گراں جو مجھ پہ يہ ہنگامہ زمانہ ہوا
جہاں سے باندھ کے رخت سفر روانہ ہوا
قيود شام وسحر ميں بسر تو کي ليکن
نظام کہنہ عالم سے آشنا نہ ہوا
فرشتے بزم رسالت ميں لے گئے مجھ کو
حضور آيہ رحمت ميں لے گئے مجھ کو
کہا حضور نے ، اے عندليب باغ حجاز!
کلي کلي ہے تري گرمي نوا سے گداز
ہميشہ سرخوش جام ولا ہے دل تيرا
فتادگي ہے تري غيرت سجود نياز
اڑا جو پستي دنيا سے تو سوئے گردوں
سکھائي تجھ کو ملائک نے رفعت پرواز
نکل کے باغ جہاں سے برنگ بو آيا
ہمارے واسطے کيا تحفہ لے کے تو آيا؟
”حضور! دہر ميں آسودگي نہيں ملتي
تلاش جس کي ہے وہ زندگي نہيں ملتي
ہزاروں لالہ و گل ہيں رياض ہستي ميں
وفا کي جس ميں ہو بو’ وہ کلي نہيں ملتي
مگر ميں نذر کو اک آبگينہ لايا ہوں
جو چيز اس ميں ہے’ جنت ميں بھي نہيں ملتي
جھلکتي ہے تري امت کي آبرو اس ميں
طرابلس کے شہيدوں کا ہے لہو اس ميں”

The Muslim ummah across the globe is in the grip of an era of turbulence and transformation, uprooting many ‘untouchable’ political players and oppressive rulers. The embodiment of this is the so-called ‘Arab Spring’, where we have witnessed rulers, who had usurped and solidified their power bases for decades, toppled by popular mass movements. In line with this, a very heartening picture is emerging from Syria, where the days of Bashar Al-Assad look increasingly numbered, in sha Allah.

However, the desire for change and the will to live by Islam permeates this ummah beyond the Middle East. Pakistan presents a primary example of this wind of change, with the masses conferring popularity upon all those positing an agenda of change, like Imran Khan (who comically announced his will to establish a khilafah Rashidah, in Karachi) . Paradoxically, even loyal servants of foreign ideologies, like Tahir-ul-Qadri, have held mass rallies calling for radical reforms of the system. The irony of the fact that his allies in this endeavour are the Deputy Prime Minister and two of the main components of the PPP coalition government is lost on many. A favourite reference point for these mass movements are the poetry and writings of Dr. Mohammed Iqbal, aka Allama Iqbal. Politicians reel off his words in presenting their devious policies and propositions, trying to mislead the ummah emotionally. In this context, it is considered important to produce a short analysis of Allama Iqbal’s ideology and political thought vis-à-vis Islam, Khilafah and the sharia. It is hoped that this will broaden the intellectual horizons of the Muslims of Pakistan, specifically, and the ummah en masse, more generally.

Iqbal can, without controversy be counted amongst the true intellectual giants of the ummah in the 20th Century. Along with Sheikh Taqiuddin An-Nabhani, Abu-ul-Ala Maududi, Syed Qutb and Hassan Al-Banna, he conducted invigorating and stimulating work in attempting to revive this ummah to its former glories. He was a vocal advocate of the unity of this ummah and the obligation of living by one Quran and the sunnah of the Prophet SAW, the perfection of humanity. This piece will attempt to evaluate his diagnosis of the ailment affecting the ummah and his vision of the only cure which could restore its health: united Islamic governance.

Allama Iqbal was born in November 1877, in Sialkot, a small city in British ruled Punjab. His father was a devoutly religious man and Iqbal attained the basic education of the deen from a local madrassa. He studied Philosophy and Law in England before completing his doctorate in Germany. Prior to this educational sojourn to Europe, Iqbal had been a talented yet typical poet, writing about abstract notions such as love, freedom and nationalism. In fact his poem, Saray Jahan se Acha, Hindustan Hamara (Our India is the best in the world) continues to retain its popularity in modern day India.

With this mindset, he travelled to Europe in 1905 enrolling at Trinity College, Cambridge University. It was in England, and his subsequent stay in Munich until 1908, that Iqbal began to appreciate the true beauty and comprehensive nature of the deen of Allah SWT. He famously wrote in his poem Tulu-e-Islam (The Rise of Islam), “Muslman ko Muslman kar diya Toofan-e-Maghrib ne” (the Muslim was solidified in Islam by the storm of the West), having been afforded a first-hand look at the thought and behaviour of the Europeans.

It is tempting to detail all of his musings upon Islam but the limitations of discourse do not allow such expansive rhetoric. This piece will look at a select few poems and writings, trying to deduce Iqbal’s vision of Islam as a comprehensive system of governance and life. In this arena, the subjects of secularism, democracy, capitalism, Muslim fraternity and nationalism will be highlighted in the vision of Iqbal. It must be acknowledged that he did not possess a flawless ideology upon the deen’s governance and he did attempt to formulate an aligning exercise within the deen and the modern systems of governance. In his essay on Islamic Political Thought, he detailed the dangers of both secularism and theocracy. He was acutely aware of allowing the monastic mullahs total control over the political process and warned against this practice in a vociferous manner.

Nevertheless, his writings upon the concepts used to disease this ummah, namely nationalism, democracy, secularism and capitalism were unequivocal and beautifully constructed. Central to this thought pattern is Iqbal’s staunch belief that there was no dichotomy between the deen of Allah and mainstream politics, one not being complete or correct without the other. A couplet from his collection of poems, Bal-e-Jibril, states “Jalal-e-badshahi ho ya jamhoori tamasha ho; Juda ho deen siyasat se to reh jati hey changezi” (whether it is the royalty of the Kings, or the facade of the democrats; if you separate the deen from politics, you are left with the barbarism of Ghenghis Khan). In fact, this secular ideology was the driving factor behind his interest and involvement in political Islam. In his address to the conference of the All-India Muslim League in 1930, he stated “politics have their roots in the spiritual life of man. It is my belief that Islam is not a matter of private opinion. It is a society. It is because present day political ideas, that appear to be shaping themselves in India (Muslim), may affect its original structure and character that I find myself interested in politics“.

These quotes were not an anomalous or uncommon pondering for Iqbal. This clarity of thought was evident on a multitude of occasions and he detested the idea of secularism being implanted in the heart of the ummah. He was fervent in his belief that the sharia of Allah SWT was the only ideology capable of tackling the plans of Iblis and ridding the world of perpetual slavery to man. He talks eloquently in a hypothetical-scenario poem, named Iblis Ki Majlis-e-Shura. Here, Iblis holds court with five of his main helpers. Going through their proud records, they highlight the implanting of capitalism, democracy, socialism, the Church, Zionism and imperialism as the foundations for their success. Iblis throws feint praise out for their efforts, but is troubled by one thought:

Janta Hun Main Ye Ummat Hamal-e-Quran Nahin
Hai Wohi Sarmayadari Banda-e-Momin Ka Deen

I do know this ummah is no longer the bearer of the Quran:
The same Capitalism is the religion of the Believer now

Janta Hun Main Ke Mashriq Ki Andheri Raat Mein
Be Yad-e-Baiza Hai Peeran-e-Haram Ki Asteen

And I know, too, that in the dark night of the East
The sleeve of the holy ones of the Sanctuary is bereft of the white, illuminating hand (of Musa (AS))

Asre-e-Hazir Ke Taqazaon Se Hai Lekin Ye Khof
Ho Na Jaye Ashakara Shara-e-Peghambar Kahin

The demands of the present age, however, spell the apprehension:
Lest the Shari‘ah of the Prophet SAW should come to light one day:

Alhazar! Aaeen-e-Peghambar Se Sou Bar Alhazar
Hafiz-e-Namoos-e-Zan, Mard Azma, Mard-e-Afreen

Beware, a hundred times beware, of the Law of the Prophet SAW!—
The protector of women’s honour, the tester of men’s capacities, the rearer of worthy men!

Mout Ka Pegham Har Nu-e-Ghulami Ke Liye
Ne Koi Faghfoor-o-Khaqaan, Ne Fareeq-e-Reh Nasheen

The message of death to any kind of slavery! No sovereigns and no monarchs, no mendicants begging!

Karta Hai Doulat Ko Har Aaludgi Se Pak Saaf
Munemon Ko Maal-o-Doulat Ka Banata Hai Ameen

It does purify wealth of all pollution:
It makes the wealthy trustees of wealth and property.

Iss Se Barh Kar Aur Kya Fikar-o-Amal Ka Inqilaab
Padshahon Ki Nahin, Allah Ki Hai Ye Zameen!

What greater revolution in thought and action will there be:
Not to the crowned heads, but to Allah alone does this Earth belong!

Chasme Alam Se Rahe Poshida Ye Aaeen To Khoob
Ye Ghanimat Hai Ke Khud Momin Hai Mehroom-e-Yaqeen

Better, if this Law be kept hidden from the world’s eye:
So much the better, the Believer himself is deprived of inner conviction.

It is worth reminding the reader that Iqbal’s vision was being crafted in the 1920/30s, in the immediate aftermath of the dissolving of the Khilafah by Mustafa Kamal. He saw the magnitude of this loss to the ummah and was deeply troubled by these developments. A short paragraph will analyse Iqbal’s views on this tragedy and the khilafah towards the end of this piece.

Further, Iqbal held a great dislike for the concept of nationalism, utilised by the West in dividing this ummah. He wrote in the poem The Rise of Islam, ” Ye Hindi, wo Khurasani, ye Afghani, wo Tourani; to ey sharminda-e-sahil! uchal kar bekran ho ja” (here Hindi, there Khurasani, here Afghan, there Tourani (Turkic); o you disliker of the shore! Immerse yourself in the sea of Islam and become limitless). In another example, he questions this disunity in his poem Jawab-e-Shikwa, stating “Harm-e-Paak bhi, Allah bhi, Quran bhi aik; Kuch bari baat thi hote jo Musalmaan bhi aik!” (one is your Haram-e-Pak, your Allah SWT and your Quran; would it be such a major ask if the Muslims were one too). He further attacks this idea in the same poem, poetically stating ” Yun to Syed bhi ho, Mirza bhi ho, Afghan bhi ho; Tum sabhi kuch ho, batao to Musalaman bhi ho!” (You’re syed, Moghuls and Afghans; tell me is there anyone who identifies himself as Muslim amongst you). This theme appears many times in the writings of Iqbal and it is unwise to detail all such examples here. A public address quotation allows one to round off this area of discussion almost perfectly, where he voiced his opinion that “… I have been repudiating the concept of nationalism since the time when it was not known in India and the Muslim world. At the very start it had become clear to me from the writings of European authors that the imperialistic designs of Europe were in great need of this effective weapon — the propagation of the European conception of nationalism in Muslim countries — to shatter the religious unity of Islam to pieces.” How can the political classes in Pakistan present an ideology for Pakistan, as if it is more than a piece in the jigsaw of the full picture of Islam?

Moreover, he robustly denounced the demonic nature of capitalism and imperialism, the twin foundations of divisive greed. He wrote on numerous occasions, dismayed by the trick of capitalism that he believed humanity had been duped in to. He felt at a loss to explain the ingenuity of man in accepting these amoral values, despite numerous attempts at outlining the inherent dangers and catastrophic drawbacks. He saw the Great Depression of 1929 as a treatise on the true virtues of capitalism. In his address of January 1, 1938, broadcast by All India Radio Lahore, he elucidated “In-spite of all these developments, the tyranny of imperialism struts, covering its forces in the mask of Democracy, Nationalism, Communism, Fascism and heaven knows what else besides. Under these masks in every corner of the earth, the spirit of freedom and dignity of man are being trampled underfoot in a way of which not even the darkest period of human history presents a parallel. So long as this so-called democracy, this accursed nationalism and this degraded imperialism are not shattered, so long as men do not demonstrate by their actions that they believe that the whole world belongs to God, as long as the distinction of the race, colour and geographical nationalities are not wiped out completely, they will never be able to lead a happy & contended life and the beautiful ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity will never be established” (Javed, 1996). How do the ones calling for capitalist models of economics reconcile their promotion of Iqbal’s vision with their own hypocritical stances? Which aspect of the idea presented here is so ambiguous as to afford them the audacity of presenting this heinous system as a model of conduct for the Muslims?

In his poem Jawab-e-Shikwa, he admonishes the Muslim for his complaints to the Almighty, in the words of Ridwan, the gatekeeper of the heavens. This is his thesis on the problems of the Muslim and an accurate diagnosis of the cancer at the heart of the ummah, holding it back. He writes “reh gyi rasm-e-azan, rooh-e-Bilali na rahi; falsafa reh gya, talqeen-e-Ghazali na rahi” (you are left with the tradition of the Adhan, you’re not in possession the spirit of Bilal RA; you are left with philosophy, devoid of the thought of Ghazali). He attacks the adoption of alien ideals within Islam saying “Waza mein tum ho nisara, tau tamaddun mein hanood; yeh musalman hain! jinhain dekh ke sharmaen yahood?” (you emulate the Christians in your style and your culture is that of the Hindus; are these the Muslims! the ones who put the Jews to shame?). This indictment utilises harsh terminology to remind the Muslim of that which he has taken on in his conduct, to his disastrous detriment. We continue to see the adoption of these ideas and ways of behaviour from the Muslim political elites across the globe. How can the ummah be rid of its intellectual imperialistic shackles if it perpetuates, thereby compounding, it’s errors?

Iqbal does go on to prescribe the tonic for this disease in very simple words. He details the response from the heavens saying:
Ma siwa Allah ke liye aag hai takbeer teri;
Tu Musalman ho to taqdeer hai tadbeer teri

All else but Allah is at your feet, If your Takbeer sounds great;
If you truly are a Muslim, Your effort is your fate.

Ki Muhammed (SAW) se wafa tu ne tau hum tere hain;
Yeh jahan cheez hai kya, Loh-o-Qalam tere hain

Be true to my Muhammad SAW and you have conquered me;
The world is nothing you will command My Pen of Destiny (Loh-o-Qalm)

Before summing up this piece, it is important to assess Iqbal’s philosophy in light of the reality of his time. He wrote and spoke extensively at the fall of the khilafah and urged the ummah to unite for this obligatory institution of the deen. He could not fathom a true Muslim ummah, in the absence of the khilafah. Once again, it is not possible to discuss all such literature from Iqbal, so one short poem before the fall of Istanbul should suffice to establish the point. The translation of his poem on the khilafah, taken from Persian is thus;

The tract of Constantinople, that is the Caesar’s city
The perpetual banner of the grandeur of the Ummah’s Mahdâ

Like the Haram’s dust this region is also holy
It is the shrine of descendants of Shah-i-Lawlak (Prophet SAW)

Its breeze is holy like the fragrance of rose
A voice is calling from the tomb of Ayyub Ansarâ

O Muslim! this city is the heart of the Nation of Islam!
This city is the reward for millenniums of blood sacrifices

It remains a mystery why the political classes try to utilise the works of Iqbal to justify their incorrect positions, or as reference point at all. The only source of guidance for a Muslim is the Quran and Sunnah and the teachings of Prophet Mohammed SAW are infinitely more comprehensive, wise and correct. However, as this piece attempts to outline, Iqbal possessed a love for the deen of Allah and believed the unity of Muslims, both political and spiritual, as the only solution to revive these people from the abyss they currently inhabit. His words are as true today as they were 80 or 90 years ago and the ummah is still threatened by the same secular idols of capitalism, democracy and nationalism. Those quoting Iqbal would be well heeded to study his works before making emotionally inflammatory speeches, misdirecting this ummah. Iqbal’s vision in Pakistan, and across the Muslim countries, can only be fulfilled by the inevitable advent of the Khilafah Rashidah, in sha Allah.

AK

Saying that-
Over me the night is past
And in pecking day is lost!

Towards their nest
How will they (birds) reach
When the shadow of dark
Has fastened its glitch

When heard this yell and wail
Of the nightingale
Said the glowworm
In a voice so calm

With my heart and soul
To you I am of avail
So what if I am
An insect so little?

The night is dark
Why worry then?
All through your route
I will enlighten!

A torch has Allah given me
A radiant lamp has He made me

Noble are those ones indeed
Whom others find while in need!

- Alama Iqbal