, such as the daily take-home pay of P9.50. Thus, SDO and the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) has been futile against the Cojuangcos’ landlord control of the lands,” said Ramos.

As massive LUCs reduced lands to be worked on by agri-workers, workload or man-days have been reduced and massive retrenchment and forced retirements have been implemented by HLI. As the economic well-being of the agri-workers are threatened by Cojuangcos’ management, they were compelled to launch a full-size strike on November 6, 2004 and followed the Hacienda Luisita massacre on November 16 which killed 7 striking agri-workers.

“There is no question the CARP which is now CARP Extension with `Reforms’ (Carper) has betrayed the agri-workers and veered away from genuine land reform. Thus, Hacienda Luisita agri-workers are calling for the immediate and free distribution of lands and the junking of Carper which we believe would be used by the Cojuangcos’ to displace agri-workers, ” said Ramos.

“The HLI letter was dated December 18 last year, which we believe prepared in anticipation of the passage of Carper, instead Congress passed the Joint Resolution No. 1. While Carper was signed by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on August 7, we believe that the Cojuangcos’ would revive coverage of the Hacienda Luisita lands to escape distribution, ” Ramos said.

Challenge to Noynoy

The group is also demanding Sen. Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III to act decisively in favor of the agri-workers. Sen. Aquino has claimed that he has only 1/32 control of the HLI and hinted that his family would “leave” the hacienda.

“As of now, we are still waiting for Sen. Aquino to do the right thing, which is to convince his family to distribute the lands to the legitimate owners, the agri-workers who developed it. As he is running for president, being indecisive and favoring his family’s vested interest are not of the qualities the Filipino people would want for a president, actually the people would hate that,” said Ramos.

KMP also reminded that there is still no justice for the victims of the Hacienda Luisita massacre. To date, the Cojuangcos were involved in two historical massacres killing Filipino peasants calling for genuine land reform, the first was the Mendiola Massacre on January 22, 1987 during President Aquino’s term.

“Sen. Aquino is facing a heavy roadblock on the issue of Hacienda Luisita, his inaction on the issue of land and justice would totally lead to his loss on the presidential elections. The issue of Hacienda Luisita would not wither away, he should act determined and for the interest of the poor peasants, actually the whole country even the world is on watch on the issue,” said Ramos.

Classic model

KMP with Ulwu, Ambala and Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (Uma) would be commemorating the anniversary of the Hacienda Luisita massacre on November 16. They would be launching a series of action, set off by a protest action at the Jose Cojuangco and Sons Building in Makati on October 30, to oppose the issued deadline for the agri-workers.

This would be followed by another protest action in Mendiola on November 6, to call for the junking of Carper and condemn the Arroyo administration for inaction on the issue. On November 16, the group would join to the thousand-strong caravan headed for Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac.

“Hacienda Luisita is a classic model of landlessness in the country, also of the determined struggle of peasants for genuine land reform, thus, we are calling on all sectors to support the struggle of agri-workers. Social justice and fundamental reform in Hacienda Luisita would precede reforms in the country,” called Ramos.#

Sinong Paniniwalaan?
(Kay Ka Ric Ramos ng CATLU)

NI RAUL FUNILAS
Posted by Bulatlat

Kasarapan nang tagayan
Sa bakurang pahingahan,
Labimpitong kasamahan
Ni Ka Ric, nagkakantahan.

At ang kanilang usapa’y
Ang bakpey sa sobrang araw
Nilang pinagtrabahuhan.
Nang biglang umalingawngaw!

Ang putok na nakadungaw
Ng M14 itinambang
Sa makapal na halaman
Nang nanubok sa inuman.

Habulang himig: Bang! Bang! Bang!
Nagkanya-kanyang pulasan,
Kasamang nabiglaanan;
Si Ka Ric, nakahandusay!

Labing walo na’ng namatay
Sa loob ng dal’wang buwan,
At ang pinagbibintanga’y
Ang militar: si Palparan.

Sigaw naman ni Palparan:
Mas marami daw kalaban
Ang nasa kaliwang hanay,
Sila-sila’y nagkatayan.

Kayo, aking kababayan!
Sinong paniniwalaan?
Ang nasa Pamahalaan
O masang gapos ang kamay?
Oktubre 26, 2005
Angeles City