Pendahuluan

Perbincangan mengenai civil society di Indonesia mulai berkembang sejak dekade 1970 bersamaan dengan mulai maraknya lembaga swadaya masyarakat di Indonesia. Maraknya wacana civil society juga dipengaruhi oleh berbagai peristiwa politik dunia yang mendesak proses demokrasi ke berbagai belahan dunia. Desakan demokratisasi dan redemokratisasi ini oleh Huntington dinilai sebagai “gelombang demokrasi ketiga”[1]. Ciri dari gelombang demokratisasi ketiga ini diantaranya adalah perubahan lebih bersifat global dari sebelumnya, dan sebagai konsekuensinya mempengaruhi lebih banyak negara, terutama negara-negara berkembang yang bersifat otoritarian dan totaliter. Dengan kata lain demokrasi merupakan suatu sistem politik yang bersifat keharusan.[2]                                                                                                               

Dalam konteks Indonesia, gaung demokratisasi yang dimulai sejak tahun 1990-an dan mencapai puncaknya pada tahun 1998 yang ditandai oleh lengsernya Presiden Suharto, tidak dapat melepaskan dari peranan masyarakat atau civil society  dalam proses tranformasi demokrasi tersebut. Dan, pengaruh reformasi di tingkat nasional dengan cepat menyebar ke seluruh pelosok Indonesia.  Berbagai tuntutan keadilan regional bahkan pemisahan diri mulai bermunculan. Kondisi sosial politik di daerah ini merupakan salah satu faktor yang mendorong Pemerintah Pusat mencairkan sentralisme kekuasaan yang sudah sekian lama berada di tangannya. Otonomi daerah dijadikan semacam kebijakan untuk meresolusi konflik pusat-daerah itu dengan pemberian otoritas politik, administratif, dan ekonomi yang sangat luas kepada daerah.

Pada umumnya dalam perspektif teori liberal tentang negara berpendapat bahwa demokrasi lokal memberi  kontribusi yang positif terhadap kematangan demokrasi nasional (national democracy). Hal ini disebabkan banyaknya kesempatan bagi berkembangnya partisipasi dalam menentukan kebijakan pemerintah karena adanya iklim demokrasi yang menghargai pendapat dan kebebasan berbicara. Dengan demikian demokrasi lokal  (local democracy) menjadi sangat besar perannya dalam mendukung demokrasi nasional. Oleh karena itu pemberian otonomi yang seluas-luasnya pada daerah justru akan sangat berpengaruh pada kehidupan demokrasi negara secara keseluruhan.

Berbagai pandangan yang menyebutkan bahwa pemerintahan daerah merupakan cara yang terbaik dalam memberikan pelayanan terhadap masyarakat, bersandar pada dua asumsi. Pertama, kehidupan demokrasi di tingkat pemerintahan daerah akan berimbas pada baiknya kehidupan  demokrasi di tingkat nasional. Pada tingkat nasional ini terkait dengan pendidikan politik, latihan dalam kepemimpinan politik dan stabilitas politik. Kedua, mengembangkan kehidupan demokrasi di tingkat daerah mempunyai manfaat yang sangat besar, seperti berkembangnya kesamaan (equality), kebebasan (liberty), dan bersikap tanggap (responsiveness).[3]

Lebih lanjut Mill mengatakan: “Local government on the ground that it provides extra opportunities for political participation, both in electing and being elected to local offices, for people who otherwise would have few chances to act politically between national election.  Local government extends such opportunities to the ‘lower grades’ of society, local positions rarely being sought by the higher ranks”[4]

 Untuk itu, dalam kerangka civil society, menarik untuk mengkaji sejauhmana otonomi daerah dapat memainkan peran dalam mengakomodasi berbagai aspirasi masyarakat, sehingga ia berfungsi sebagai akselerator demokrasi di tingkat lokal. Makalah ini mencoba mencari jawaban bagaimana konstruksi civil society mendapat tempat dalam implementasi  otonomi daerah.

Asumsi sederhana yang dijadikan pijakan membangun gagasan dalam tulisan ini adalah prospek demokrasi seiring dengan diberlakukannya otonomi daerah yang sangat ditentukan oleh sejauhmana masyarakat otonom vis a vis negara (:pemerintah). Kedua variabel ini memainkan peranan penting dalam proses tranformasi demokrasi. Sehingga proses demokrasi yang sehat di tingkat lokal akan sangat ditentukan oleh sejauhmana masyarakat bertindak dan di lain pihak bagaimana pemerintah daerah akomodatif terhadap aspirasi masyarakatnya.

 Civil Society dalam Implementasi Otonomi Daerah

Secara konseptual, sebagaimana dipaparkan di atas, konsep civil society biasanya ditempatkan dalam kaitan pembahasan tentang peran negara, karena posisinya yang seringkali ditempatkan secara berhadapan dengan negara. Oleh karena itu,  untuk memahami civil society secara empirik perlu dipahami terlebih dahulu bentuk sistem pemerintahannya. Dalam kerangka pemikiran semacam ini, untuk memahami civil society di Indonesia perlu melatakkan pada konteks bentuk pemerintahan yang dianut negara Indonesia. 

Pemerintahan Orde Baru memiliki beberapa ciri. Pertama, Model Birokrasi Otoriter (Bureaucratic authoritarian rezime). Model ini pada awalnya digunakan untuk menjelaskan fenomena politik di beberapa negara Amerika Latin.[5] Menurut model ini legitimasi pemerintahan didasarkan pada kombinasi berbagai sumber kekuasaan seperti ekonomi, militer dan budaya. Oleh karena itu pada masa Orde Baru birokrasi berkembang menjadi sebuah kekuatan yang besar dan berhasil mengontrol masyarakat. Kedua adalah rezim birokrasi militer (bureaucratic military rezime). Birokrasi didominasi oleh kelompok militer yang bertindak secara komando. Oleh karena itu, birokrasi miskin dengan nilai-nilai partisipasi di  mana setiap keputusan ditentukan berdasarkan kepentingan para pejabat birokrasi (top down).  Birokrasi negara tidak lagi berfungsi sebagai instrumen yang memudahkan praktek pelayanan publik, melainkan telah bergeser  menjadi salah satu kekuatan untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan.

Ketiga, pemerintahan Orde Baru berhasil mewarnai negara menjadi negara organik-korporatis[6].  Sistem ini membagi masyarakat ke dalam golongan-golongan fungsional: birokrasi militer, birokrasi sipil, golongan karya, partai politik, organisasi fungsional seperti buruh dan tani, organisasi massa dan organisasi profesional. Pada umumnya, golongan-golongan tersebut dipimpin oleh kalangan militer yang secara teknis dominan, sehingga mudah untuk dikontrol oleh negara. Keempat, pada masa akhir Orde Baru mulai timbul corak birokrasi patrimonial. Ciri birokrasi ini adalah manajemen birokrasi dikendalikan oleh kepentingan keluarga pejabat yang pada umumnya bergerak di bidang bisnis. Dari sinilah muncul gejala nepotisme yang berpusat pada elit politik di sekitar keluarga presiden.[7]

Ditegakkannya struktur kekuasaan yang represif oleh Pemerintah Orde Baru ternyata berhasil menjaga stabilitas politik, sehingga pembangunan ekonomi berjalan dengan lancar. Bentuk kekuasaan yang  hegemonik dan dominatif ini mampu untuk sementara meredam gejolak sosial yang muncul di tingkat masyarakat, terutama masyarakat lokal yang merasakan hubungan yang tidak adil antara Pusat dan daerah. Semangat  penyelenggaraan kekuasaan yang sentralistik serta ditopang  oleh kehadiran struktur otoritarian (dalam sistem militer teritorial) sampai pada tingkatan terendah, menguatkan sebuah format politik lokal yang lebih berorientasi ke Pemerintah Pusat (Jakarta) daripada tergantung pada konfigurasi politik lokal.

Amandemen UU No. 5/1974 mengenai Pemerintahan Daerah mencoba membalikkan sentralisme kekuasaan pusat. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari substansi perubahan yang merupakan asas fundamental yang penting dalam konsep hubungan antara pusat dan daerah. Dasar legitimasi pemerintahan daerah yang baru (UU No. 22/1999), menurut Benyamin Hoessein menganut “the local democracy model”. Model  otonomi seperti ini lebih menekankan pada democratic and locallity values daripada efficiency values (the structural efficiency model)[8]. Di samping itu, local democracy model menghargai local differences and system diversity, because local authority has both the capacity and the legitimacy for local choice and  local voice.[9]

Walaupun UU No. 22 tahun 1999 memberikan lebih banyak kekuasaan kepada daerah, dalam prakteknya ternyata masih menyimpan banyak persoalan, baik teknis administrasi maupun respon Pemerintah Daerah dan masyarakat terhadap penyelenggaraan otonomi daerah. Realitas politik di daerah, seiring dengan diberlakukannya otonomi daerah telah melahirkan persoalan pelik, baik di tingkat kelembagaan daerah maupun di pihak masyarakatnya sendiri, terutama yang menyangkut Kepala Daerah. Pemilihan dan pertanggungjawaban Kepala Daerah menjadi akar berbagai konflik yang muncul di Daerah, terutama dijadikan alat untuk memaksakan kepentingan kelompok-kelompok bila muncul ketidakpuasan. Dialog sebagai jalan terbaik dalam demokrasi dipahami sebatas bila sesuai kepentingan politik. 

Upaya untuk meredam konflik adalah dengan merevisi UU No 22 tahun 1999 dengan UU No 32 tahun 2004. Perbedaan yang mendasar dari UU otonomi yang baru adalah pemilihan Kepala Daerah secara langsung, tidak lagi melalui mekanisme DPRD. Otoritas Kepala Daerah berdasarkan Pilkada Langsung sangat kuat dan tidak bisa dengan mudah dijatuhkan oleh DPRD, sebagaimana UU sebelumnya. Namun, realitas politik lokal menunjukkan justru konflik pilkada langsung jauh lebih luas spektrumnya. Konflik tidak lagi bersifat horizontal namun juga vertikal.

Konflik-konflik yang pada awalnya didasari pada perbedaan pendapat, kepentingan ataupun cara penyelesaian masalah yang ditempuh itu, karena tidak didasari oleh suatu pemahaman yang baik terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi dan terlalu besarnya gejolak eforia politik, sehingga yang terjadi adalah aksi-aksi yang mengarah pada pemaksaan fisik dan kekerasan. Bahkan bagi daerah-daerah tertentu, hal ini telah menjadi model tersendiri, yaitu dengan pengerahan massa untuk mewujudkan kepentingan tertentu, sekalipun mengorbankan nilai dan cara-cara yang demokratis yang pada akhirnya menimbulkan korban fisik.

Frans Magnis mengidentifikasi ada dua dimensi yang berdampingan dalam budaya kekerasan, yaitu dimensi politik dan dimensi sosial budaya. Dalam dimensi sosial budaya, kekerasan itu ada dalam praktek kehidupan sehari-hari, termasuk tindakan kriminal. Sedangkan dalam dimensi politik, kekerasan digunakan untuk mengintimidasi lawan politik atau untuk memaksakan kepentingan-kepentingan dalam mencapai tujuannya. Oleh karena itu, masyarakat hanya memahami bahwa penggunaan kekerasan bisa dijadikan alat untuk mencapai tujuan. Sedangkan pendekatan dialogis dalam mencapai kompromi dipahami sebagai sebuah kesia-siaan.[10]

Berdasarkan paparan di atas, jelas sekali terlihat bahwa keberadaan civil society dalam implementasi otonomi daerah masih belum nampak menjadi sebuah kenyataan. Dengan menggunakan kerangka berpikir  Eisenstadt, civil society  sebagai wilayah mandiri bagi aktivitas politik masyarakat masih didominasi oleh lembaga-lembaga formal politik.  Partisipasi politik rakyat –misalnya, dalam kasus pemilihan Kepala daerah- direduksi menjadi bentuk dukungan kepada calon Kepala Daerah. Otonomi daerah yang seharusnya meletakkan pada kepentingan masyarakat lebih banyak dimanfaatkan oleh elit politik daerah.

Begitu pula dengan akses masyarakat terhadap lembaga-lembaga politik yang ada di daerah. Dalam kerangka civil society setiap masyarakat harus mempunyai akses yang bebas terhadap lembaga-lembaga pemerintahan daerah. Dalam arti, setiap individu dapat melakukan partisipasi dalam berbagai bentuk.  Dan, pemerintah dituntut komitmennya untuk mewujudkan aspirasi masyarakat yang berkembang. Masyarakat memang diberikan kebebasan untuk berpartisipasi, namun keputusan akhir cenderung lebih mendasarkan pada kepentingan elit-elit politik, baik yang ada di lemabaga perwakilan maupun pemerintahan. Sehingga kebebasan untuk berpartisipasi lebih bersifat formalitas. Meminjam istilah Huntington, bentuk seperti itu disebut “partisipasi semu”.[11]

Padahal secara teoritis, dengan adanya perluasan wewenang pemerintah daerah ini akan dapat tercipta apa yang Smith (1985) sebut dengan local accountability , yakni meningkatkan kemampuan pemerintah daerah dalam memperhatikan hak-hak dari komunitasnya. Namun pada sisi lain, kebijakan otonomi daerah juga tidak kecil kemungkinan membuka peluang semakin terkonsentrasinya kekuasaan di tangan local state-actors (birokrat dan politisi di daerah). Ini sebenarnya salah satu bahaya dari perluasan otonomi daerah yang perlu dicermati. Bila kecenderungan ini yang terjadi, maka otonomi daerah tidak akan serta merta membuka peluang terwujudnya civil society. Apalagi kalau  mencermati perilaku elite lokal dalam mengimplementasikan otonomi daerah.

 Penutup

Walaupun implementasi otonomi daerah masih menyimpan banyak persoalan, namun tidak ada pilihan lain untuk menunda pelaksanaannya. Ada beberapa hal yang patut dipersiapkan agar otonomi daerah menjelma menjadi otonominya masyarakat bukan otonominya elit politik atau Pemerintah Daerah. Pertama, kebijakan otonomi daerah harus memiliki pra kondisi yaitu pengakuan terhadap hak politik  masyarakat daerah untuk menentukan hubungan yang seimbang antara kepentingan pusat dan daerah. Kedua, desentralisasi politik (devolusi) harus iikuti dengan demokratisasi dalam tataran kelembagaan maupun prosedural, termasuk di dalamnya yang paling penting adalah pemberdayaan badan-badan perwakilan daerah. Ketiga, kebijakan otonomi daerah tidak diartikan untuk memperkuat  state di daerah melainkan membangun kekuatan civil society. Dengan demikian otonomi daerah harus mampu memperkuat posisi tawar daerah-daerah berhadapan dengan pemerintah pusat serta memperkuat posisi masyarakat daerah berhadapan dengan pemerintahnya sendiri.

Oleh karena itu, dalam otonomi daerah rakyat semestinya lebih diberi kesempatan mengembangkan potensi kekuatannya dan bekerja atas dasar pilihan-pilihan sukarela sesuai ukuran kekuatan dan kebutuhan dirinya. Otonomi daerah adalah otonomi masyarakat daerah, sehingga semua proses politik dan pelayanan pemerintahan di  daerah ditujukan bagi kepentingan mereka. Keberadaan masyarakat  menjadi dasar pertimbangan bagi setiap pendasaran, perencanaan dan tujuan otonomi daerah. Pemerintah  dengan otonomi politik yang dimilikinya  hanyalah instrumen dalam rangka mencapai kesejahteraan rakyat. Kalau kebijakan otonomi daerah dilaksanakan seperti itu, maka pemberdayaan civil society relatif mudah untuk diwujudkan.

 Daftar Pustaka

Asfar, Muhamas,  Islam, Penguatan Civil Society dan Prospek Demokrasi di Indonesia, Bigraf Publishing: Malang. 2000.

Budiman, Arief (eds), State and Civil Society in Indonesia,  Centre of South East Asia Studies: Australia, 1992.

Cohen, Jean L. and Arato, Andrew,  Civil Society and Political Theory, Time MIT Press: Cambridge. 1992.

Eisensdadt, SN, civil Society, dalam Seymour M. Lipset (eds), The Encyclopedia of Democracy, Volume I, Washington DC. 1995.

Falk, Richard, On Human Government, Toward a New Global Politics. Pennsylvania State University Press: Pensylvania. 1995.

Gaffar, Afan.  Politik Indonesia: Transisi Menuju Demokrasi. Pustaka Pelajar: Yogyakarta. 1999.

Hikam, Muhammad AS. Demokrasi dan Civil Society,  LP3ES: Jakarta. 1996

Hoessein, Benyamin. Hubungan Penyelenggaraan Pemerintahan Pusat Dengan Pemerintahan Daerah,  dalam Jurnal Bisnis dan Birokrasi, Nomor 1/Volume 1, 2000, Jur. Ilmu Administrasi, Fisip – Universitas Indonesia. Hlm. 11

—————————-, Otonomi Daerah dan Kepemerintahan yang Baik, Makalah Seminar Nasional “OTONOMI DAERAH”.: Menuju Kepemerintahan yang Baik Guna Pemberdayaan Sosial Ekonomi Masyarakat”, Century Park, Senayan – Jakarta. 2000

—————————: “Landasan Filosofis Tentang Pembentukan Daerah Otonom di Indonesia”, IULA-ASPAC, 1999.

Huntington, Samuel. Gelombang Demokratisasi Ketiga.Grafiti: Jakarta. 1995

Huntington dan Joan Nelson. Partispasi Politik di Negara Berkembang. Rineka Cipta:Jakarta. 1994

Huseini,  Martani, “Otonomi Daerah, Integrasi Bangsa, dan Daya Saing Nasional: Saka Sakti Suatu Model Alternatif Pemberdayaan Ekonomi Daerah”, Makalah Orasi Ilmiah STIA LAN, Bandung 29 April 2000.

Mill, John Stuart, Representative Government, dalam BC Smith Decentralitation the Territorial Dimensional of The State. Australia: George Allen & Unwim.

O’Donnel, Guillermo,  Transisi Menuju Demokrasi”  Jilid 1 – 4. LP3ES: Jakarta 1979.

Rahardjo, Dawam, Masyarakat Madani: Demokrasi, Kemajuan dan Keadilan. Makalah dalam Seminar “ Strategi penguatan Civil Society di Indonesia, 23-25 Oktober 1998. di Bogor

Smith, BC,  Desentalization, The Territorial Dimentional of The State, (Australia: George Allen & Unwim, 1985).

Sulardi, “Bencana Otonomi Daerah” Artikel dalam Harian Umum Kompas, 28 April 2000

Kompas, 19 Oktober 1998

[1]       Samuel Huntington, Gelombang Demokratisasi Ketiga.Grafiti: Jakarta. 1995

[2]       Richard Falk, On Human Government, Toward a New Global Politics. Pennsylvania State University Press: Pensylvania. 1995. Hlm. 104

[3] Untuk lebih jelasnya lihat BC Smith, Desentalization, The Territorial Dimentional of The State, (Australia: George Allen & Unwim, 1985). Hlm. 18-44

[4] John Stuart Mill, Representative Government, dalam BC Smith Decentralitation the Territorial Dimensional of The State. Australia: George Allen & Unwim. Hlm. 21

[5]       Lihat Guillermo O’Donnel,  Transisi Menuju Demokrasi”  Jilid 1 – 4. LP3ES: Jakarta 1979.

[6]       Dawam Rahardjo, Masyarakat Madani: Demokrasi, Kemajuan dan Keadilan. Makalah dalam Seminar “ Strategi penguatan Civil Society di Indonesia, 23-25 Oktober 1998. di Bogor

[7]       Dawam Rahardjo, Ibid.

[8]       ”the structural efficiency model”  lebih mengutamakan pentingnya menghimpun sumber daya dan potensi dari daerah ditarik ke pusat, dengan dalih untuk pemerataan dan pemberian pelayanan secara efisien kepada local communities, akibatnya lebih mendorong intervensi pusat yang lebih besar untuk mengontrol pemerintah daerah guna menjamin efisiensi dan kemajuan ekonomi, penekanan yang lebih besar kepada “uniformity and conformity”, serta monopolistik dengan mengabaikan nilai-nilai lokal dan keanekaragaman daerah, yang pada akhirnya mengabaikan nilai-nilai demokrasi (dalam Benyamin Hossein, 1999)

[9]       Halligan, John, and Chris Aulich,  “Reforming Australian Government: Impact and Implications for Local Public Administration”, dalam Reforming Government: New Concepts and Practices in Local Public Administration, Tokyo: Eropa Local Government Center, 1998, dalam Bhenyamin Hoessein : “Landasan Filosofis Tentang Pembentukan Daerah Otonom di Indonesia”, IULA-ASPAC, 1999, hlm.6.

[10]     Kompas, 19 Oktober 1998

[11]     Lihat Huntington dan Joan Nelson. Partispasi Politik di Negara Berkembang. Rineka Cipta:Jakarta. 1994

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04 October 2009

Your Excellency,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

First of all, let me express my gratitude to Lars Thunell, Chief Executive Officer of the International Finance Corporation, for giving me the opportunity to share with you a few thoughts on sustainable employment in the context of the current economic crisis. Whether or not it is true that “nothing will ever be the same” after the current turmoil subsides, I think one primary action, indeed a duty, for all of us should be to reflect on how best we can pass through these difficult times. What measures can we conceive, what processes can we initiate, that will give reasonable hope that the picture, after the crisis, is not bleak for those who have lost their jobs and for those entering the job market having completed their education?

Read more…

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Commentarao – S.L. Rao

Non-governmental organizations are making a difference to the lives of poor and marginalized people in India. Most work in geographically limited areas. They are idealistic and want change, and hope to enter the lives of those they work with. Funding agencies and NGOs are enthused by any sign of change in the long-failed state of Bihar. A virulent and discriminatory caste system that deprives the lower castes even of government-funded entitlements is reinforced by a very corrupt bureaucracy, especially at the lower levels. Even the chief minister, Nitish Kumar, will admit that Bihar today is still far from being transformed. It is only beginning a long process of change.

The Aga Khan Foundation is an example of an NGO that, through its development network, is working on livelihood enhancement, health, sanitation and education. It has commenced a programme to approach these issues in a unified manner in Bihar.

A two-day intensive trip by road in Bihar to see a sample of its work took me to villages in and around Patna, Muzaffarpur and Samastipur. We met many Dalits, both Hindu and Muslim. They reported some improvement in law and order, and better roads. The bane of Bihar, as of the rest of India, but far worse, is the poor government delivery system. This is so with schools, health centres, immunization programmes, the mid-day meal and national rural employment guarantee schemes and a myriad others from the Central and state governments. Entitlements are denied mostly to those the schemes are most meant for, the lower-caste poor. This denial by low-level bureaucrats is combined with greater caste discrimination than anywhere else in today’s India. A corrupt and incompetent bureaucracy combines with upper-caste mukhiyas in panchayats to deny entitlements to the largely illiterate and browbeaten poor. So NGOs have a major role to play in educating them on their entitlements and helping them access these.

The difference that small interventions by NGOs can make in the limited geography they work in, is striking. The transformation in lives, especially of mothers and children, made by solar lamps sponsored by The Energy and Resources Institute in the “to light a billion homes” project was immediate and heart-warming. The Aga Khan Foundation is also piloting a savings programme. Unlike the many self-financing schemes now driven by banks and non-banking finance institutions which have become high profit-makers, the foundation concentrates on the poorest, and is entirely community-driven. If it can be replicated over the state it has the potential to make a real impact and at a low cost per contact. It is the replication of such pilot programmes which are high cost per contact into mass programmes reaching many that is the real challenge and will indicate the programme’s success. The other challenge is to sensitize lower socio-economic classes about their entitlements, and help get them.

The foundation’s approach is towards a holistic development programme which covers livelihoods, education, health and savings. Both state and Central governments have ambitious programmes covering these over the whole state. The foundation, like other NGOs, must aim at learning and then teaching the lessons for the government to use in its large programmes. It is also well-placed to try new solutions that can then be offered to the government to implement on a much larger scale.

The focus for all NGOs must always and everywhere be on replicability and maximum impact. The innovations being piloted by the foundation are simple but effective. In agriculture, for example, a proven technique for paddy cultivation elsewhere in India uses 40 per cent less water. A simple polythene covered tent helps small farmers produce high quality tomatoes and exotic vegetables that can add significantly to income. Rural communities must be taught to use the cell phones that have entered the state. If the farmers work together, they can explore best prices in different markets and also arrange for a truck to come to the village to carry the produce. Farmers must be helped to work together to such mutual advantage.

These poor farmers meet regularly to discuss how the paddy programme and the tents are working. They could, at the same time, learn about their entitlements under various government schemes. Job cards under the NREGS are not issued. Even when they are issued, work is not given; full wages are not paid. To ensure that they get the full benefits, NGOs could train the poor in tackling government officials. Foundation workers could also support them in their meetings with some of these officials.

The innovative community savings groups consist entirely of women and are intended to provide funds in case of emergencies at much lower cost than if they went to the mahajan — moneylender — as they have done so far. The entire operation of recording, collecting, safeguarding the money, recovering dues, and so on, are handled by different women in the group, which is also responsible for ensuring that the loans are returned on time. The intention is not to expand these groups into the financing of investments but keep them confined to emergency loans, a need that strikes every poor family occasionally and for which the only recourse hitherto was the extortionate moneylender.

These women’s groups can also be involved in other village activities. They could take responsibility for midday meals in schools and earn some money, handle the provisions of midday meals in schools, usually for their own children, and also be given training in local hygiene and sanitation programmes. Thus, the stealing by government officials can be reduced, food of improved quality be given to children, and teachers enabled to devote the time now devoted to cooking and serving to teaching.

The foundation has also set up learning centres, superior duplicates of the regular government schools. The children attend these after going to the government school. The Dalit and Muslim children in these centres were enthusiastic learners. The parents are unanimous that their children are at last learning. Better trained and dedicated teachers and novel techniques of teaching make these centres popular and effective. But a learning centre is a duplicate of the government school. Government schools must be made to improve on a mass scale. The learning centres can be the models for improving the quality of teaching and teachers in government schools. The focus must be to help improve the thousands of government schools and their teachers.

In a large madrasa at Pusa, the foundation has introduced computer training for girls. It gives them self-respect and introduces the new essential for success, computers. The girls are keen to earn using their new skills. But there are no jobs for them in the neighbourhood, they have little English, no bookkeeping or statistics, are taught only Word and Excel, and the whole state suffers frequent power outages. Nor can the girls afford their own computers. Perhaps locally marketable skills that can help the girls earn in their neighbourhood might have more value.

The outlook under the Nitish Kumar government is hopeful and optimistic. There is some improvement in law and order, transport and communications. But schooling, hygiene, health, including immunization services, remain far behind the rest of India. A very inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy at almost all levels of government must improve. The NGOs with access to the government at the higher levels can play a catalytic role in educating people on entitlements and assuring their delivery to the poor. Interventions in spheres where the government has the resources to cover the whole population must only be to improve government delivery and try out new ideas that can then be implemented more widely by government agencies. Hence NGOs must constantly consider impact and replicability. Only these can transform the wretched lives of the lowest socio-economic classes.

The author is former director- general, National Council for Applied Economic Research

The Telegraph-Kolkata

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By Dalila Mahdawi
Daily Star staff
Monday, November 30, 2009

“The ban … is a necessary emergency step in the face of an alarming rise in the number of suicides by domestic workers in Lebanon,” said Fatima Gomar, editor of Migrant-Rights.org. “There is a growing understanding among Asian governments that they need to step up and bar their citizens from working in countries where their rights are not protected.”

“Passport retention can be a tool to hold workers in exploitative and/or difficult work conditions,” said Azfar Khan, senior migration specialist at the International Labor Organization’s Regional Office for the Arab States. “Despite our best efforts the situation seems to be going from bad to worse.”

The Himalayan Times said the ban was also influenced by the failure of Nepalese recruitment agencies to fulfill promises to establish shelters and to monitor their clients’ treatment by calling them every fortnight. It added nine Nepalese migrants had committed suicide in Lebanon since March this year.

ධර්ම චක්‍රයක්

අල්තාරයක්

සිපිමින්
දෝලනය වන
කාලාවර්තය
ගෙනිය නොහැකි තරමි
සරල වු
සරලම සරල අවලම්භය

The Mirror, Vol. 13, No. 640

The past weak saw a special anniversary celebration, which is in no calendar of national events: 30 years since NGOs started to work in Cambodia. Nowadays, when the participation of NGOs – foreign and national – is assumed as a regular feature of life in society, it is surely not easy to understand the extraordinary nature that foreign NGOs came to Cambodia in 1979. At that time, the majority of UN member states considered the Cambodian government to be illegal. The so called “Western” countries and the People’s Republic of China agreed on the point that the Khmer Rouge representative continued to legally represent Cambodia at the United Nations until 1990. Seeing this agreement between these two world powers normally not much in agreement, many Third World countries went along with this understanding. Only the socialist countries (except China) and India established diplomatic relations with the government in Phnom Penh after the end of the Khmer Rouge regime. And US citizens, working in Cambodia, even if their salaries did not originate from the USA, had to pay “punitive taxes” in the USA.

30 Years NGOs in Cambodia Celebration

Eva Mysliwiec, now the director of Youth Star Cambodia, who had came to Cambodia in May 1980, spoke at the commemoration, on behalf of the NGO Organizing Committee, about the three decades of NGO partnerships with the people and government of Cambodia, saying,

“It is very moving to look around this room and to see so many people who have contributed to the Cambodia in which we live today. How far we have come since 1979!

I remember well my arrival in May 1980, in a country devastated by war and genocide. I remember vividly my first meeting with Samdech HUN Sen who was then Foreign Minister and 28 years old.”

There were only five NGOs, who had dared to break the boycot of their home governments: the American Friends Service Committee, CIDSE, Church World Service, OXFAM, and World Vision – now, as the Prime Minister announced in his speech, there are 3,207 NGOs and associations, that is 1,933 NGOs and 1,274 other associations. Eva Mysliwiec continued:

“The core of NGO work was focused on massive relief, meeting health needs and restoring agricultural production in order to prevent famine. Because of the embargo imposed by the Western Community and with precious few resources, NGOs found themselves in a unique role where they had to provide massive infrastructure assistance as well… NGO work in the eighties spanned virtually every sector of Cambodian society and economy, from the restoration of urban and rural water supply, to the rehabilitation of infrastructure, the provision of basic agriculture, education and health inputs, etc. – the list is endless.”

But in spite of all this emphasis on practical actions, she said:

“In my view, the most valuable role the NGOs played in the eighties was solidarity: bearing
witness to the suffering of Cambodian people, bearing witness to the unearthing of mass graves, bearing witness to the continuing hardship caused by the embargo and isolation and especially bearing witness to the resilience, ingenuity and determination of people to rebuild their country. They created a bridge between Cambodian people and the people in countries whose governments did not recognize Cambodia.”

This history has to be remembered, when nowadays, sometimes the opinion is expressed that NGOs have one role only: “to provide humanitarian assistance” – quite different from the wide variety of activities NGOs are engaged with in other countries of the world.

All the more it was interesting that also the keynote speaker, Ingrid Srinath, Secretary General of CIVICUS (“Promoting a worldwide community of informed, inspired, committed citizens who are actively engaged in confronting the challenges facing humanity” – with member organizations in 110 countries), described the fundamental task of civil society not just in terms of development or humanitarian project implementations, but located their role in the present situation, after the collapse of many schemes based on an free-market system, where human rights an democratic are more under threat than before.

“In Latin America, Africa, Eurasia and Asia authoritarian governments are being permitted to crack down with impunity on civil society and media freedoms through new, draconian legislative and fiscal controls if they control access to energy resources, investment or markets… Funding for defending these rights, for strengthening civil society architecture and for building solidarity across civil society groups is also much harder to come by as donor resources are stretched by increasing domestic needs and by more immediate humanitarian needs…

“The possibilities of mounting a coherent challenge to the economic paradigm of market fundamentalism and the patent inequity of the institutions of global governance have never been greater. For the first time in history peoples from Michigan to Manila, Madrid to Mali, and Mumbai to Moscow can share the realization that the root causes of their individual problems, and hence their interests, are in fact, identical. From slums to forests, fishing communities to assembly-lines, indigenous peoples to suburbia – the people we so often refer to as ‘ordinary’ are increasingly aware of the connectedness of their causes. It’s up to us as civil society to provide the means for them to mobilize in solidarity with each other. We have unprecedented access to the information, networks and technologies that permit us to support their struggles against tyranny and injustice…

“Speaking in Moscow a few months ago, Barack Obama affirmed that ‘meeting these challenges requires a vibrant civil society; the freedom of people to live as they choose, to speak their minds, to organize peacefully and to have a say in how they are governed; a free press to report the truth; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; a government that’s accountable and transparent.’

“We know from experience that active citizenship is the only antidote to this takeover of governance and that investing in the creation, nurturing and protection of civil society rights is the only vaccine. We know, or ought to, that empowering people to defend their own freedoms to exist, engage and express is not only the most sustainable development strategy but the only morally defensible one…

“Despite, or rather because of, our lack of hierarchical command and control structures, our diversity and belief in values-led approaches, civil society is better equipped to grasp, respond to, and evolve collective solutions that require a fundamental shift in world-view than either governments or businesses. And possibly better at displaying the humility required to build the cross-sectoral partnerships without which we cannot possibly resolve these crises…

“Doing so will take more than a business as usual approach from us. It will take each of us as individuals, organizations and alliances setting aside our egos, our brands, our narrow self-interests and our differences to come together in unprecedented levels of collaboration and genuine partnership that focuses on amplifying the voices of those least heard, and of finding common cause across boundaries of nationality, geography and thematic interest.

“If we can aspire to that ideal, we may, just may, address the stupendous challenges before us and even realize the goals you have all dedicated your lives to, whether you approach that goal through the lens of volunteerism or human rights, faith or secularism, charity or human rights – the overarching goal of civil society in all its forms – a world based on equity and justice.”

Such a challenge to reflect, to consider a clear fundamental orientation for the day-to-day work of civil society is important. And it is equally important that civil society communicates clearly to the other sectors of society its claims and commitments. It is important to see what the suggested orientation is: “to struggle against tyranny and injustice, and for equality.”

The address of the Prime Minister dealt, according to reports, a lot with the planned NGO Law. There is some apprehension among the NGO community, because a current draft is not available for public discussion in the community.

Some examples given, why an NGO Law is important – like to prevent terrorist acts planned under the cover of NGOs – were widely not seen as convincing: the intended terrorist attack against the British Embassy had been stopped in time, and the Indonesian terrorist Hambali was arrested – both without an NGO law.

The following reported concern of the Prime Minister is surprising. There are detailed and elaborate forms from the Council for the Development of Cambodia – CDC – where NGOs have to describe source of funding and work plans – on the national level and in the provinces – which serve exactly this purpose since many years ago, though the Prime Minister said now:

“The Royal Government wants to know where NGOs get the money from and how they use it for what. ‘Just this they do not want to tell.’”

Here are obviously some misunderstandings about administrative processes involved. In addition, most donors, providing financial resources to NGO, have requirements for professional auditing, and the results are not secret. Compared to the recent calls by the Prime Minister to curb multiple remuneration payments to government advisers, combined with the repeated calls by the Prime Minister to economize gasoline usage by a better control on the use of public vehicles, allows the assumption that the handling of finance in the NGO world is comparatively well organized and transparent.

What is important, therefore, is the clear statement of the Prime Minister, that the NGO Law will not interfere with the normal activities of NGO: “I guarantee that it is not an action to restrict the freedom of NGOs, please believe me.” Should lower level authorities try to act differently, civil society can appeal to this public promise of the Prime Minister.

.

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Prizren, 11 nëntor 2009 – Instituti Demokratik i Kosovës dhe Lëvizja FOL, kanë prezantuar para shoqërisë civile dhe partive politike, Projektligjin për Financimin e Partive Politike, për të marrë rekomandimet e tyre, kjo në kuadër të programit “Bazë Ligjore dhe Mekanizma Funksional për Qeverisje të Mirë”. Pjesëmarrësit në tryezë kanë vlerësuar se Ligji për Financimin e Partive Politike duhet që të nxirret sa më shpejtë, ndërkohë kanë përgëzuar iniciativën e shoqërisë civile për avokimin që po bëjnë për këtë ligj. Qëllimi i programit “Bazë Ligjore dhe Mekanizma Funksional për Qeverisje të Mirë”, është që të paraqiten projektligjet anti-korrupsion që janë në diskutim dhe të merren rekomandimet e përfaqësuesve të partive politike dhe shoqërisë civile në nivel lokal. Merita Mustafa nga KDI, ka prezantuar Projektligjin për Financimin e Partive Politike, ndërkohë u ka bërë thirrje pjesëmarrësve të tryezës që të paraqesin mënyrat më të mira që duhet të përmbaj ky ligj. Panelistë në tryezë kanë qenë: Njazi Kryeziu nga Partia Demokratike e Kosovës dhe Merita Mustafa nga Instituti Demokratik i Kosovës. Pjesëmarrësit në këtë tryezë kanë vlerësuar se Ligji për Financimin e Partive Politike duhet të rregulloj çështjen e financimit edhe të partive jashtë Parlamentit. Partitë politike jashtë parlamentit kanë kërkuar që edhe ata të përfshihen në përfitimin e mjeteve nga fondi për mbështetje të subjekteve politike. “Deri më tani partitë e vogla apo ato që janë jashtë Parlamentit kanë qenë disi të diskriminuara. Është një ligj i padrejtë pasi që i diskriminon partitë të cilat nuk e kalojnë pragun zgjedhor”, është thënë në tryezë. Pjesëmarrësit në këtë tryezë kanë thënë gjithashtu se subjektet politike të sapo formuara dhe të certifikuara, nuk e dinë se sa mjete u takojnë me ligj që të financohen. Po ashtu është konstatuar se donatorët të cilët japin kontributet për një parti, druajnë nga publikimi i emrave të tyre dhe se hezitojnë të finacojnë partitë e vogla. Rekomandimet e tryezës: Duhet të jepet mundësia që edhe subjektet politike të cilat janë jashtë Parlamentit, të financohen nga fondi për mbështetje të subjekteve politike. Auditimi i partive politike duhet të rregullohet me ligj dhe jo me akte nënligjore. Duhet që partitë politike në nivel lokal, ta gëzojnë të drejtën që të financohen nga buxheti i Kosovës. Partive politike duhet t’ju lejohet financimi edhe nga donacionet dhe anëtarësimi. Raportet financiare të partive duhet të publikohen në uebfaqe të partive dhe uebfaqe të KQZ-së. Duhet të caktohet një limit për shumën e donacioneve dhe shumën e anëtarësimit për një vit. Ligji për financimin e partive politike duhet të harmonizohet me ligjin mbi financat. Duhet të ketë limit të shpenzimeve për fushata parazgjedhore. KQZ-ja duhet t’i informoj më shumë subjektet politike të sapo-regjistruara dhe të certifikuara për fondet që ju takojnë. Projektligji duhet të ketë parasysh edhe financimin e kandidatëve të pavarur. Degët e partisë duhet të japin llogari apo t’i tregojnë shefit të shtabit për donacionet që marrin.

Coastweek — Generous donors: Aga Khan Council for Mombasa Honourary Secretary Zaher Bhanji seen [from left] receiving a cheque from Freight Forwarders Kenya Limited Operations Manager Michelle Hoareau, while Event Convenor Faiza Bhanji looks on. Meanwhile Diamond Trust Bank Kenya Coast Region General Manager Joseph Mathai is seen [right] handing over the cheque to the President of The Aga Khan Council For Mombasa, Madam Narmin Hanif Somji. Kanubhai Babla [not in this photo] was also one of the genero

SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 2009 AT THE
BUTTERFLY CENTRE, HALLER PARK

Coastweek — Many of us have been affected directly or indirectly by cancer through our family and friends, and many of us would like to help in some way, but find it a daunting task. Can we actually make a difference? The answer is “Yes We Can !”

The Aga Khan Council for Mombasa , having realised this, is embarking on a charity walk to harness the support and generosity of well wishers and supporters of cancer patients in the war to beat cancer.

Read more at Source:

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“People are faced with the problem of trying to save themselves from a political system that is that has virtually destroyed all the basic public institutions within the country. What the people need to express their vote for, is not to give a further assent to a system that is destructive of the nation but in order to destroy the system as it exist now and to return back to democracy.”
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In Sri Lanka now everybody’s discussion is about the presidential election which is to be held by the end of January 2010. All Sri Lankans will be exposed to the harassment of excessive propaganda on this issue in the coming two months. The heat in this discussion is not about some of the country’s major economic, political and social problems. It is more about an individual who may become the all powerful person within the country. In the Sri Lankan political system, the executive president virtually enjoyed absolute power very much like the monarchs of feudal times.

The election that is held prematurely two years before its time is made with the hope of exploiting victory over the LTTE for the purpose of getting a second term for the incumbent president. He is challenged by a joined opposition which is seeking a common candidate . The likely candidate is the former army commander whose claims are based on leading the military in the final struggle against the LTTE. Both will try to claim the highest powers within the country on the basis of this military victory.

However the country’s major problems now are the instability of the economy , solving growing unemployment and extremely difficult living conditions that are faced by the people throughout the country. More than any other time, the common problems of all communities, Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and others, have surfaced as against a peculiar problems of any particular community. And irony in this election is that the major demand of the people at this election is the abolition of the executive presidency itself. Thus this has become an election of an executive president for the purpose of abolitions of the actual powers of the executive presidency.

Rather ironically the government itself has declared that if it come to power it will abolish the executive presidency. Before the previous election the incumbent president also made it major part of his election manifesto to promise the abolition of the executive presidency. However, no move at all was made in that direction. Thus if the executive president presently holding power, want to abolish the executive presidency, he is a position to do so now, because the entirety of the opposition is also in agreement for the abolition of this particular type of power that is wasted with the head of the state as of now. All that is needed is a motion before the parliament to be placed by the government to abolish the executive presidency .Thus the executive presidency can be abolished before the election is held.

The Sri Lankan parliament has been deprived of actual political power by the creation of the executive presidency through the 1978 constitution. The very meaning of electoral politics have lost in Sri Lanka because people are unable to elect representative who will play the leading role in making legislations for resolving of people’s problems and airing of people’s graveness within the parliament. Thus the major political problem within the country from point of view of democracy is as how to re-generate the parliament itself.

However even the holding of the presidential election before the parliamentary election is used as a method to preclude the possibility of an emergence an independent parliament that is able to legislate independently and to be able to have a decisive control over the way the power is managed within the country. Virtually people are being manipulated into an election for the purpose of electing a dictator who will thereafter dictate terms to parliament and to the to all branches of government.

People are faced with the problem of trying to save themselves from a political system that is that has virtually destroyed all the basic public institutions within the country. What the people need to express their vote for, is not to give a further assent to a system that is destructive of the nation but in order to destroy the system as it exist now and to return back to democracy.

The country’s national security system has become the overall apparatus within which the freedom of people have being restricted in all areas of life. The extend of the oppression that has developed in the country is such that virtually anyone who express an independent opinion is being subjected to various kinds of sanctions. The extent to which the media freedom have being destroyed is being talked about world over. Many journalists have being killed, many others have left the country. The trade unions and free associations which provide any kind of organization for the people are also brought under severe restrictions.

The issue in the coming public debate in this election need to be to find ways to dismantle a system of repression that has been imposed in the country and the ways to create a democratic framework by return to rule of law.

Instead of electing a dictator, this election should be about dismantling the system of dictatorship.

Source:An election to select a Dictator

The ANC seems obsessed with the Mao quote about a letting a hundred flowers blossom. Whenever there is a discussion about the nature of public debate, you can rest assured someone from the ruling party will evoke it. But does it know the terrible history that defines that particular statement? Or is it just ignorant? This edition of the Real ANC Today attempts to put that quote into its proper context and, in turn, the ANC’s commitment to meaningful debate.

Related Stories:

• The Ghost between the Lines
• A Numbing of the Public Mind
• Strengthening South Africa’s Public Debate

THE REAL ANC TODAY
Volume 2; Issue 11

Misunderstanding Mao

By: Gareth van Onselen

For President Thabo Mbeki his weekly newsletter in ANC Today served a very particular purpose: a platform from which he could exact revenge on those elements of society he deemed to stand in opposition to himself and the African National Congress.

One of the more prominent of these attacks was on Archbishop Desmond Tutu, in 2004. The Archbishop had suggested the President had surrounded himself with yes-men and had done little to alleviate the plight of the poor, concentrating his efforts, rather, on enriching a small, black elite. As is his want, the President’s response was vengeful and personal.

It is not my purpose here to interrogate the merits of that debate, only to highlight one significant excerpt from the President’s response. He wrote:

“I have made this clear in the past that I, for one, will join the public debate on any matter, exercising the same right that any other South African has, to speak out on matters of concern to the nation. In this regard, I support the call once made in China – let a hundred flowers bloom: let a hundred schools of thought contend!”

It was a reference to the statement made by Chairman Mao Zedong, the former leader of Communist China, and was evoked by Mbeki to suggest – as Mao suggested – that all debate should be encouraged and contending ideas allowed to compete.

History has ruled fairly categorically on the extent to which President Mbeki was really committed to a competition of ideas, but that particular quote seems to live on in the ANC’s daily communication and is routinely evoked by those in the alliance who would suggest that debate be encouraged and fostered.

Last Friday, ANC National Executive Member (and Minister of Police) Nathi Mthethewa opened an article penned for ANC Today with the following statement:

“The advent of democracy has given birth to free and unhindered national dialogue on virtually all issues. There are no holy cows! As Mao once said, ‘letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend is the policy for promoting progress.’”

He was followed this week by Kimani Ndungu, a member of the SACP and ANC, writing for the SACP online journal Umsebenzi (25 November), in which he stated, in support of the much-maligned Jeremy Cronin:

“Before throwing his next insult, cde Malema may want to pose for a moment and reflect on Mao Tse Tung’s injunction to his party comrades in 1956 that ‘let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend’.”

A week earlier (18 November), in an article in the Sowetan, the Deputy Minister of Police Fikile Mbalula wrote:

“We welcome a national dialogue on these measures and every South African must be part of this public discourse. Borrowing from the first chairperson of the Communist Party of China, Mao Tse-Tung, we say: ‘Let a thousand flowers bloom, let a thousand schools of thought contend.’”

How encouraging it is to see the ruling party so committed to public debate; at least ostensibly.

History, however, demands a different interpretation of that commitment, certainly if Mao’s quote is anything to go by.

A review of facts suggests the use of that particular statement is deeply disingenuous; either that or those who would use it are the victims of a profound historical ignorance.

Mao Zedong was a brutal and ruthless dictator who relentlessly persecuted, punished and murdered millions of innocent people; and particularly those he considered to be critical of him personally or the Communist Party’s cause more generally.

Clive James, in his book Cultural Amnesia, puts it like this:

“The full evil of Mao Zedong (1893-1976) is continually being rediscovered, because it is continually being forgotten. In 2005 it was rediscovered all over again when Jung Chang, previously the author of Wild Swans, the book that blew the gaff on the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s, brought out, together with her husband, an account of Mao’s career that pitched the body count of innocent civilians where it belonged, far beyond the total achieved by Hitler and Stalin put together.”

Karl Shaw, in his book Power Mad: A Book of Deranged Dictators (which I would recommend for anyone interested in a fuller picture of Mao’s various atrocities) estimates that Mao was responsible for between 14 – 20 million deaths, “from starvation during the ‘Great Leap Forward’ and tens of thousands killed and millions of lives ruined during the ‘Cultural Revolution’”.

One might think that fact alone enough to discredit his contribution on the virtues of democratic debate. Not so the ANC.

But the problem is more acute than that. The hundred flowers quote, so glowingly referred to by various members of the alliance, was the very thing Mao used to identify those people he feared most – broadly speaking, anyone with an education – so that he might brutally pursue them.

For Mao intellectuals were a threat, and the hundred flowers speech a means of targeting them and ending their influence on society.

In her brief and yet fairly comprehensive biography of Mao, Delia Davin describes the events surrounding the hundred flowers speech as follows:

“In an extraordinary about-turn, from the spring of 1956 Mao and some other Party leaders began to advocate a freer intellectual climate. Using the slogan ‘let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools contend’, they urged that academic debate should be allowed to take place without undue political interference and that the Party and officials should submit to public criticism.”

Later, she continues:

“The response [to the hundred flowers statement] began and by the early summer of 1957 some were attacking the Party and its role in fundamental ways. Under mounting pressure from colleagues, and perhaps disconcerted by the strength of the resentment he had unleashed, Mao warned against ‘excesses’. Soon afterwards a new campaign of repression was launched. Almost half a million intellectuals were condemned as ‘rightists’ and punished with various degrees of severity.”

That description is fairly objective; it even suggests an authentic attempt to encourage debate when the statement was first made. But as more and more evidence on the way in which Mao behaved comes to light, even that aside now seems to carry little weight.

In his book Mao: The Unknown Story, Jon Haliday argues for a far more ominous agenda:

“On 27 February 1957, Mao delivered a four-hour speech to rubber-stamp Supreme Council announcing that he was inviting criticisms of the Communist Party. The Party, he said, needed to be accountable and ‘under supervision’. He sounded reasonable, criticising Stalin for his ‘excessive’ purges, and giving the impression there were going to be no more of these in China. In this context, he cited an adage, ‘Let a hundred flowers bloom’. Few guessed that was setting a trap, and that he was inviting people to speak out so that he could use what they said as an excuse to victimise them, Mao’s targets were intellectuals and the educated, the people most likely to speak up.”

That particular interpretation – that the hundred flowers speech was a deliberate ploy – is supported by Mao’s own opinion on the subject. He is quoted as saying that the statement was designed to persuade the “poisonous weeds” – his own euphemism for intellectuals – to reveal themselves. Haliday quotes Mao as saying how he was “casting a long line to bait big fish” with the intention of catching “the snakes”, by enticing them out of their lairs.

Clive James is more sardonic on the matter:

“The pretty rubric looks so harmless even today, now that we have some idea of what it cost. Halfway between a poem and a slogan, it is a small thought that would fit on a big T-shirt. It doesn’t even sound wrong. Mao designed it to sound right. For the trick to work, millions of people had to believe the words meant what they said, even though the Party, within long memory, had never rewarded a contentious voice with anything except torture and death. Anyway, the suckers fell for it. The flowers bloomed, the schools of thought contended, and Mao’s executioners went to work.”

What is beyond contention are the consequences, whether part of an initial grand scheme to identify and brutalise those that oppose him, or not, that is exactly what happened.

Survivors of the assault, in a petition to the Communist Party in 2005, estimate that over 550 000 people identified as a consequence of the hundred flowers campaign were humiliated, imprisoned, tortured, or killed.

Which brings us back to the various ways in which that statement is used in South Africa today – to cite that particular quote as representative of the suggestion that public debate be encouraged demonstrates a profound ignorance of breathtaking proportions. Mao’s call represents the very antithesis of any call for public debate, its encouragement or its protection; in fact, it represents a guise for a far more sinister agenda.

Its use by the ANC is embarrassing.

If ignorance is not the ruling party’s excuse in evoking Mao, the alternative is fairly chilling; but, given its penchant for threatening violence against those that would oppose it, not unrealistic.

Back in 2004, in response to Mbeki (whom one cannot accuse of ignorance), former DA leader Tony Leader said, “You are fond, Honourable President, of quoting the Chinese dictator Mao Zedong, who said: “Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend”. But the debate he launched was soon shut down by the excesses of the Cultural Revolution.”

He continued:

“The real turning point in modern Chinese history was the speech by Deng Xiaopeng at the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party in 1978. Deng said: ‘Black cat or white cat, as long as it can catch mice, it is a good cat.’ The lesson for South Africa is that we should care less about the colour of the person who provides a service and more about the quality of the service that he or she provides”.

That sentiment remains the biggest challenge for the public debate in South Africa today and it applies particularly to the ruling party, which routinely demonstrates an inability to separate its own prejudices from the subject at hand.

That problem is often exacerbated by the superficial nature of any argument it puts forward. Indeed, its violent and, often, hate-filled rhetoric is enough in and of itself to dissuade anyone from the effort of a real or meaningful exchange; but it is equally true that the actual substance of any piece of communication is often so poorly thought through, so weak and incoherent that, even if one was able to sum up the energy to rise above that vengeful tone, the words themselves amount to nothing more than an intellectual black hole.

by G. H. Farooqui

Hamsafar Welfare Society kick maintenance  campaign of KM road on self help basis.

CHITRAL: Hamsafar Welfare Society Krui Junali Booni (HWS) launched  campaign to repair 4 kilometers long hospital road on self help basis. In this campaign besides members, workers, of the society, students, senior citizens and women folk also participated in this welfare campaign on volunteer basis. Talking to local journalists Hazar Mohammad general secretary of HWS said that this 4 kilometers road linking to Aga Khan hospital was in a very dilapidated condition as well as students and especially female students also passing through this road to schools and college.

The Road having big ditches in its middle and a water nullah (stream) also passing through this road having no bridge or culvert. During the winter season water of this stream freeze at morning time  and causing for people slippery, injuries. Shamsur Rehman former Tehsil Nazim of Mastuj told that due to dilapidated condition of this road taxi drivers charging rupees 400 to 500 to hospital in case of emergency while the distance is only 4 kilometers. A student of 10th class Miss Aneela said that girls students facing numerous problems and there is no transport facility we go to school by feet and it take 1 hours because water coming from drainage in the middle of road freezing and we sometime slip and fell down. Nazim Union council Charoon Ameerullah while talking to this scribe highly appreciated this beneficial campaign of HWS. He said that actually this is responsibility of elected representatives including me but we badly failed to repair this road as a result thousands of people were facing great problems while traveling on this road and that is why that HWS kicked the campaign for maintenance of the road on self help basis.  He said that this is question marks for our leaders.

Read more…

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Omission of issue from ministerial statement does not justify neglect
By Dalila Mahdawi
Daily Star staff
Thursday, November 26, 2009

BEIRUT: Lebanon’s new Cabinet must not forget its duty to work toward granting Lebanese women nationality rights, despite its apparent omission of the issue in the ministerial statement, gender-equality activists said Wednesday. Over 100 people heeded the call of social justice organization Collective for Research and Training on Development-Action (CRTD.A) to demand an overhaul of the current discriminatory legislation, formulated in 1925. 

The law allows men to pass on their nationality to their non-Lebanese wives and children but forbids Lebanese women married to non-Lebanese from doing the same. This injustice is further exacerbated by Lebanon’s reservation on Article 2 of paragraph 9 of the UN Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, pertaining to nationality rights. 

“The Lebanese Constitution lets any Lebanese man who marries a foreigner automatically give her his nationality and even if she has 10 children from a previous marriage, they get the Lebanese nationality,” said one woman who wished not to be identified. “But children who are born in this country and are Lebanese citizens more than some of our politicians cannot get the nationality.” 

There are about 18,000 Lebanese women married to non-Lebanese living in Lebanon and over 80,000 people affected by the current legislation, including children and spouses, according to the United Nations Development Program’s (UNDP) “Toward Reforming the Nationality Law in Lebanon” project. 

CRTD.A launched the regional Nationality Campaign nearly a decade ago to demand reform of discriminatory nationality laws. Since then the campaign has met with considerable success, with Algeria, Morocco and Egypt changing their laws, said CRTD.A executive director Lina Abou-Habib. More recently, Bahrain adopted measures guaranteeing equality for women and Syria has enforced laws stipulating gender equality in education. “We are witnessing progress in the region. There is no excuse for Lebanon not to join in,” Abou-Habib said. Viewed as illegal aliens, those without Lebanese citizenship face myriad difficulties, including obtaining employment or affordable education and health care, are required to go for regular medical check-ups and blood tests, and face the threat of deportation every day. The difficulties faced by those without citizenship was on Wednesday apparent as audience members emotionally recounted painful experiences. 

One Lebanese woman married to a non-Lebanese said she feared for her children’s financial future. “Who is going to in­herit from me after I die? Neither my children nor my husband will benefit from my life’s work.” 

There are also a number of people who, because of a decades-old administrative oversight, continue to be denied their right to Lebanese citizenship. “Men and women are treated the same when it comes to injustice,” said audience member Haider Radi, struggling to hold back tears. “I was born of a Lebanese father. My father was born in Lebanon in 1920 and was registered in 1932 but he was then transferred to the foreign register in 1936. My father suffered from bad governance and now I’m suffering and my daughters are suffering.” 

Abou-Habib reiterated the Nationality Campaign would not accept reform of the nationality law that excludes Palestinians. Those against an amendment of the law have argued that the naturalization of thousands of Palestinian men and children would tip Leba­non’s delicate sectarian balance in favor of Sunni Muslims, the religion of the majority of the country’s 400,000 Palestinian refugees. 

But rights activists have pointed out that less than 2 percent of Lebanese women are married to Palestinians. “Any nationality law that comes with exceptions would be unconstitutional,” Abou-Habib said, referring to the Constitution’s demand for total equality between men and women. 

While nationality rights are important in their own right, Lebanon’s sexist legislation is only one manifestation of gender inequality, activists said. In a statement earlier this month, the Nationality Campaign urged ministers to include “clear statements” in the upcoming Ministerial Statement on how they intended to push forward gender equality. In particular, they de­manded clauses addressing the right for Lebanese women to pass on their nationality, the implementation of a women’s quota for municipal polls next year, and the approval of a proposed family-based violence bill. But the Cabinet has already disappointed them. Abou-Habib said Interior Minister Ziyad Baroud had told members of the Nationality Campaign last Friday that out of 30 ministers, which include two women, only he and Information Minister Tareq Mitri had called for the ministerial statement to include a clause acknowledging the need to reform the nationality law. 

Lebanese politicians’ inaction has only reasserted the determination of activists to persevere with their demands. “We’re going to go through with the na­tionality campaign and we won’t wait for any MPs to take action,” said one audience member.

At the invitation of Conexion Colombia Caroline travelled to Bogota, Colombia from the 16-19 November 2009 to present the GuideStar model to a group of over 200 NGO representatives. The meeting, titled ‘Fundraising and Innovation for NGOs’ explored a range of initiatives that promote the work of NGOs and connect them to donors and other stakeholders at national and international levels. A summary can be read in Spanish and English.

During her visit, Caroline also met with several leading organisations supporting social development and Colombian civil society:

Conexion Colombia channels resources from all around the world to a portfolio of Colombian NGOs and foundations and links diaspora Colombians to their country through a range of information services.

Compartamos con Colombia, is an NGO that promotes the Colombian nonprofit sector through strategic support and capacity building, the promotion of philanthropy and social investment, and by raising awareness of the importance of social responsibility with young entrpreneurs.

The Presidential Agency for Social Action and International Cooperation, Accion Social, coordinates, promotes and carries out international cooperation policies, plans and projects which contribute to the social and economic development of Colombia, and to reducing the poverty of Colombians who have been affected by violence, illicit crops and who live in conditions of vulnerability.

And last but not least, ONG por la Transparencia (NGOs for Transparency) seeks to increase NGO visibility and make publicly available information that seeks to strengthen the credibility of the sector and increase public support for the work of these important organisations.

There was significant interest in how GuideStar might help illuminate the work of Colombian NGOs and promote a culture of transparency and information that will help connect Colombians both at home and abroad with national NGOs and the communities in which they work. We look forward to continuing these initial conversations.

මං ඔයාගේන් ඈත් වෙලා

ඈතට ඈතට
යන්නම යන්නමි
මට යන්න දෙන්න
මගේ පුංචි මතකය රදවාගෙන
මගේ අදුරු ලෝකයට
සඳ එළියක් වි
ඔබ සඳක් වගෙම
යන්න ගියා
මට ඉතිරි මතකයයි

First Published by Daily Times.

A study of transformation from military dictatorship to democracy around the world would reveal that there are two possible ways. Either it is achieved through a popular revolution or by negotiations between political forces and dictators.

The former invariably demolishes the entire system and mostly involves bloodshed putting a new system in place while the later allows the change to happen within the prevailing system based upon certain negotiated terms.

These terms might not necessarily meet the international laws and judicial norms as it is always a middle path.

The return of democracy in Pakistan after a long period of military dictatorship is a unique example of such ‘negotiated change’. The terms reached with the help of international power brokers and guarantors ensured withdrawal of politically motivated cases, return of exiled leadership and shedding of uniform by Pervez Musharaf in return for re-election. After assassination of Benazir Bhutto, the international and domestic pressure became so immense that Pervez Musharaf not only have to accept the condition of fair elections but also have to negotiate for an exit in return for protection from prosecution for unconstitutional actions. A civilian dictator might not get such a deal.

Another option available to political forces at that time was to over through dictatorship by a popular revolution. Let us not forgets that the world community would not allow a nuclear armed nation to reach the point of bloody revolution.  Especially, when there are more chances of falling in to a civil war hijacked by religious extremists than overthrowing a dictator.  Without a negotiated change, how popular a movement might, it is not possible to remove a military backed dictator without bloodshed. We have witnessed the return of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif from exile, who came back in violation of deal reached on guarantees of our ‘friends’ in Middle East and was sent back by next flight. Despite the promises of a million people’s reception by right wing parties, not a dozen were able to break the security arrangements and show up at airport to receive their leader. Even after Nawz Sharif was forcibly deported to Saudi Arabia, establishment successfully countered public reaction avoiding any law and order situation. Obviously, possibilities of overthrowing dictator’s thorough protests are not that bright.

Unable to fight the powerful military establishment which has far more guns and tanks on their disposal, negotiating was the only option available to Benazir Bhutto. Much debated and controversial National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) promulgated by former dictator Pervez Musharaf paved way for return of Benazir Bhutto and later for Mian Nawaz Sharif, without the fear of being arrested or deported. The cases withdrawn against Benazir Bhutto and her husband Asif Ali Zardari under NRO were registered during regime of former prime minister Mian Nawaz Sharif and remained unproved during lengthy trial and detention of Asif Ali Zardai for eleven years. Both Mian Nawaz Sharif and Saif ur Rehman, the former head of National Accountability Beauru appointed by him have repeatedly confessed that these cases were false and cooked on pressure of establishment which wanted to malign the name of Benazir Bhutto and her family. How big price it is to move towards a democratic process by withdrawing these fabricated cases?

This fact alone leaves no space for political leadership to avoid its responsibility of revoking these politically motivated cases through parliamentary legislation. Mr Shraif and MQM should have taken a bolder stand in parliament while they have repeatedly expressed in public that these cases are false. However, the political leadership is trying to avoid their responsibility to please the establishment, thus pushing the matter of NRO to superior judiciary to decide. Superior courts around the world avoid interfering in to political matters despite having jurisdiction over such issues under the ‘political question doctrine.’  The purpose of this self imposed restriction is to distinguish the role of judiciary from those of the legislature and the executive. Political questions include the ratification of constitutional amendments, conduct of foreign policy and administrative actions of governments. However there is no ridged rule and a court might choose to go ahead in case the ‘demands for a fair trial and criminal justice outweighed the political question doctrine’ as ruled by a US Federal Court in case of President Richards Nixon.

The exception set in Richard Nixon case is widely referred to and abused to neutralize the political rivals in dictatorships and developing democracies where establishments use superior judiciary as a tool to further their own agendas.

The superior judiciary in Pakistan has been a victim of this power game by dictators and political leadership on cost of its integrity and reputation. Judiciary has lost a lot in terms of legitimacy of its decisions while playing power game, from the death sentence of ZA Bhutto being the worst and unrecoverable stigma on its face to providing cover to unconstitutional takeover of Pervez Musharaf. The same superior judiciary in offices today miserably failed to dispense justice to Asif Ali Zardari in eleven long years and convicted Mian Nawaz Sharif under establishment’s pressure. With restoration of Chief Justice and sacked judges through a popular movement, the judiciary has won its independence but its impartiality is still to be tested. Should judiciary once again be dragged to deliver political decisions while political leadership lacks the courage to take bold stand on its publically confessed mistakes of past?

It might not be out of context to mention that first Prime Minister of Pakistan from Sindh was assassinated in Punjab and those in establishment involved in cover up of his murder were blessed with huge estates. ZA Bhutto, the second Prime Minister from same province, was assassinated through a judicial verdict. The third and fourth Prime Ministers Muhammad Khan Junejo and Benazir Bhutto respectively, were unconstitutionally sacked and could not get justice from superior judiciary. Once again the superior judiciary is being dragged in to power game to remove President Zardari from the office for which he has been elected with overwhelming majority from four Provincial Assemblies, the National Assembly and the Senate. The plan to extract a political decision on technical grounds to remove an elected President is not going to strengthen the institution of judiciary or democracy. Especially when the necessary link of ‘demands for a fair trial and criminal justice outweighed the political question doctrine’ as set in Richard Nixon’s case is missing in NRO after confessions of Mr. Sharif and Saif ur Rehman. Will court call Mr Sharif and record his statement while deciding the NRO, and if not, what would be the legitimacy of such decision?

Apart from the outcome of political circus to be staged in superior judiciary, those advising President Zardari to face courts have to realize the fact that he was in continuous imprisonment for eleven years.

His detention is longer than the period of life imprisonment in Pakistan. Even if convicted in cases against him the sentence would have been lesser than imprisonment already undergone by Mr Zardari.

Although according to the judgments of superior judiciary under section 497 of CrPC, any person who is under detention for more than two years and whose trial is not concluded would become entitled to bail. The very same relief of bail was not extended to President Zardari for eleven long years by the superior judiciary. Under the Criminal Laws of Pakistan, if prosecution fails to bring sufficient evidence against accused for a reasonably long period of time, the accused has a right to request the court to drop charges.  Mr Zardari’s applications before superior courts for that relief also failed to earn him justice in eleven year. Should not people have reservations that Mr. Zardari will get justice this time from judiciary while even today most of the judges in chair are the same who were unable to dispense justice to him in past?

Even after restoration of Judges, several questions are being raised about its performance even by leadership of the lawyer’s movement. While Mr. Sharaif and Altaf Hussain has advised President Zardari to face the courts, both leaders are reluctant to welcome the decision in Roedad Khan’s petition for ISI’s money politics and a judicial enquiry in to 12th May’s massacre respectively. There is a prescribed process for removal of elected President in constitution, if political leadership thinks that Mr. Zardari is either ineligible or unfit for the job, it should resort to constitutional remedy through impeachment motion. Once again, dragging judiciary in to power game would be an unpleasant and undesired burden for institution which still has to go through the test of impartiality and establish its lost credibility. While all other institutions have been deteriorated to core during long dictatorships, the only hope left for people is institution of judiciary, restored after long and tough struggle.

If political leadership once again falls in to establishment’s trap to extract political decision from court, the scars on national unity and institutional integrity might be deeper than we do afford as a nation state.

]]> http://sustainablepeacebypiece.org/2009/11/25/update-on-civil-society/ Wed, 25 Nov 2009 13:05:27 +0000 sustainablepeacebypiece http://sustainablepeacebypiece.org/2009/11/25/update-on-civil-society/ http://wadugebmv.wordpress.com/2009/11/25/%e0%b6%85%e0%b6%a0%e0%b6%bd-%e0%b7%80%e0%b7%94-%e0%b6%86%e0%b6%af%e0%b6%bb%e0%b6%ba/ Wed, 25 Nov 2009 05:18:28 +0000 wadugebmv http://wadugebmv.wordpress.com/2009/11/25/%e0%b6%85%e0%b6%a0%e0%b6%bd-%e0%b7%80%e0%b7%94-%e0%b6%86%e0%b6%af%e0%b6%bb%e0%b6%ba/

අචල වු ආදරය
දැස් දැහැන් අද්දරට
ගෙනවිත් හොර රහසේම
මා හට දුන් ජිවයය
ජිවිතයට පුරාවටට
රකින්නමි මා කැපවෙලා
ඉන්නමි මා හැමදාම
ඉන්ඳ්‍රකීලයක් විලාසෙන්
නිල් නෙතු අද්දර
සංසාරේ සැරි සරණා තෙක්
පිය මනින මාවතේ
කතරකට දිය පැන් ලෙස
තිමිරට ආලෝකයක්
ජිවිතයට නව පණක්
ගෙන දෙන්න වෙර දරණ
දයාබර ශක්තිය ඔබ මට
ජිවිතය පුරාවට

The US special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan, Richard Holbrooke, spoke to SPIEGEL about Washington’s goals in Afghanistan, President Obama’s new war strategy and the prospects of handing over responsibility to the government in Kabul.

SPIEGEL: You were part of President Johnson’s Vietnam team, you even wrote some parts of the Pentagon Papers, which uncovered the real history of the Vietnam War. What have you learnt from that experience and can you draw it in your current job?

Read more at Spiegel International…

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It was reported last week that civil society engagement in the World Bank operations has been evolving from being institutionally based to being more issue oriented.

Indeed, increasingly, civil society organisations that have been interacting with the World Bank seem to have shifted their advocacy stance from a do-no-harm to a do-good approach that seeks to influence the World Bank to further adopt socially and environmentally sustainable development approaches.

So, what has been the real contribution of these civil society organisations?

Coming soon…still thinking