The President of Chad, Idriss Deby, made a surprise visit to Yaounde on October 28th.  As the visit was announced only 24 hours before Deby’s arrival, the private press was full of speculation on what urgent matter brought Deby to Cameroon.

Officially, Biya and Deby held a short, private meeting to discuss bilateral cooperation and the receding waters of Lake Chad, an item that both countries will bring up at the Copenhagen climate conference.  Unofficially, the corruption scandal at the Bank of Central African States, in which a Chadian minister may be implicated, as well as the renegotiation of pipeline contracts, could have been items for discussion.

Banners announcing the visit, Chad and Cameroon’s cooperation and efforts in favor of democracy, development and peace, were draped across the boulevards of Yaounde.  Roads were blocked for hours before Deby’s arrival and traffic was snarled across the city.  CRTV, Cameroon’s state-run television station, went live with the event all afternoon, reminiscent of the good old days of state television when broadcasting consisted largely of endless presidential speeches.

The visit was both a photo op. and a reminder of how dramatically the pipeline project has increased the importance of the relationship between Chad and Cameroon.

Le gouvernement tchadien et le mouvement national, regroupant  trois rébellions armées, ont signé  un accord de paix à Tripoli en Libye.

    Des rebelles tchadiens

La capitale tchadienne Ndjamena pense que c’est un pas important vers la réconciliation. Ce mouvement national  vient de rentrer dans le giron du pouvoir.

  Le président tchadien, Idriss Deby Itno

L’accord prévoit la fin des hostilités, la réinsertion des combattants dans l’armée et des cadres dans l’administration ainsi que la participation du mouvement national à la gestion de la vie publique. Les ambassadeurs de France, du Qatar, de l’Espagne, de l’Union européenne et du Soudan en Libye étaient présents lors de cette signature d’accord de paix.

La tension monte entre le Tchad et le Soudan, qui proteste contre les raids aériens menés sur son territoire par N’Djamena, “décidé à en finir” avec les rebelles et déterminé dans la poursuite de ces actions. Une nouvelle opération de bombardements aérien a eu lieu au même endroit et avec la même méthode”, a déclaré le porte-parole de l’armée soudanaise, Othman al-Aghbash, précisant qu’il n’y avait eu aucune victime lors de cette incursion à 60 kilomètres à l’intérieur du Soudan. Khartoum avait déjà protesté contre deux autres incursions aériennes. Forts d’une des armées les plus puissantes du continent, les Soudanais ont haussé le ton: “L’armée soudanaise est prête à répondre mais attend les instructions”, a déclaré  Ali Sadiq, le porte-parole du ministère soudanais des Affaires étrangères. Un conseiller du président soudanais Omar el-Béchir, Abdallah Masar, a jugé que les deux pays étaient montés l’un contre l’autre par une tierce partie. Il a évoqué “des éléments étrangers cherchant à entraîner le Soudan dans une guerre”, sans donner de détails. Mais le président tchadien, Idriss Deby Itno, a fait fi des protestations soudanaises: “Nous avons utilisé notre droit de poursuite et ce droit de poursuite va continuer avec l’appui du peuple tchadien. L’armée est décidée à en finir une fois pour toutes avec les mercenaires à la solde du Soudan”.  Il bombe même le torse: “Le Soudan n’a aucun intérêt à menacer le Tchad ou à le menacer de représailles dont il n’est pas capable”. Après la première protestation soudanaise, le porte-parole du gouvernement tchadien Mahamat Hissène a dit que le Soudan était “le voleur criant au voleur”. N’Djamena reproche à Khartoum son soutien aux rebelles tchadiens, qui après l’échec de leur offensive la semaine dernière, ont fui pour regagner le Darfour. L’armée soudanaise a cependant réfuté tout retour des rebelles tchadiens sur son sol. Selon un diplomate occidental à N’Djamena: “C’est une source d’inquiétude. Il y a un réel risque d’escalade verbale et plus”. La France, s’est dite “préoccupée des tensions croissantes entre le Tchad et le Soudan” et “appelle instamment les parties à éviter toute escalade”. A Addis Abeba, le secrétaire général adjoint de l’Onu chargé des affaires politiques, Haile Menkerios, a estimé qu’il fallait que le gouvernement tchadien “négocie avec les rebelles tchadiens”. De longue date, N’djamena et Khartoum ont des relations difficiles et s’accusent mutuellement de complaisance envers leurs mouvements rebelles respectifs. Depuis septembre, ils ont repris des relations diplomatiques interrompues en mai 2008.

    Le président tchadien Idriss Déby  Itno

 Le président Déby avait menacé de les rompre à nouveau. Il a fait fermer les deux centres culturels soudanais et fait reprendre par les autorités les écoles soudanaises. Il a accusé les enseignants soudanais d’être des “agents de renseignement” et leur a demandé de quitter le pays. Les deux pays avaient pourtant signé le 3 mai à Doha (Qatar) un accord de réconciliation qui prévoit notamment le contrôle des frontières pour empêcher les infiltrations rebelles de chaque coté. Une paix entre eux jugée essentielle pour résoudre le conflit de six ans au Darfour, région soudanaise frontalière du Tchad. Cette guerre a fait environ 300.000 morts, selon l’ONU, 10.000 d’après Khartoum.

Je n’arrive pas à choisir entre la bonne conscience en week-end et les méthodes de la Chiraquie
(Tchad 0 – Didier Julia 1)

Nur wenige Tage nach der Unterzeichnung eines Abkommens zwischen dem Tschad und Sudan in Doha, startet der Sudan einen Angriff auf den tschadischen Präsidenten Idriss Deby . Tschadische Rebellen sind, vom Sudan aus,  mit mehreren Hundert Fahrzeugen bereits tief in den Tschad vorgedrungen.

Schon seit Monaten werden tschadische Rebellen von der sudanesischen Armee ausgerüstet und trainiert. Um  El-Fashir, die Hauptstadt Nord-Darfurs, gab es Trainingslager in denen tschadische Rebellen von der sudanesischen Armee Unterstützung erhielten. Über den Flughafen Al-Fashirs wurden sie mit militärischer Ausrüstung beliefert.

Jetzt startet die sudanesische Regierung scheinbar, entgegen allen Friedensbekundungen, einen erneuten Angriff auf N’djamena. Eine neue Schlacht um die Vorherrschaft in Darfur und Tschad hat begonnen. Eine Stürzung Idriss Debys hätte die Schwächung der  JEM-Rebellen und damit auch eine Umkehr des Machtverhältnisses in Darfur zur Folge. Aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach, zum Nachteil des gesamten Friedensprozesses im Sudan.

Die sudanesische Regierung versucht die Front im Westen abzubauen. Der steigende Druck in Kordofan – und mit Ablauf der Übergangsphase (des CPAs) auch im Südsudan -  könnte ihre militärischen Kräfte schon bald dort benötigen. Das sudanesische Regime um Al-Bashir kämpft ums Überleben: dieser Kampf, so scheint es, wird an mehreren Schauplätzen ausgetragen.

Auch schon 2006 und 2008 hatten die Rebellen einen Angriff auf die tschadische Hauptstad N’djamena unternommen. Sie waren bis N’djamena vorgedrungen, wo es zu heftigen Straßenschlachten kam. Mehr als hunderttausend Menschen flohen nach Kamerung. Uneinigkeit innerhalb der Rebellen waren manchen Berichten zufolge der Grund, weshalb sie Idriss Deby nicht völlig stürzen konnten.

Auch waren die Rebellen der JEM dem tschadischen Präsidenten zur Hilfe geeilt. Frankreich hatte Anschuldigungen, mit seiner Militärpräsenz Deby zu schützen, zurückgewiesen.

In den letzten Monaten wurden vermehrt grenzüberschreitende Aktivitäten der Rebellen Beobachtet. Um die Jahreswende hatte deshalb die UNAMID Gespräche mit den Regierenden gesucht.

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AFP: (The daily Star Lebanon)

NDJAMENA: Rebels swarmed from Sudan into eastern Chad and closed in on a strategic town Tuesday as the Chadian government accused its neighbor of reneging on a peace agreement signed at the weekend. The rebels swept deep into Chadian territory in hundreds of vehicles in a lightning offensive that began Monday, government spokesman Mahamat Hissene said.

Hissene, Chad’s communications minister, said the rebels had penetrated around 100 kilometers inside Chadian territory and were closing in on the town of Goz Beida.

“They are on board several hundred vehicles. We’ve been tracking their movements since [they left] Sudan.”

“However, for the moment there has been no contact with government forces,” he added.

The arid central African country and neighboring Sudan have for years traded accusations that each side backs rebels in the other.

Earlier, Hissene accused Sudan itself on sending “several armed columns” into Chad, reneging on a peace agreement between the two nations signed at the weekend.

Khartoum has denied any involvement, but the Sudanese media center, close to the intelligence services in Sudan, reported bloody clashes on Monday at the border between Chadian troops and rebels.

Rebels battled their way to the outskirts of the capital Ndjamena in February last year in a bid to overthrow President Idiss Deby Itno before being beaten back with logistical help from French forces based in the country.

France said Tuesday it was worried about the security of civilians in eastern Chad after reports that armed groups had entered the country from neighboring Sudan.

“We are following with great concern the situation in the east of Chad,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Eric Chevallier told a press conference in which he called on both countries to implement a peace deal they signed Sunday.

The rebel assault dealt a fresh blow to long-running diplomatic efforts to secure a thaw in relations between Khartoum and Ndjamena.

Sunday’s peace deal, which was brokered by Qatar and Libya, was regarded as essential to any lasting settlement to the six-year-old uprising in the western Sudanese province of Darfur that has spilled over into Chad and the Central African Republic.

The UN mission in Chad (MINURCAT) said it has stepped up military patrols around Goz Beida and also restricted the movements of humanitarian personnel.

MINURCAT in March took over from a European force, EUFOR, responsible for protecting about 450,000 civilians in camps in Chad and in the north of Central African Republic, where UN forces are also deployed.

“Our men are on a line between Goz Beida and Abeche,” two key towns in eastern Chad, a rebel spokeswoman told AFP, adding that there had been no clashes since the rebels entered Chad on Monday.

France, the former colonial power in Chad, has 800 troops in the UN force, as well as a separate detachment of 1,500 troops at the local French regional base, which has in the past provided logistical support to the Chadian government when under attack.

Sudan has strongly denied the accusations, with an army spokesman saying Khartoum had nothing to do with the reported incursion.

Sunday’s peace agreement signed in the Qatari capital Doha was supposed to end hostilities and lead to a summit between their leaders in a move seen as vital for peace-making efforts in Sudan’s western province of Darfur. - AFP

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BBC:

Tuesday, 5 May 2009 12:55 UK E-mail this to a friend Printable version

Sudan ‘launches attack on Chad’

Sudan and Chad have previously fallen out over alleged support for rebels Chad’s government has accused Sudan of launching a military attack, two days after the neighbours signed a reconciliation agreement in Qatar. Communications Minister Mahamat Hissene said Khartoum was behind a “planned aggression”, reported AFP new agency. A BBC correspondent in Chad says he is referring to alleged Khartoum support for Chad rebels, a common claim. Sudan promptly denied the latest allegation. In Doha on Sunday, Sudan and Chad agreed to end hostilities. “While the ink has yet to dry on the Doha accord, the Khartoum regime has just launched several armoured columns against our country,” the communications minister told state radio, reported AFP. The two countries have long been at odds amid mutual allegations of support for insurgents in each other’s territory, especially near the war-torn Darfur region along their common border. Rebels on the move Sudanese army spokesman Osman al-Agbash promptly rejected Tuesday’s claim, telling AFP: “What is happening now inside Chad is between the Chadian army and the Chadian rebels. Sudan has no relation with this.” The BBC’s Celeste Hicks in Chad’s capital, N’Djamena, says there has been rebel movement in recent days in the east of Chad, but it is not clear if the insurgents have gone on the offensive. She says the last time Chad’s rebels launched a significant attack was on the eastern town of Goz Beida in June last year. Chad has on a number of occasions since then accused Sudan of egging on the rebels, she says. In May 2008, Khartoum accused N’Djamena of backing Darfur-based insurgents who launched an unprecedented attack on the Sudanese capital. Chad denied any involvement and in turn accused Sudan of having backed a push by rebels on N’Djamena three months earlier that reached the gates of the presidential palace before being repulsed. Solving the dispute between the two countries is seen as a key step in solving the crisis in Sudan’s Darfur region. Many Darfur rebels are from the same ethnic group as President Idriss Deby, and ever since their uprising began, he has been accused of offering them support. Although Khartoum has repeatedly denied backing the rebels, analysts note the insurgents have operated out of Sudanese territory for several years. Sunday’s talks were brokered by Qatar and Libya, which have been leading reconciliation efforts between Chad and Sudan after they renewed diplomatic relations in November after a six-month rift. N’Djamena and Khartoum also shunned each other diplomatically for four months in 2006 after an attack by rebels on Chad.

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Sudan Tribune:

Rebel armed columns cross from Sudan deep into Chad

Wednesday 6 May 2009 05:00.

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Chad

No, not the kid who picked his nose and ate library paste in second grade. Also, not that douchy guy that played Tristan on The Gilmore Girls. Not the equally douchy football player who tried to change his name to “Ocho Cinco.”  And no, not the errant bit of shoddily designed ballot paper from the 2000 election in Florida. The nation. In north central Africa. You know, the one with the blindingly horrific poverty, large doses of autocracy and a Darfurian refugee problem. Yeah, that Chad.

Chad, I know you don’t have a lot to work with. You’re landlocked. You’re half covered by the Sahara, and much of the rest of you is desertifying rapidly. Your namesake Lake Chad is shrinking by the hour. You are  by many accounts one of the poorest and most corrupt nations on earth, being ruled by robber baron Idriss Deby since 1990. But in the name of Allah, I have to tell you something about your flag.

Well, first, it’s pretty boring. But most importantly, um… it’s been done. In Romania. And yes, they had it first.

Romania

Remember those Olympics in the ’70s when Nadia Comenici won all those gymnastics medals? And the medal ceremony when they RAISED THIS FLAG? Chad, you didn’t really think you’d won those medals, did you?

So Chad, I have some tough advice for you right now. First, kick out that despot and find a leader that will finally address that poverty problem. Second, design a new flag. You can do better than a cheap knockoff of Romania.

Folha de São Paulo, 01/12/07:

http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/mundo/ft0112200718.htm

A África refletida no espelho da França

PHILIPPE BERNARD
DO “MONDE”

O escândalo da ONG Arca de Zoé [que no mês passado tentou levar para a adoção na França 103 crianças chadianas apresentadas como "órfãos de Darfur"] ilustrou plenamente, a ponto de torná-la caricata, a visão da África que impregna a sociedade francesa.

Como um espelho que deforma os objetos que reflete, a empreitada de Eric Breteau [diretor da ONG] e a disposição imediata de Nicolas Sarkozy em querer arrancar os acusados das mãos da Justiça chadiana refletem a hipocrisia de nossas relações com o continente negro. Em segundo plano, o caso traduz a batalha ideológica travada em torno de Darfur.

Como nos tempos das colônias, a África refletida pela Zoé é um continente cuja opinião não interessa em tempos normais -é demasiado desesperador e complicado-, mas que regularmente provoca manifestações de emoção. Vem daí a tentação de preparar um “golpe”: buscar crianças apresentadas como sendo vítimas de guerra, visando denunciar a suposta indiferença da comunidade internacional em relação ao conflito de Darfur.

Terra de ninguém

Isso supõe que se veja a África como uma espécie de terra de ninguém onde os ocidentais podem agir como bem entendem, inclusive desrespeitando as regras que eles mesmos alegam promover. Torna-se possível então tomar crianças chadianas por crianças sudanesas de Darfur, filhos de famílias numerosas por órfãos, um país independente por uma zona sem leis. Como no imaginário colonial, os negros seriam crianças grandes, um pouco irresponsáveis, pelos quais se poderia fazer o bem mesmo que eles não o queiram, quando necessário lhes dando uma lição.

Em relação às crianças e suas migrações, o caso põe em evidência nossas próprias contradições. A sociedade francesa pode exigir exames de DNA para comprovar a filiação de crianças negras imigradas, ao mesmo tempo em que alguns de seus membros buscam junto a chefes de povoados outras crianças negras, sem preocupar-se com a existência ou não de seus pais.

Como se surpreender com o fato de tal cenário, para os africanos, evocar -mesmo que de maneira abusiva- o tráfico de negros, e de que seja explorado em detrimento da França? A “África de Zoé” simboliza também nossa dificuldade em compreender realmente o que se passa ao sul do Saara. Em admitir concretamente que o leste do Chade vive parcialmente em outro século. Que, como nos livros de Hugo ou Dickens, alguns pais são tão pobres que talvez sonhem em entregar seu filho, em troca de uma remuneração, a estranhos que lhe prometam um futuro melhor.

Hipocrisia

A incompreensão é reforçada pela hipocrisia de nosso diálogo com os africanos: o sentimento de culpa pós-colonial do qual esses últimos sabem abusar, os interesses econômicos e estratégicos, tudo isso impede a franqueza na relação bilateral. Nisso, a odisséia fracassada da Arca de Zoé aparece como revelador cruel.

A França ajudou Idriss Déby a chegar ao poder em 1990. Ela mantém em Ndjamena uma base militar com 1.100 homens que defende contra rebeliões o regime de Déby, em que a democracia tem pouco lugar. Na teoria, a França apóia um Estado soberano, porém frágil.

Mas a pouca confiança que a França sente na Justiça chadiana se manifesta quando franceses correm o risco de receber penas pesadas dessa Justiça. “Vou buscar os que ficaram lá, não importa o que eles tenham feito”, prometeu Sarkozy na época, provocando escândalo entre os chadianos.

A última luz lançada pelo caso todo diz respeito à análise do conflito em Darfur. Eric Breteau se inspirou no discurso do coletivo Urgence Darfur, que apelou para que se “passe à ação”. Antes de sua entrada no governo, Bernard Kouchner era uma das personalidades que transmitiram essa mensagem, ao lado de Bernard-Henri Lévy. Esse apelo defende a imposição de uma intervenção internacional no Sudão.

Diante dele, as organizações humanitárias como a Médicos Sem Fronteiras, do qual Ronny Brauman é ex-presidente, ou a Médicos do Mundo, cujas equipes trabalham em campo, rejeitam o que vêem como uma estratégia militar perigosa “à moda do Iraque”. Em resposta, os defensores do Urgence Darfur afirmam que esses ativistas humanitários têm dificuldade em reconhecer a gravidade de um conflito em que o papel dos “bandidos” não seja representado pelos EUA. “Pró-americanos” contra “antiimperialistas”, defensores da ação exclusivamente humanitária contra partidários de uma intervenção política ou mesmo militar, auxiliada pelos humanitários. Assim, a Arca de Zoé também veio reativar essa querela antiga entre “French doctors”.

Tradução de CLARA ALLAIN

Hissène Habré (photo, from afrik.com), Chad’s former president, along with leaders of an eastern rebellion, has been sentenced to death in absentia at a mass trial, by a court in Chad on Friday.

The exiled Habré is accused by human rights groups and victims associations of widespread political killings and torture during his eight-year rule of the oil producing country in central Africa.

Since 1990, when he was overthrew by Idriss Déby, Chad’s current president, Mr Habré has lived in exile in Senegal.

Without any legal defence in the three-day hearing, dozens of people, accused of crimes against state security were put on trial in absentia on Tuesday.

El Hadj Diouf, Mr Habré’s lawyer in Senegal, said that he had heard nothing official about the trial in Chad. “I’m not taking this seriously”, said Mr Diouf, while preparing Mr Habré’s defense for a trial to be held in Senegal, on the instructions of the African Union.

Sentenced to death, one rebel leader said that he did not even know he had been on trial. “I’ve heard nothing about this”, said Timane Erdimi, leader of the Rally of Forces for Change. “It is they who should be put on trial”, he added.

Arrest warrants

“They issued an international arrest warrant in 2007, but I’ve heard nothing since”, said Mr Erdimi, saying he was near Guereda, a town in Chad close to the border with the Darfur region of Sudan.

Death sentences have been pronounced against 12 men, including Habré and Erdimi, by Judge Ngarhondo Dgide, president of the court. Still in absentia, thirty-two others were sentenced to hard labor for attempting to “overturn constitutional order”.

Arrest warrants have not been issued by the court for those sentenced in absentia. Mr Ngartebaye declined to comment on whether Chad would seek Habré’s extradition from Senegal.

Although those sentences are a symbol on the political level, it remains unclear how they would affect president Déby’s campaign against rebel groups in the east of Chad that he contends are backed by the Sudanese government, which is denied by the neighbouring country.

Yet any property registered in the names of the accused could be lost by their relatives, if the court ordered to confiscate the belongings of those convicted.

President Déby has been fighting based against a sporadic rebellion, based along Chad’s eastern border with Darfur, where a five-year conflict has spilled over the frontier, sending hundreds of thousands of refugees, as well as armed rebels, into Chad.

In Chad, rebels say they have taken the eastern town of Biltine, some 750km from the capital, N’Djamena.

After attacks on Am Dam and Goz Beida, Biltine is the third town the rebels claim to have taken in recent days.

As they seek to topple president Idriss Deby, rebels have said they intend to advance towards the capital.

No immediate reaction came from the government, or an independent confirmation that Biltine had fallen.

Rebels had reached president Deby’s palace in February, before being repelled by government forces.

Sudan and Chad are fightinh a proxy war through each other’s rebel groups, said the UN. Numerous peace deals have been signed by the two countries, but they have never held.

When news stories break, there is always the danger that reporters write about them too early. Usually because they see others doing so and don’t want to appear to be flagging. We all do it. This happened in the Gillian Gibbons case. And it happened over the weekend, too, during the rebel attack on the city.

At first, I wasn’t going to write about it. As interesting as it was, I had other things on my agenda. But inevitably, since there are actually so few journalists over here, I did become embroiled in covering it – this time for the Economist – and in so doing learnt a tremendous amount. I only write this blog entry now, however, since I didn’t want to pre-empt anything that the Economist might publish.

When the attack happened, I, and many other commentators, dismissed it as a show of strength by JEM, to show to the government that they are still very much alive and kicking in Darfur, and should be considered in any future peace map. The government have been secretly talking to the SLA, the other major rebel group, and more openly to the internationally community.

JEM clearly are feeling sidelined, but that didn’t just attack the city to get noticed. They attacked because they thought they could bring the government down in one fell swoop. As Al-Tayeb Zein Al-Abdin, political commentator and old friend of Bashir, told me: “In this, they seriously miscalculated.”

They had thought that, if they made a stand against this government, which they are presuming to be deeply unpopular (I think they need to re-evaluate that, too), factions from within the city would rise up against the regime and join them in their struggle. Well, it’s happened before.

But it didn’t happen this time. Some Darfuri students from Al-Nilein and Sudan university gathered in the centre of town to demonstrate, but government troops quickly dispersed them. There were also isolated disturbances in other parts of the city – usually heard about by an erroneous text message from a friend that the rebels are attacking again – but these were far from a mass uprising. Yet JEM genuinely believed this is what would happen.

Two days ago, I was taken on a fascinating tour of Omdurman, where most of the fighting took place, and, by rifling through the belongings left behind by the rebels, was able to piece together what happened. There was, in particular, a very interesting diary kept by one of them. The government, of course, had its own motivation for letting me into the area: right from the start, they wanted to make it clear that Chad was behind the attack. After all, how could such a ragtag bunch of soldiers get so far without outside help?

There was definitely Chadian involvement. I’ve seen and studied all the ID cards, and the caps with the Chadian flag stitched on and the artillery shells. Well, on this last point, the evidence is less clear since, not being a military man, and having no military expert next to me, there was no way I could tell whose stamp the shells were marked with. A shell is a shell is a shell, surely.

Whilst there was clearly Chad memorabilia in the kit, this of course in no way proves that Idriss Deby was behind the attack. It just proves that members of the group had some relationship to Chad, which is inevitable given that the border is so porous, and the tribal ties so strong.

The diary I saw gave details about the advance. The rebels started in Abéché, in eastern Chad, where they held their last meeting before beginning their long journey. They started the journey with 1231 soldiers and 191 land cruisers. Their route took them north of El-Geneina, then on to El-Fasher, where they took the back streets. At El-Fasher, the convoy separated into six different convoys, so that they would confuse the government and avoid being wiped out in a single attack.

They continued in this fashion towards Khartoum, regrouping every six or seven hours. When they were 100 km from the city, they paused for a final meeting and for a rallying speech from their leader. Meanwhile, the government, contrary to speculation, knew of their advance and sent out planes to dispatch some of them. But they couldn’t send out a large military vanguard, seeing as this would then leave the city undefended. So their best option was to wait things out and prepare for the attack in Omdurman.

When they attacked, the heaviest fighting was in two key areas. Um Badda, site of the Whirling Dervishes, and Karrari, where the famous battle between British and Mahdi forces took place in 1898. Ironic that it was Karrari where I was taken, to probe the belongings of the rebels at the security station, when only a few months ago I was arrested for an hour by the military there.

The government reckon that they killed 200 rebels in the desert and a further 100 within Omdurman. They tell me that they have arrested 300 rebels. Get the calculators out, and you will see that, if these figures are correct, the rebels have lost half their number and are down to about 600 men. Unlikely to attack again in the near future, despite what Khalil Ibrahim might be saying. I spoke to a couple of JEM contacts and they repeated  parrot-fashion what Ibrahim has been saying: that the rebels are still in and around Omdurman, and that they will keep attacking until this government falls. JEM also sent me countless statements, which I’ll try and get translated and put here. I’m extremely curious how JEM can justify this attack. Commentators are saying that they committed political suicide. On this, I’m inclined to agree. The government say they have now severed ties with the rebels.

I am not a huge fan of the regime in Khartoum. I know that they do some rather underhand things in this country. But then, I am not really a fan of governments in general. The cynic in me says that governments are very much like an enactment of A Clockwork Orange: absolutely no one is good. They want power just for themselves. Fortunately, in Europe and America, we have developed a good system of checks and balances, which limits the powers that individuals can seek. This is not the case everywhere in the world.

But, to be fair to the government, they are holding this country together. If they go or they weaken then, as we have just witnessed with JEM, expect civil war brought on by a gaping power vacuum.

I would think it extremely worrying if JEM ever gets two close to the seats of power, for a few reasons. One, let’s not forget it is an Islamic movement (I have seen some dreadful coverage recently which just calls JEM ‘the Darfur rebels’, with no indication that they are actually Islamic: this is the most important facet to their character). Therefore, if they came to power, they will just be replacing one Islamic regime with another – and, not just that, but a particularly extreme variety. This would bit JEM against other rebel groups in Darfur, especially the SLA, and result in further marginalisation of the region. Not just that, but any newcomer to power, especially when such power is taken by force, feels vulnerable and needs a way of consolidating their base. This is usually done by killing people. It will, in short, be 1989 all over again.

This government may not be all that good, but right now it is the best option available to the country. As I’ve written in the past, the government is pretty sure of itself right now, and therefore can concentrate on finding a solution to the problems of this country rather than fret about having to give up all the perks and privileges of office. Let’s not try and destabilise things, guys.

Oh yes, and thanks to everyone that pointed out that Khalil was in fact a doctor (not a teacher) before he become a rebel leader. I have now removed the error, but the lingering guilt at such sloppiness remains. I guess, then, perhaps a career as a rebel is not for me. I know nothing about the health profession.

You can see the article I wrote for the Economist here.

Last October I was idly browsing the BBC news online when a bizarre headline caught my eye: “French held over Chad ‘adoptions’”. Clicking on the link I soon found myself reading a very sordid tale indeed.

Nine French citizens were arrested in Chad for attempting to kidnap 103 children from the country. They were part of an organization called Arch de Zoe (Zoe’s Ark)—a group of French 4×4 enthusiasts (yes apparently they do exist) who banned together following the Asian tsunami of December 2004.

In April 2007 the group announced it would try to evacuate 10,000 orphans from Darfur to France.

The BBC found out that approximately 300 European families hoped to adopt one of these children—perhaps paying up to $1.4million dollars to charities.

Zoe’s Ark responded by stating that they were not an adoption agency. They “just wanted to rescue [the orphans] from death”—the children were supposedly from Darfur.

It turned out, however, that nearly all of the children were from Chad with at least one living relative.

Oops.

According to the BBC, Zoe’s Ark maintained that tribal leaders assured them that the children were orphans from Darfur with no known relatives.

The six were convicted of kidnapping in Chad and sentenced to eight years hard labor and after major negotiations, relocated to French prisons. On Monday March 31, however, Chad’s President Idriss Deby pardoned all six and they were released—in February France helped Deby turn back an attempt to overthrow him so this is viewed by many as a strategic diplomatic move on his part.

I am still gravely concerned.

Let’s take Zoe’s Ark at face value— naïve do-gooders seeking to save children from the dangerous and war torn region of Darfur. Their biggest mistake was that despite their total lack of experience in geopolitical affairs, human rights, and diplomacy, they choose to carry out this mission independently.

On their website they make their case using the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Convention on the Rights of a Child. They site the right to asylum from the UDHR and the UNCRC’s affirmation that States should will a child’s attempt to flee his or her country as a refugee, as the basis for their actions.

Their zeal caused them to perceive these two documents as superhero-mission charges: Operation Rescue the Children from Danger in Accordance with the UDHR and the UNCRC!!!

Very laudable and commendable… except for the tiny detail that they ended up “rescuing” the wrong children.

They needlessly traumatized 103 Chadian children and damaged the credibility of other children’s aid organizations.

So what’s my point?

Children are the most common victims of war and violence. They need us to volunteer, donate, get politically active, etc.

They don’t need inexperienced pseudo-superheroes suddenly deciding to rescue them.

Be a real hero:

War Child International is on the ground in El Geneina, West Darfur, Sudan working with the youth within the refugee camps. Get involved in their amazing efforts.

SOS Children’s Villages have two locations within Sudan- one in Kartoum and another in Malakal. Sponsor a child living there.

Go all out and volunteer in Southern Sudan with Advance-africa.com. You will get a chance to work with children, refugees, and families from Darfur.

Hier, Idriss Déby, le président Tchadien a annoncé officiellement la grâce des membres de l’Arche de Zoé, l’occasion de faire un retour sur cette affaire quelque peu obscure.

Tout a commencé en juin, le président de L’Arche de Zoé Eric Breteau avait annoncé un projet d’évacuation d’enfants soudanais du Darfour. Le 24 octobre 2007, à Paris s’ouvre une information judiciaire pour “exercice illégal de l’activité d’intermédiaire en vue d’adoption”. Le lendemain, neuf Français (six membres de l’association et trois journalistes) et sept Espagnols de l’équipage de l’avion affrété pour l’opération, sont arrêtés à Abéché (est du Tchad), où l’organisation, baptisée Children Rescue, s’apprêtait à faire embarquer 103 enfants vers la France. Dès le 28 octobre, le président Nicolas Sarkozy juge l’opération “illégale”, le lendemain, les Français sont inculpés pour “enlèvement de mineurs” et “escroquerie” alors que les Espagnols le sont pour “complicité”.

Le 2 novembre, 17 Européens et quatre Tchadiens sont incarcérés à N’Djamena. Deux jours plus tard, les quatre hôtesses de l’air espagnoles et les trois journalistes français sont libérés puis rapatriés à Madrid et à Paris après une visite au Tchad du président Sarkozy. Une semaine plus tard, les trois derniers Espagnols et le pilote belge sont relâchés. L’Unicef affirme que la quasi-totalité des 103 enfants ont été identifiés, la grande majorité sont tchadiens.

Le 12 décembre, les dix inculpés (six Français, trois Tchadiens et un Soudanais) sont renvoyés devant la Cour criminelle. Les douze autres ont bénéficié d’un non-lieu.

10 jours plus tard s’ouvre le procès devant la Cour criminelle de N’Djamena, les six Français sont condamnés à huit ans de prison assortis de travaux forcés. Un Tchadien et le Soudanais sont condamnés à quatre ans de prison, les deux autres Tchadiens acquittés. Juste après Noël, le 28 décembre, les six Français sont rapatriés du Tchad pour être incarcérés en région parisienne.

9-10 janvier 2008, dans le volet français du dossier, mise en examen à Paris du logisticien de L’Arche de Zoé, Alain Péligat, du médecin Philippe van Winkelberg et de la compagne d’Eric Breteau, Emilie Lelouch.

Le 28 janvier, la justice française prononce une peine de substitution de huit ans de prison à l’encontre des six membres de l’Arche de Zoé. Une semaine plus tard, le 6 février, le président tchadien Idriss Deby évoque la possibilité d’une “grâce” des six Français condamnés si Paris le lui demande. Les avocats des six Français lui adressent des demandes de grâce. Le 13 février, Eric Breteau est mis en examen dans l’enquête française sur l’association.

Hier, le 31 mars, les six Français sont graciés par le président tchadien Idriss Deby selon deux décrets publiés à N’Djamena.

Mais cette affaire a, en fait, été un peu plus complexe que cela. « Ils voulaient offrir à des orphelins du Darfour une enfance heureuse dans un pays en paix ; ils sont rentrés sous les huées. Ils se rêvaient en chevaliers de l’humanitaire ; on les boucle en prison comme de vulgaires malfaiteurs. ». Difficile de trancher entre la réalité de l’opération et les intentions de l’association. Mais revenons un peu sur les débats de presse depuis six mois. Au début, les journaux ne se mouillaient pas trop, on parlait bien « d’humanitaires », mais on qualifiait leurs actions d’« étrange affaire » ou d’ « extravaguant projet ». Tout s’est accéléré avec l’instrumentalisation de l’affaire par le président tchadien Idriss Déby. Rapidement, il a utilisé les termes « impensable » et « inadmissible » pour qualifier l’affaire. L’Unicef emboite le pas et parle d’opération « illégale » et « irresponsable ». La presse ne sait plus qu’en penser, sont-ils des « doux rêveurs », des « mercenaires de l’humanitaire » ou des « inconscients » ? Rama Yade, leur donne la voie, elle reprend les mots de l’Unicef pour affirmer que cette opération était « illégale et irresponsable ».

Le problème c’est que, rapidement, les enquêtes des journalistes ont montré que les autorités françaises étaient au courant de cette opération depuis le début de l’été. L’AFP avait d’ailleurs déjà publié une dépêche en juin. Le Figaro titrera à ce sujet « Paris embarrassé met l’Arche de Zoé au pilori ». Paris doublement embarrassé puisque la France doit coordonner les forces européennes au Tchad un mois plus tard. Tous les commentateurs s’accordent pour dire que la France fait profil bas face à Idriss Déby. Il ne pouvait pas manquer l’occasion de faire de la provocation et c’est alors, début novembre 2007, que le président tchadien a utilisé les termes de « trafic pur et simple », de « trafiquants d’organes » et de « pédophiles » pour qualifier les membres de l’Arche de Zoé. De l’autre côté de la Méditerranée, les choses s’empirent, on avait beaucoup parlé d’«ONG d’amateurs», d’« ONG auto-proclamée » et de « jeux douteux au Tchad » mais début novembre, une famille porte plainte pour escroquerie, elle avait versée une avance de 2400€ pour adopter un enfant. C’est à cette période que l’on apprend que les enfants n’étaient ni orphelins, ni soudanais. « Les soupçons s’accumulent » titre Libération le 3 novembre.

Par la suite tout va s’enchaîner très vite, Nicolas Sarkozy va annoncer qu’il irait chercher tous les membres de l’association « quoi qu’ils aient fait », Idris Déby lui répond que « la justice se fera au Tchad ». La France fait profil bas. Le procès commence, rapidement, on comprend que la sentence sera exemplaire, le seul enjeu est de rapatrier les Français. Le procès est expédié, la vérité ne sera jamais entièrement faite, on ne saura jamais vraiment qui étaient les 103 enfants,… Un nouveau mot est sur toutes les lèvres « transfèrement », il aura lieu mais la sentence ne change pas, elle est juste adaptée, de huit ans de travaux forcés, les membres de l’Arche de Zoé passent à huit ans de prison ferme. Ils ne pourront pas sortir de prison avant l’issu de la peine sauf si une grâce est prononcée par le président Tchadien, hypothèse vite écartée.

Mais en février tout bascule, des rebelles menacent le pouvoir d’Idriss Déby. La France attend d’évaluer le rapport de force dans ce conflit avant de donner sa position. Rapidement, on comprend que les rebelles vont être écrasés par le pouvoir en place. C’est à ce moment là, que la France va rappeler sa fidélité au pouvoir de Déby et va le soutenir pour mettre fin à ce soulèvement. Subitement, apparaît dans la bouche du président tchadien, le mot « grâce ». Les avocats des condamnés de l’Arche de Zoé, en font une demande immédiate, fin février, Nicolas Sarkozy va défendre le dossier, mais affirme qu’il ne paiera pas la somme due par les condamnés. Quelques semaines plus tard, nous apprenons la grâce présidentielle, les membres de l’Arche de Zoé sont libérés, François Fillon continue d’affirmer que la France n’a pas versé le moindre euro.

Depuis hier, les images de joie ne cessent d’être diffusées, mais elle risque d’être de courte durée car la grâce tchadienne ne marque pas la fin de la procédure judiciaire. Si le volet tchadien est quasi clos, quatre membres de l’Arche de Zoé – son président, Eric Breteau, sa compagne, Emilie Lelouch, Philippe Van Winkelberg, le médecin, et Alain Péligat, le logisticien – ont été mis en examen dans l’enquête française pour “exercice illégal de l’activité d’intermédiaire en vue d’adoption”, “aide au séjour irrégulier de mineurs étrangers en France” et “escroquerie”. L’infirmière Nadia Merimi et l’autre logisticien, Dominique Aubry, ont été placés sous le statut de témoin assisté. Affaire à suivre.

The 103 Chadian children who were caught up in a trafficking scandal, four months ago, are finally allowed to be reunited with their families. Their return home has been delayed due to the fact that the French charity, Zoe’s Ark, had left very little paperwork about the children’s identities, said Unicef. The children have stayed in an orphanage in Chad waiting for the Chadian officials to identify the correct guardians.

The children come from Chadian regions close to the country’s border with Sudan and although some of the children are orphans the officials were able to locate the guardians for most of them. Jean-Francois Basse, a spokesman for Unicef in Chad said:

“Out of the 103 children we were able to locate those who were in charge of the children for 97 of them.”

—————————-

The scandal emerged when it was discovered that most of the 103 children were from Chad and had relatives who were still alive. Six French aid workers were convicted of trying to abduct them, describing the children as orphans from war-torn Darfur.

During their trial in N’Djamena, the Chadian capital, the aid workers defended themselves by saying they had been tricked into believing these children were orphans in desperate need. This weak defence did not affect the judges and they were sentenced to 8 years in jail with hard labour. But the French government pulled them out of Chad and they are now serving their jail terms in France, without the hard labour.

French jail terms for Chad kidnap (BBC)
Profile Zoe’s Ark (BBC)

—————————-

The Chadian President, Idriss Deby, says he will consider pardoning the aid workers on condition the children’s families recieve compensation.

– Kajsa, Admin Twende Twende
admin.twende.twende@gmail.com

Where are the Chadian opponents arrested in the aftermath of the attempted coup initiated by the rebels in early February ? The cases of Ngarlejy Yorongar and Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh are especially worrying.

Last Friday, Chadian foreign and justice ministers assured in a press conference in Paris that Yorongar reappeared “in his neighbourhood in N’Djamena’. The two officials accused him of disappearing voluntarily and playing ‘hide and seek’ with the authorities.

Monday 25th Feb., French Foreign minister Bernard Kouchner was interviewed on the parliamentary station LCP-Sénat, and declared that Yorongar was actually hiding. ‘Mr. Yorongar (…) was found. He is still hiding, but quite reliable witnesses have seen him and he is alive,’ he said.

The problem is that these ‘quite reliable witnesses’ quoted by the French FM must be Chadian governemental officials. This assertion contradicts independent sources.
Meanwhile, Chadian human rights activists and the US-based Human Right Watch denied these statements, saying that the opponents were last seen in army custody.

“The government says it doesn’t know how Yorongar and Ibni disappeared,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Our inquiry leaves little doubt that it was the government which took them, and we hold the government fully responsible for their well-being and safe return”, the organization writes in its statement.

The question is : did Bernard Kouchner know about the opponents’ whereabouts when he said they were hiding ?

It would be a major blow for the French African diplomacy if it eventually happens that these opposition leaders do not reappear alive. But the French diplomacy is too busy working for the release of Ingrid Betancourt to do something for Déby’s opponents…

N’DJAMENA – Giovedì, 14 febbraio 2008 (Vatican Diplomacy via Fides). – Cresce la preoccupazione in Ciad per le tensioni lungo il confine con il Sudan e l’arrivo di nuovi rifugiati dal Darfur, mentre i ribelli che avevano tentato di rovesciare il Presidente ciadiano Idriss Deby sono rientrati nelle loro basi nell’est del Paese. Il Ciad accusa Khartoum di appoggiare i ribelli: l’offensiva contro la capitale ciadiana N’Djamena ha così aggravato la tensione esistente tra i due Paesi. Il Sudan, che afferma che il Ciad fornisce aiuto alla guerriglia del Darfur, ha intensificato i bombardamenti nella regione di confine con il Ciad, uccidendo 150 persone e provocando l’esodo di circa 12mila nuovi profughi che ora premono per entrare in Ciad.

Il Presidente Idris ha affermato che il Sudan usa i circa 240mila rifugiati sudanesi in Ciad come un mezzo per fare pressione sul governo di N’Djamena e ha minacciato di espellerli se la comunità internazionale non interviene per ricondurli in Sudan. Nell’est del Ciad oltre ai rifugiati sudanesi vi sono 180mila sfollati interni ciadiani, causati dall’azione dei ribelli locali.

Una fonte della Chiesa locale, contattata dall’Agenzia Fides riferisce che “Nella regione di Mongo vi sono 12 campi di accoglienza per i rifugiati del Darfur. Il Nunzio Apostolico in Ciad ne ha visitato uno per rendersi conto della situazione. Vi è un buon livello di assistenza garantito da diverse organizzazioni internazionali e da un gruppo ad hoc costituito con il fattivo contributo della Chiesa cattolica locale. Questa organizzazione opera in 4 campi ognuno dei quali accoglie circa 20mila persona. Nei 12 campi nell’area di Mongo vi sono in Ciad oltre 200mila rifugiati sudanesi: quindi la Chiesa locale contribuisce ad assistere quasi la metà di queste persone. Anche il Santo Padre è vicino materialmente, oltre che spiritualmente, alle sofferenze di queste persone, partecipando allo sforzo umanitario attraverso “Cor Unum”.

L’Alto Commissariato dell’ONU per i Rifugiati (ACNUR/UNHCR) ha espresso la propria preoccupazione per l’improvviso emergere di episodi di banditismo nei campi rifugiati che hanno provocato la morte di alcuni poliziotti di guardia. Per proteggere i campi umanitari è in corso di dispiegamento nell’est del Ciad e nella vicina Repubblica Centrafricana, una forza di sicurezza europea (EUROFOR). Il primo contingente di soldati svedesi è arrivato nel Paese africano per preparare l’arrivo del resto della forza, che sarà costituita da 3.700 militari, la maggior parte dei quali forniti dalla Francia, che da più di 20 anni ha nel Paese un importante dispositivo militare (la forza “Epervier”).

Il dispiegamento di EUROFOR era stato ritardato dall’attacco dei ribelli contro N’Djamena, ma ora, secondo una fonte di Fides, “i ribelli temono l’intervento della Francia, che ha accolto l’invito del Consiglio di Sicurezza a garantire la sicurezza e la stabilità del Ciad, e non sembrano intenzionati a mettersi contro la forza di pace europea”.

“La crisi ciadiana è legata a quella che vive il Darfur sudanese e il Centrafrica. Vi sono interessi internazionali legati al petrolio del Darfur ma anche del Ciad e del nord della Repubblica Centrafricana” conclude la fonte di Fides. (L.M.)

***

De nouveaux réfugiés du Darfour arrivent au Tchad; l’Eglise catholique engagée dans les opérations humanitaires

N’DJAMENA (Agence Fides).- L’inquiétude croît au Tchad à cause des tensions le long de la frontière avec le Soudan et de l’arrivée de nouveaux réfugiés du Darfour, alors que les rebelles qui avaient tenté de renverser le président tchadien Idriss Deby sont rentrés dans leurs bases dans l’Est du pays. Le Tchad accuse Khartoum de soutenir les rebelles : l’offensive contre la capitale tchadienne N’Djamena a aggravé la tension existant entre les deux pays. Le Soudan, qui affirme que le Tchad fournit de l’aide à la guérilla du Darfour, a intensifié les bombardements dans la région de frontière avec le Tchad, tuant 150 personnes et provoquant l’exode d’environ 12.000 nouveaux réfugiés qui maintenant se pressent pour entrer au Tchad.

Le président Idriss a affirmé que le Soudan utilisait les 240.000 réfugiés soudanais au Tchad pour faire pression sur le gouvernement de N’Djamena et a menacé de les expulser si la communauté internationale n’intervenait pas pour les reconduire au Soudan. Dans l’Est du Tchad, en plus des réfugiés soudanais, il y a 180.000 réfugiés internes tchadiens, suite à l’action des rebelles locaux.

Une source de l’Eglise locale, contactée par l’Agence Fides rapporte que « Dans la région de Mongo il y a 12 camps d’accueil pour les réfugiés du Darfour. Le Nonce Apostolique au Tchad en a visité un pour se rendre compte de la situation. Il y a un bon niveau d’assistance garantie par plusieurs organisations internationales et par un groupe ad hoc constitué grâce à la contribution active de l’Eglise catholique locale. Cette organisation travaille dans quatre camps, dont chacun accueille environ 20.000 personnes. Dans les 12 camps de la région de Mongo il y a au Tchad plus de 200.000 réfugiés soudanais : l’Eglise locale contribue donc à assister presque la moitié de ces personnes. Le Saint-Père aussi est proche de ces personnes, non seulement spirituellement mais aussi matériellement, en participant à l’effort humanitaire à travers « Cor Unum ».

Le Haut-commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) a exprimé son inquiétude quant à l’émergence imprévue d’actes de banditisme dans les camps de réfugiés, qui ont provoqué la mort de plusieurs policiers de garde. Pour protéger les camps humanitaires, une force de sécurité européenne (EUROFOR) est en cours de déploiement dans l’Est du Tchad et dans la République Centrafricaine voisine. Le premier contingent de soldats suédois est arrivé dans le pays africain pour préparer l’arrivée du reste de la force, qui sera constituée de 3.700 militaires, la plupart fournis par la France, qui depuis plus de 20 ans a dans le pays un important dispositif militaire (la force « Épervier »).

Le déploiement d’EUROFOR avait été retardé par l’attaque des rebelles contre N’Djamena, mais maintenant, selon une source de Fides, « les rebelles craignent l’intervention de la France, qui a accueilli l’invitation du Conseil de sécurité de garantir la sécurité et la stabilité au Tchad, et ils ne semblent pas avoir l’intention de se mettre contre la force de paix européenne ».

« La crise tchadienne est liée à celle que vit le Darfour soudanais et la Centrafrique. Il y a des intérêts internationaux liés au pétrole du Darfour mais aussi du Tchad et du Nord de la République Centrafricaine » conclut la source de Fides. (L.M.)

***

More refugees arrive from Darfour to Chad; the Catholic Church dedicated to humanitarian aid operations

N’DJAMENA (Agenzia Fides) – Worries increase in Chad due to the tensions being caused along the border with Sudan and for the arrival of more refugees from Darfour. Meanwhile, rebels who had sought to remove Chad President Idriss Deby from office have returned to their bases in eastern Chad. The republic of Chad accuses Khartoum of supporting the rebels, creating more tensions between the two countries. Sudan, whom Chad claims is supporting guerrillas in Darfour, has intensified bombing in the regions along Chad’s border, killing 150 people and provoking a mass exodus of almost 12,000 more refugees that have tried to enter Chad.

President Idris claims that Sudan uses the close to 240,000 refugees from Sudan in Chad as a means to place pressure on the government in N’Djamena. Therefore, the President has threatened to expel them if the international community does not intervene and send them back to Sudan. In eastern Chad, in addition to refugees from Sudan, there are refugees of Chad who have fled to escape local rebel violence.

A source from the local Catholic Church, in communication with Agenzia Fides, said that “in the region of Mongo, there are 12 refugee camps for refugees from Darfour. The Apostolic Nuncio in Chad has visited one, to personally observe the situation. There is a great deal of aid coming in from various international organisations, especially from one group in particular that functions with support from the local Catholic Church. This organisation works in 4 refugee camps, each one attending to close to 20,000 people. In the 12 camps in the Mongo area, there are over 200,000 refugees from Sudan, half of the number being helped by the Catholic Church. The Holy Father has made a presence both materially and above all, spiritually in his sharing in the sufferings of these people and sending aid through ‘Cor Unum.’”

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) expressed his worries that the repeated episodes of vandalism among refugee camps that have already caused the deaths of some policemen on guard. To increase protection in the camps, a security force has been sent out from EUROFOR towards eastern Chad and in the Republic of Central Africa. The first battalion of Swiss soldiers arrived to the African country to prepare the subsequent arrival of 3, 700 military guards, the majority being French who have had a military representation in the country for over 20 years (“Epervier”).

The deployment of the EUROFOR was postponed due to an attack by rebels in N’Djamena. Fides sources say that at this time, however, “the rebels fear the intervention of the French, who come in response to an petition made by the Security Council to guarantee stability in Chad, and they do not seem prepared to confront such a force…”

“The crisis in Chad is related to that of Darfour/Sudan and the Republic of Central Africa. There are international interests in regards to the oil in Darfour, but in Chad and in the northern part of the Republic of Central Africa as well,” the Fides source concluded. (L.M.)

***

Llegan nuevos refugiados de Darfur a Chad; la Iglesia católica comprometida en las operaciones humanitarias

N’DJAMENA (Agencia Fides)- Crece la preocupación en Chad por las tensiones a lo largo de la frontera con Sudán y por la llegada de nuevos refugiados de Darfur, mientras que los rebeldes que habían tratado de destituir al Presidente chadiano Idriss Deby han regresado a sus bases al este del país. La república del Chad acusa a Khartoum de apoyar a los rebeldes, por lo que la ofensiva a la capital de Chad, N’Djamena, ha agravado la tensión ya existente entre ambos países. Sudán, que afirma que Chad ayuda a la guerrilla de Darfur, ha intensificado los bombardeos en las regiones fronterizas con Chad, matando 150 personas y provocando un éxodo en masa de cerca de 12 mil nuevos prófugos que están tratando de ingresar a Chad.

El Presidente Idris afirmó que Sudán usa los casi 240 mil refugiados sudaneses en Chad como un medio para presionar al gobierno de N’Djamena y amenazó con expulsarlos si la comunidad internacional no interviene para reconducirlos en Sudán. Al este de Chad, además de los prófugos sudaneses, hay 180 mil refugiados de Chad a causa de la acción de los rebeldes locales.

Una fuente de la Iglesia local contactada por la Agencia Fides señala que “en la región de Mongo hay 12 campos de acogida para los refugiados de Darfur. El Nuncio Apostólico en Chad ha visitado uno para darse cuenta de la situación. Hay un buen nivel de asistencia garantizado por distintas organizaciones internacionales y por un grupo explícitamente constituido con la ayuda de la Iglesia católica local. Esta organización trabaja en 4 campos, cada uno de los cuales acoge cerca de 20 mil personas. En los 12 campos de la zona de Mongo hay más de 200 mil refugiados sudaneses, por lo que la Iglesia local asiste casi a la mitad de dichas personas. También el Santo Padre se ha hecho presente materialmente, además de su cercanía espiritual, compartiendo los sufrimientos de estas personas, y participando en el esfuerzo humanitario a través de ‘Cor Unum’”.

El Alto Comisariato de la ONU para los Refugiados (ACNUR/UNHCR) expresó su preocupación por los repentinos episodios de vandalismo en los campos de refugiados que han provocado la muerte de algunos policías de guardia. Para proteger los campos humanitarios en este momento se está desplegando una fuerza de seguridad europea (EUROFOR) al este de Chad y en la República Centroafricana. El primer contingente de soldados suecos llegó al país africano para preparar la llegada del resto de la fuerza que estará constituida por 3,700 militares, la mayor parte de los cuales franceses, que ya cuentan desde hace más de 20 años con un importante contingente militar en el país (la fuerza “Epervier”).

El despliegue de la EUROFOR fue retrazado por el ataque de los rebeldes contra N’Djamena, pero en este momento, según una fuente de Fides “los rebeldes temen la intervención de Francia, que ha aceptado la invitación del Consejo de Seguridad para garantizar la estabilidad de Chad, y no parecerían intencionados a enfrentarse a la fuerza de paz europea”.

“La crisis de Chad está relacionada a la del Darfur sudanés y a la de la República Centroafricana. Existen intereses internacionales relacionados al petróleo de Darfur pero también de Chad y del norte de la República Centroafricana” concluyó la fuente de Fides. (L.M.)

Chad, like most of central Africa, is a sad story. After days of fighting, reports indicate that the government of Idriss Deby – possibly with some help from the French – has managed to to repel rebels from the capital and gain “total control.” The question is, for how long? This was the second time in a few years that the rebels had marched into the capital and threatened to topple Deby. This was also a confirmation that the government of Chad remains weak and unable to provide security, let alone development programmes, for its own people.

The story of Chad is a story that is repeated many times on the continent of Africa. You always have very weak governments that are unable to provide the most basic of public goods to their people but that are propped up by the West- the French being the number one culprits here. The French were friends with Bokassa and Mobutu, among other francophone-African dictators who brought much suffering to their own people while maintaining strong ties to Paris and having frequent state visits to the Elysee. The opposition to these weak governments is also just as weak. The many rebels movements fighting silly wars of greed devoid of any ideological significance are too weak to win. Instead they put their countrymen through wars of attrition that keep them forever stagnant in pre-modern subsistence existence. The same applies for Political opposition parties. Think of Zimbabwe. Everyone wants Mugabe out, except Tsvangirai and Mutambara – the two men who have refused to join forces within the MDC in order to unseat Bob.

More than two decades after Achebe wrote about it in Nigeria, the trouble with Africa still remains simply and squarely a problem of leadership. There is nothing inherently wrong with Africa or the African people. The only strange thing about Africa is its ability to keep churning out more Mobutus, Bokassas and Amins and very few Mandelas.

Going back to Chad…… may be it is a good thing that Deby is still president. However, deep down I think that that Africans should think hard about their many weak and unviable states. The DRC, Somalia and many states in the Sahel some to mind. If these countries cannot get their act together they should be left to the mercy of “evolution of states” so that in the end we can have states that are viable and able to provide for their people and not kleptocracies that only benefit their leaders’ kinsmen and a few multinational corporations.

The French government has taken further steps to evacuate foreign civilians from N’Djamena, Chad, as fighting there between government forces and Khartoum-backed rebels intensifies. According to the BBC, thousands of people have fled N’Djamena.

The government claims to have defeated the rebels, who say they have withdrawn only to give civilians an opportunity to leave. Reuters reports that thousands of people have fled across the border to Cameroon at N’Djamena and Kousseri.

Ban Ki-moon, the United Nations Secretary-General, has already made pleas for a ceasefire. The UN will meet later today in New York to discuss the situation.

More importantly, the Chadian Minister for Mines and Energy has explicitly laid blame squarely on Sudan, saying Sudan had backed the operation with aircraft and that such a move amounted to a “declaration of war”. Obviously, Sudan has strongly denied this.

The Chinese government in Beijing has also evacuated 212 people from the city – two Taiwanese and the rest Chinese. Is China trying to gain by helping evacuate the two Taiwanese too? China of course sees Taiwan as a breakaway province, so will helping to evacuate these two boost its image in the Taiwan debate?