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	<title>israeli-civil-administration &amp;laquo; WordPress.com Tag Feed</title>
	<link>http://en.wordpress.com/tag/israeli-civil-administration/</link>
	<description>Feed of posts on WordPress.com tagged "israeli-civil-administration"</description>
	<pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 09:58:05 +0000</pubDate>

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<title><![CDATA[April 23 2013 Olive Trees Uprooted]]></title>
<link>http://cptpalestine.wordpress.com/2013/04/23/188/</link>
<pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2013 12:02:47 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Christian Peacemaker Teams Palestine</dc:creator>
<guid>http://cptpalestine.wordpress.com/2013/04/23/188/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Israeli Soldiers and Border Police Destroy 200 Young Olive Trees in Palestinian Village of Susya Isr]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><b><span class='embed-youtube' style='text-align:center; display: block;'><iframe class='youtube-player' type='text/html' width='640' height='390' src='http://www.youtube.com/embed/XOXvdEaKAgY?version=3&#038;rel=1&#038;fs=1&#038;showsearch=0&#038;showinfo=1&#038;iv_load_policy=1&#038;wmode=transparent' frameborder='0'></iframe></span>Israeli Soldiers and Border Police Destroy 200 Young Olive Trees in Palestinian Village of Susya</b></p>
<p>Israeli soldiers and border police today used a backhoe to uproot 200 young olive trees in the Palestinian village of Susya in the South Hebron Hills.  The demolition of the olive<span style="line-height:1.5;"> grove began at 8:00 am and finished at 10:45 am.  The trees destroyed were planted about one year ago on land belonging to three families of the village, across a valley from the Israeli settlement of Susya.</span></p>
<p>The village of Susya has existed since around 1830, and is present on British maps from 1917.  In 1983 Israeli settlers built a settlement at Susya, and many of the village’s residents were forced from their homes.  These families now live nearby in isolated sites to the north of the settlement.  The Israeli Civil Administration has informed residents of Palestinian Susya of their intention to carry out six demolition orders for houses that were issued in the 1990&#8242;s and in 2001.  These demolition orders cover 50 buildings, including homes, animal pens, solar energy panels and water cist<span style="line-height:1.5;">erns.</span></p>
<p>These demolition orders have been issued despite the fact that Palestinian ownership of the land in Palestinian  Susya is well established legally.  Israeli attorney Plea Albeck stated in a legal opinion in l982 that the land in Palestinian Susya is Palestinian owned.  Because the Israeli Civil Administration has not completed a master plan for the region, the residents of Palestinian Susya are unable to obtain building permits.</p>
<p>Since 2001 Israel has, through its military and settlers in<b></b><span style="line-height:1.5;"> the W</span><span style="line-height:1.5;">est Bank and Gaza, uprooted, burnt and destroyed more than 548,000 olive trees belonging to Palestinian farmers and land owners.</span></p>
<p><a href="http://susyablog.wordpress.com/tag/susya/">link to Susya Blog</a></p>
<p><a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/94802096@N05/sets/72157633307117359/">link to photos on flickr</a></p>
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<title><![CDATA[Restricting mobility, undermining the Palestinian state]]></title>
<link>http://mashreqiyeh.wordpress.com/2013/04/01/restricting-mobility-undermining-the-palestinian-state/</link>
<pubDate>Mon, 01 Apr 2013 18:26:37 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>mashreqiyeh</dc:creator>
<guid>http://mashreqiyeh.wordpress.com/2013/04/01/restricting-mobility-undermining-the-palestinian-state/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[The more I know about Palestine the more I think that most Palestinian leadership (in the PA and the]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[The more I know about Palestine the more I think that most Palestinian leadership (in the PA and the]]></content:encoded>
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<title><![CDATA[Israel denies Arab artists permits to join the March Freedom Ride]]></title>
<link>http://freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com/2013/03/15/israel-denies-arab-artists-permits-to-join-the-march-freedom-ride/</link>
<pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 17:18:26 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>freedombuspalestine</dc:creator>
<guid>http://freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com/2013/03/15/israel-denies-arab-artists-permits-to-join-the-march-freedom-ride/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Press Release The Freedom Theatre Jenin Refugee Camp, Occupied Palestine March 12, 2013 For immediat]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Press Release<br />
The Freedom Theatre<br />
Jenin Refugee Camp, Occupied Palestine<br />
March 12, 2013 For immediate release<br />
<strong>Israel denies Arab artists permits to join the March Freedom Ride</strong></p>
<p>Ahmed Galai Ezzar and Zeid Khemiri are two rappers from Armada Bizerta, a revolutionary hip-hop group from Tunisia. Khalid Albaih is a political cartoonist from the Sudan – his stencils about the Arab Revolutions have appeared on streets and public squares throughout the Middle East and North Africa. Sondos Shabayek and Mona El Shimi are two Egyptian theatre makers, well known for developing the Tahrir Monologues – a series of solo pieces about the Eygptian revolution.<br />
Ahmed, Zeid, Khalid, Sondos and Mona were planning to join the March Freedom Ride, a grassroots initiative of The Freedom Theatre’s Freedom Bus.<br />
In order to gain permission for these artists to enter the West Bank of Occupied Palestine, The Freedom Theatre was required to submit permit applications to the Palestinian Ministry of Civil Affairs.<br />
On March 11, after months of waiting, The Freedom Theatre finally received notice that these applications had been denied by the Israeli Civil Administration.<br />
Events such as this serve as yet another stark reminder about the humiliating system under which we live: That our own Palestinian Ministries must coordinate with, and obey Israel.<br />
- Let us continue to fight for the day when our freedom will permit fellow poets, musicians, artists and writers to travel freely and unhindered to our historic homeland, says Alia Alrosan, coordinator for the Freedom Bus.</p>
<p>MARCH FREEDOM RIDE<br />
From March 17-29, students, artists and activists from across Palestine and abroad will join the people of the Jordan Valley and South Hebron Hills in their struggle against Israel’s forced expulsion of Palestinian communities in Area C.<br />
This ride, organized by The Freedom Theatre’s Freedom Bus together with several grassroots organizations, will occur in solidarity with Palestinian farmer and Bedouin communities who are struggling against attempts to forcibly expel them from their traditional homelands. The March Freedom Ride will include building and reconstruction work, protective presence activity, guided walks, home-stays, interactive workshops, educational talks and cultural events. Through Playback Theatre, residents of the Jordan Valley and South Hebron Hills will share personal accounts about the realities of life and resistance under settler colonialism, military occupation and state-sanctioned apartheid.</p>
<p>ABOUT THE FREEDOM BUS<br />
The Freedom Bus project of The Freedom Theatre uses interactive theatre and cultural activism to bear witness, raise awareness and create alliances in Occupied Palestine. In practice, this project offers a unique opportunity for activists, artists, writers, photographers and many others to come together and establish grassroots contact with communities engaged in day-to-day struggle to survive and resist occupation. Over the past year, the Freedom Bus has engaged over 2000 people in creative acts of community building and cultural resistance throughout Occupied Palestine.<br />
FOR INTERVIEWS<br />
Alia Alrosan (Arabic speaking)<br />
E: <a href="alia@thefreedomtheatre.org">alia@thefreedomtheatre.org</a><br />
T: +972(0)599304523<br />
Ben Rivers (English speaking)<br />
E: <a href="ben@thefreedomtheatre.org">ben@thefreedomtheatre.org</a><br />
T: +972(0)592-902256<br />
T: +972(0)544-930542</p>
<p>LINKS<br />
Web: <a href="www.freedombus.ps">www.freedombus.ps</a><br />
Blog:<a href=" freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com"> freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com</a><br />
Facebook: <a href="www.facebook.com/thefreedombus">www.facebook.com/thefreedombus</a><br />
Twitter: @FreedomBusPal</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Video # 2: Susya's Elementary School ]]></title>
<link>http://susyablog.wordpress.com/2012/12/30/a-story-of-a-palestinian-village-without-basic-infrastructure-2/</link>
<pubDate>Sun, 30 Dec 2012 15:23:26 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Hadija</dc:creator>
<guid>http://susyablog.wordpress.com/2012/12/30/a-story-of-a-palestinian-village-without-basic-infrastructure-2/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[This video will introduce Susya’s elementary school, which was established four years ago and has be]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><b>This video will introduce Susya’s elementary school, which was established four years ago and has been under the constant threat of demolition. </b>The pending demolition orders issued by the Israeli Civil Administration<b> (</b>The branch of the Israeli army that deals with<b> </b>civilian affairs.) put at risk the basic right to education for dozens of young students, and threaten to destroy years of hard work carried out by devoted teachers. The school offers the first stage of education for children between the ages of 6-11 (Sometimes children attend even when they are older, as they cannot afford to continue their education elsewhere). The school is run by the principal, Muhammad Abu Jaber, and four teachers. The faculty members and the principal are also responsible for the maintenance of the school. Because educational alternatives are very distant and require families to pay for transportation, the existence of this school is critical to the lives of the younger generation of Susya.</p>
<h1><strong>Watch! Susya&#8217;s Elementary School<br />
</strong></h1>
<p><span class='embed-youtube' style='text-align:center; display: block;'><iframe class='youtube-player' type='text/html' width='640' height='390' src='http://www.youtube.com/embed/B9x6Szqz6tk?version=3&#038;rel=1&#038;fs=1&#038;showsearch=0&#038;showinfo=1&#038;iv_load_policy=1&#038;wmode=transparent' frameborder='0'></iframe></span><!--more--></p>
<h1 align="center"><b>Act Now!</b></h1>
<p><a href="http://susyablog.wordpress.com/2013/01/29/important-supreme-court-session-on-the-future-of-the-palestinian-village-of-susya/"><i>On Thursday, 31 January, the RHR will be defending Susya in Israel&#8217;s High Court against a petition to demolish the entire village.</i></a><i></i></p>
<p><b><i><span style="text-decoration:underline;">Help us prevent Susya from being wiped out.</span></i></b><b><i></i></b></p>
<ul>
<li>Spread word of the injustice;</li>
<li><b>Write to Israel&#8217;s President Shimon Peres (Sample letter and email below), demanding that this moral stain in our name be prevented. President Peres cannot and should not interfere with the legal process.  However, if we meet our goal of </b><b><span style="text-decoration:underline;">2400 letters in the next 24 hours</span> </b><b>we may be able to generated some much needed publicity before the hearing, and influence what President Peres does after the hearing.</b></li>
</ul>
<p>&#160;</p>
<p><b>Write to President Shimon Peres:</b></p>
<p><b><a href="mailto:public@president.gov.il?subject=Subject:%20Please%20use%20your%20power%20to%20prevent%20the%20injustice%20of%20wiping%20out%20the%20entire%20Palestinian%20village%20of%20Susya"><b>Email: </b><b>President of the state of Israel Mr.</b><b> <i>Shimon Peres</i></b><b>: public@president.gov.il</b></a></b></p>
<p><b> </b></p>
<p><b>Fax: +972-2-5887225</b></p>
<p>Please send copies of all emails and faxes, as well as any responses you receive, to RHR at <a href="mailto:info@rhr.israel.net">info@rhr.israel.net</a></p>
<p>Subject: <i>Please use your power to prevent the injustice of wiping out the entire Palestinian village of Susya</i></p>
<p><i> </i></p>
<p><i>Dear Mr. President</i></p>
<p><i> </i></p>
<p><i>Please use your power to prevent the injustice of wiping out the entire Palestinian village of Susya, whose only offense is building for its own survival. The villagers have they been forced to build their flimsy homes on their farmland only because they have been twice expelled from their homes by the IDF.</i></p>
<p><i>Background: The Palestinian village Susya is located in the South Hebron Hills, one of the poorest, disempowered areas in the entire West Bank. It is one of several small communities in the region that are part of a unique culture living until this day in caves.  Susya consists mainly of tents and the few remaining caves not destroyed, with no electricity, water or sewage infrastructure. The residents barely subsist on seasonal agriculture and herding. The attempt to force these simple people off their lands has been likened to the kivsat harash,</i></p>
<p><i>Susya is located on its residents’ farmland, for which they have no construction permits. They didn&#8217;t move there to flout the law.  Rather, they were expelled from their previous homes. Many of the residents originally lived just on the Israeli side of the 1967 border, but joined family members in the original village of  Susya after being expelled into the West Bank in 1948.  In 1986 the Susya was declared a closed archaeological zone because an ancient Hebrew synagogue had been unearthed there. The Palestinians were expelled from their village without receiving any alternative accommodations. They moved to a different set of caves on their farmland.</i></p>
<p><i>In 2001 all the villagers were again expelled, this time from their farmland. Again, the army destroyed the caves in which they lived. The reason: A settler from the adjacent settlement of Susya had been murdered. The killer eventually apprehended was from the town of Yatta, but that didn’t stop the army from destroying all of Susya. The idea of collective punishment – of punishing an entire village for the offenses of one person – is distorted, destructive and unlawful to begin with. But, in the case of Susya,  the punishment was meted out to a village that had nothing to do with the murder. </i></p>
<p><i>The Israeli High Court ruled that demolitions must stop, and the residents must be permitted to return. Because the caves had been destroyed, the Susya residents were forced to build tin shanties and tents.  However, planning for Palestinians in the Occupied Territories has been controlled by the military since 1971, without Palestinian representation. The planning committees were unprepared to even approve the construction needed to replace the caves illegally demolished by the army. Demolition orders have been issued for all structures in the village from 2001 until today. Recently, the extremist organization Regavim petitioned the court to expedite the carrying out of outstanding demolition orders. The entire village is in peril.</i></p>
<p><b><i>This Thursday, January  31<sup>st</sup>, a fateful High Court hearing on the Regavim petition will take place.  It will not only determine Susya&#8217;s future, but will have implications for endangered homes throughout the Occupied Territories. </i></b><i>We are cautiously optimistic that the Court will not approve Regavim&#8217;s request, because the Court will probably accept the State&#8217;s  position that demolitions cannot be carried out before due consideration has been given to a new alternative zoning plan that has submitted by Rabbis For Human Rights.  However, if the Court merely accepts the State position, we leave in place the discriminatory planning system denying Susya and other Palestinian communities any possibility of even minimum humanitarian development. In all likelihood, the Civil Administration will eventually reject the new zoning plan, and Susya will be again in danger. </i></p>
<p><i> First and foremost, this terribly unjust. Please take to heart the Torah&#8217;s oft repeated command to remember the bitterness of Egyptian oppression when we relate to the strangers in our midst.  Furthermore,  the hatred and misery created by planning discrimination and administrative demolitions make the dream of peace and security ever more distant, and further erode Israel&#8217;s standing in the community of nations. </i></p>
<p><i>We know that you cannot and should not interfere in judicial decisions.  However, you can use your influence to persuade the new Israeli government to end the intentionally discriminatory planning process for Palestinians in Area C, and you can work for a moratorium on administrative home demolitions until such time as a more just system is in place.</i></p>
<p><strong><i>Sincerely,</i></strong></p>
<p><strong>Your name</strong></p>
<p><b>Background</b>: The Palestinian village Susya is located in the South Hebron Hills, one of the poorest, disempowered areas in the entire West Bank. It is one of several small communities in the region that are part of a unique culture living until this day in caves.  Susya consists mainly of tents and the few remaining caves not destroyed, with no electricity, water or sewage infrastructure. The residents barely subsist on seasonal agriculture and herding. The attempt to force these simple people off their lands has been likened to the <i>kivsat harash</i>, the Biblical parable of a wealthy man who steals the one ewe lamb of a poor man. The prophet Nathan uses this story to rebuke King David.</p>
<p>Susya is located on its residents’ farmland, for which they have no construction permits. They didn&#8217;t move there to flout the law.  Rather, they were expelled from their previous homes. Many of the residents originally lived just on the Israeli side of the 1967 border, but joined family members in the original village of  Susya after being expelled into the West Bank in 1948.  In 1986 the Susya was declared a closed archaeological zone because an ancient Hebrew synagogue had been unearthed there. The Palestinians were expelled from their village without receiving any alternative accommodations. They moved to a different set of caves on their farmland.</p>
<p>In 2001 all the villagers were again expelled, this time from their farmland. Again, the army destroyed the caves in which they lived. The reason: A settler from the adjacent settlement of Susya had been murdered. The killer eventually apprehended was from the town of Yatta, but that didn’t stop the army from destroying all of Susya. The idea of collective punishment – of punishing an entire village for the offenses of one person – is distorted, destructive and unlawful to begin with. But, in the case of Susya,  the punishment was meted out to a village that had nothing to do with the murder.</p>
<p>The Israeli High Court ruled that demolitions must stop, and the residents must be permitted to return. Because the caves had been destroyed, the Susya residents were forced to build tin shanties and tents.  However, planning for Palestinians in the Occupied Territories has been controlled by the military since 1971, without Palestinian representation. The planning committees were unprepared to even approve the construction needed to replace the caves illegally demolished by the army. Demolition orders have been issued for all structures in the village from 2001 until today. Recently, the extremist organization Regavim petitioned the court to expedite the carrying out of outstanding demolition orders. The entire village is in peril.</p>
<p><b>On Thursday, January  31<sup>st</sup>, a fateful Supreme Court hearing on the Regavim petition will take place.  It will not only determine Susya&#8217;s future, but will have implications for endangered homes throughout the Occupied Territories. </b>We are cautiously optimistic that the Court will not approve Regavim&#8217;s request, because even the State has said that demolitions cannot be carried out before due consideration has been given to a new alternative zoning plan RHR has submitted, that would legalize the homes and school and solar panels of Susya.  However, if the Court merely accepts the State position, we leave in place the discriminatory planning system denying Susya and other Palestinian communities any possibility of even minimum humanitarian development.</p>
<p>We must spread the word regarding this injustice, and the desecration of God’s Name that could take place -In our name. We cannot let our country act toward the stranger in our midst in such a way that we forget our heritage. We were slaves in Egypt, and we have been commanded to remember the bitter taste of oppression.</p>
<p>For more information: <a href="http://rhr.org.il/eng/index.php/2012/06/the-origin-of-the-expulsion-a-brief-history-of-palestinian-susya-guest-article/" target="_blank">The origin of the expulsion – A Brief history of Palestinian Susya</a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.facebook.com/pages/Disconnected/384657764944040" target="_blank"> <img alt="" src="https://encrypted-tbn1.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcR7X8TfMSY8-hQImZapXXg9ZFnAutXYf66yFtroiiy3t1s1N8D3" width="161" height="113" />Please join us in the High Court on This Thursday (31.1) at 11:30 in order to Save Susya!</a></p>
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<title><![CDATA[Day Eight: Stand with At-Tuwani!]]></title>
<link>http://freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/day-eight-stand-with-at-tuwani/</link>
<pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2012 15:26:44 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>freedombuspalestine</dc:creator>
<guid>http://freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/day-eight-stand-with-at-tuwani/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[On the penultimate day of the September Freedom Ride, the Freedom Bus visited the small village of A]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>On the penultimate day of the September Freedom Ride, the Freedom Bus visited the small village of At-Tuwani in the South Hebron Hills. The village has a long history and archaeological investigation has uncovered evidence of Byzantine, Roman and Ottoman buildings in the village.</p>
<p>At-Tuwani is located in Area C, which means that it is subject to Israeli administration in all civilian matters. As a result, the villagers of At-Tuwani have had to defend their houses from demolition, as they are not included in Israel&#8217;s master plan for the region. They have also struggled to gain access to water, while the surrounding settlements are supplied by Israeli water system. The settlers themselves also frequently attack and harass villagers, shepherds and children on their way to school. The children and shepherds of At-Tuwani are accompanied by human rights volunteers from<a href="http://www.operationdove.org/?page_id=35"> Operation Dove</a> who act as observers and record acts of violence committed by settlers. Indeed, shortly before we visited, an Israeli activist accompanying Palestinians near At-Tuwani was <a href="http://972mag.com/testimony-israeli-activist-blindfolded-mugged-beaten-by-settlers/57129/">blindfolded, mugged, beaten and threatened</a> by three Israeli settlers outside the illegal outpost called “Avigail.”</p>
<p><a href="http://freedombuspalestine.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/almayuk-freedom-ride-d8-011.jpg"><img class="alignright size-full wp-image-319" title="SONY DSC" src="http://freedombuspalestine.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/almayuk-freedom-ride-d8-011.jpg?w=584&#038;h=327" alt="" width="584" height="327" /></a></p>
<p>&#160;</p>
<p>The actors of the Freedom Bus performed outside with a back drop of ancient olive trees. The audience were asked to share their stories, with a focus on experiences with settlers.</p>
<p>A very old woman came forward to tell her story. One day she was in the fields with her sheep when she was attacked by settlers and beaten. She screamed and screamed. People from the village came and started shouting, chanting and protesting. The settlers called the Israeli police. They came and started to arrest her son. At this point she became very angry and started shouting at the police. She took off her slipper and hit a policeman in the face! This story elicited great cheers from the crowd.</p>
<p>A man came forward and told a story of an altercation with some settlers. He called the Israeli police to come and intervene. One policeman came. He stood near to the policeman so that we would be protected from the settlers, who fired shots in their direction. His mother was shot. They called for the ambulance but it did not come. He had to carry his mother to the hospital on the back of a donkey.</p>
<p><a href="http://freedombuspalestine.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/almayuk-freedom-ride-d8-091.jpg"><img class="alignright size-full wp-image-312" title="SONY DSC" src="http://freedombuspalestine.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/almayuk-freedom-ride-d8-091.jpg?w=584&#038;h=327" alt="" width="584" height="327" /></a></p>
<p>&#160;</p>
<p>Finally, an older man, a shepherd, told a story about settlers. He had wheels made for his car that were decorated with the colours of the Palestinian flag. A settler came and stole one of the wheels from his car. The entire village and people from the surrounding areas went to protest outside the settlement to demand the return of the stolen wheel.. The protest was mainly made up of children, because it just so happened that the wheel was stolen at the same time that a summer camp for the local Palestinian children being held. The army sent more soldiers than there were children protesting to police the demonstration.</p>
<p>The soldiers told everyone to go home, promising that they would find the wheel and return it. The man (pictured above) said, &#8220;No! We will not go home until we get the wheel. And we will not go home until the settler who took the wheel returns it to us in person.&#8221; Eventually, the settler who had stolen the wheel came with his pick-up truck and gave the man a wheel. But it was different wheel, not the one with the Palestinian colours, but a new one that was better quality.</p>
<p>&#8220;This story has nothing to do with the wheel,&#8221; the man said, &#8220;The point is that we made the settlers concede to us. That is the victory.&#8221;</p>

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<p>&#160;</p>
<p>Images by Al Mayuk.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
</item>
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<title><![CDATA[Day One: Stand with Faquaa!]]></title>
<link>http://freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com/2012/09/24/day-1-stand-with-faquaa/</link>
<pubDate>Mon, 24 Sep 2012 08:54:45 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>freedombuspalestine</dc:creator>
<guid>http://freedombuspalestine.wordpress.com/2012/09/24/day-1-stand-with-faquaa/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Today the Freedom Bus visited the small village of Faquaa. Although the town&#8217;s name means spri]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Today the Freedom Bus visited the small village of Faquaa. Although the town&#8217;s name means <em>spring water bubbles</em>, it has been a long time since the villagers had easy access to clean water. Since Israel erected the separation barrier, the inhabitants of Faquaa have been cut off from their land and can no longer use their traditional underground springs.</p>
<p>Although the village is allocated 300,000 litres of water per day by the Israeli Civil Administration, the only filling station is 6km away from the village, and the water, once divided evenly between the villagers, leaves only 75 litres a day per person. This is well below the 100 litre minimum put forward by the World Health Organization.</p>
<p>To access the water the villagers have to pay to hire tankers to collect the water from the filling station and ship it back to the village. This option remains unaffordable for many, who instead choose to collect rain water in tarps or large containers. This water is often difficult to sterilize, leading to an increase in illness.</p>
<div id="attachment_65" class="wp-caption alignright" style="width: 310px"><a href="http://freedombuspalestine.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/almayuk-freeride-d1-03.jpg"><img class="size-medium wp-image-65" title="SONY DSC" src="http://freedombuspalestine.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/almayuk-freeride-d1-03.jpg?w=300&#038;h=168" alt="" width="300" height="168" /></a><p class="wp-caption-text">The view across the dividing fence</p></div>
<p>The Freedom Bus performance took place outside, with a view over well-irrigated Israeli fields on the other side of the dividing fence. We were watched, from a distance, by Israeli soldiers looking through binoculars and photographing and filming the crowd over the barbed wire.</p>
<p>The acting troupe of the Freedom Bus performed for the villagers, inviting them to share their real-life stories of water shortage and then transforming them into short pieces of theatre, using a technique called Playback Theatre.</p>
<p>We heard from an older woman about how her family&#8217;s well water became polluted with sewage. The family tried everything to clean it, adding chlorine and other chemicals, but nothing worked. In the end they had to replace all the water in the well. She added that lack of access to water was so difficult because it is used for everything; cooking, bathing the children, cleaning the house, washing clothes etc. A young man also shared a story about his grandmother,  whom he described as an extremely strong woman who was able to carry large jars of water. However, fourteen years ago she was collecting water from the well when she was chased and attacked by settlers. She injured herself and broke the jar. This story highlights that the problem of water access in Faquaa is not a new one, but is part of a long struggle that goes back generations.</p>

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<p>It was a powerful setting for the start of the September Freedom Ride.</p>
<p>Images by Al Mayuk and Natasha Andrews.</p>
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<title><![CDATA[The Government of Netanyahu is Evil: The Intention to Displace More Palestinians on a Pretence]]></title>
<link>http://zwingliusredivivus.wordpress.com/2012/07/26/the-government-of-netanyahu-is-evil-the-intention-to-displace-more-palestinians-on-a-pretence/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 26 Jul 2012 20:01:42 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Jim</dc:creator>
<guid>http://zwingliusredivivus.wordpress.com/2012/07/26/the-government-of-netanyahu-is-evil-the-intention-to-displace-more-palestinians-on-a-pretence/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[The Civil Administration is calling for the demolition of a Palestinian village in the southern West]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em><a href="http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/idf-calls-for-demolition-of-palestinian-village-built-on-archaeological-site.premium-1.453907">The Civil Administration</a> is calling for the demolition of a Palestinian village in the southern West Bank, partly because it is built on an archaeological site.  The call for demolition comes despite the fact that Israeli authorities have approved the construction of Jewish settlements on much more important archaeological sites, such as the settlement at Tel Rumeida in Hebron and the Jewish Quarter in Jerusalem.</em></p>
<p>Did you pay attention to that last sentence?  It says an encyclopedia&#8217;s worth and it proves that the government of Bibi is evil, biased, wicked, corrupt, and perverse.</p>
<p><em>In the past year, the High Court of Justice has been asked to rule on the state&#8217;s intentions to demolish at least 12 villages south of Hebron (Susia, Dekaika, Bir al-Id, Saala and eight villages that have been declared part of army firing zone No. 918) located in Area C, which is under Israeli control, and force their residents to move to Areas A and B, which are under Palestinian civil control. Next week it will also rule on the fate of Zanuta, a village that lies on the border of the West Bank.</em></p>
<p>Lebensraum on pretense.  Landgrabbing wickedness&#8230;</p>
<p><em>Residents of Zanuta, who filed a joint petition to the High Court of Justice with the Association for Civil Rights in Israel are requesting that the Civil Administration complete a detailed construction plan for them. If the planning of their village were regularized, the demolition orders issued by the Civil Administration against their improvised structures would be reversed, and construction would be permitted in accordance with the natural growth of the population and their needs. The Civil Administration is refusing to comply with the request, and is instead demanding that the residents move to the town of Dahariya.</em></p>
<p>Palestinians don&#8217;t matter to the government of Israel under the lordship of the Bib&#8217;s (or as he should be known, Ba&#8217;al Zebub).</p>
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<li class="zemanta-article-ul-li"><a href="http://occupiedpalestine.wordpress.com/2012/05/26/report-israel-issued-13000-demolition-orders-against-palestinian-real-estate/" target="_blank">Report: Israel issued 13,000 demolition orders against Palestinian real estate</a> (occupiedpalestine.wordpress.com)</li>
<li class="zemanta-article-ul-li"><a href="http://r.zemanta.com/?u=http%3A//www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jul/24/palestinian-villages-demolition-idf-hebron&#38;a=102416442&#38;rid=000000ac-c16c-000F-0000-00000000c52b&#38;e=83d37055986deed65ba79a21f96e84a9" target="_blank">Palestinian villages face demolition to create IDF training ground</a> (guardian.co.uk)</li>
<li class="zemanta-article-ul-li"><a href="http://altahrir.wordpress.com/2012/07/23/israel-orders-demolition-of-8-palestinian-villages-claims-need-for-idf-training-land/" target="_blank">Israel orders demolition of 8 Palestinian villages, claims need for IDF training land</a> (altahrir.wordpress.com)</li>
</ul>
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<title><![CDATA[| More Land-thievery: Israel orders demolition of 8 Palestinian villages, claims need for IDF training land!]]></title>
<link>http://truthaholics.wordpress.com/2012/07/23/more-land-thievery-israel-orders-demolition-of-8-palestinian-villages-claims-need-for-idf-training-land/</link>
<pubDate>Mon, 23 Jul 2012 16:41:55 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>truthaholics</dc:creator>
<guid>http://truthaholics.wordpress.com/2012/07/23/more-land-thievery-israel-orders-demolition-of-8-palestinian-villages-claims-need-for-idf-training-land/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Israel orders demolition of 8 Palestinian villages, claims need for IDF training land ~ Amira Hass,]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><a href="http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/israel-orders-demolition-of-8-palestinian-villages-claims-need-for-idf-training-land.premium-1.453015" target="_blank">Israel orders demolition of 8 Palestinian villages, claims need for IDF training land</a> ~ <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/misc/writers/amira-hass-1.278">Amira Hass</a>, Haaretz.</h1>
<p>&#160;</p>
<h2><em>Residents of targeted villages will be moved to the <a class="zem_slink" title="West Bank" href="http://maps.google.com/maps?ll=32.0,35.3833333333&#38;spn=0.1,0.1&#38;q=32.0,35.3833333333 (West%20Bank)&#38;t=h" rel="geolocation" target="_blank">West Bank</a> town of <a class="zem_slink" title="Yatta, Hebron" href="http://maps.google.com/maps?ll=31.4477777778,35.09&#38;spn=0.1,0.1&#38;q=31.4477777778,35.09 (Yatta%2C%20Hebron)&#38;t=h" rel="geolocation" target="_blank">Yatta</a> and its environs; state claims that most of those evacuated have permanent homes in the area.</em></h2>
<p>&#160;</p>
<p><img src="http://www.haaretz.com/polopoly_fs/1.453016.1343036201!/image/4242061521.jpg_gen/derivatives/landscape_640/4242061521.jpg" alt="Yatta - Nir Kafri - Archive" /></p>
<p><em><strong>The West Bank town of Yatta.</strong></em> Photo by Nir Kafri.</p>
<p>&#160;</p>
<p dir="ltr">Defense Minister <a class="zem_slink" title="Ehud Barak" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ehud_Barak" rel="wikipedia" target="_blank">Ehud Barak</a> has ordered the demolition of eight Palestinian villages in the South Hebron Hills because the territory is needed for <a class="zem_slink" title="Israel Defense Forces" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_Defense_Forces" rel="wikipedia" target="_blank">Israel Defense Forces</a> training exercises, the state told the <a class="zem_slink" title="High Court of Justice" href="http://www.hmcourts-service.gov.uk/infoabout/rcj/rcj.htm" rel="homepage" target="_blank">High Court of Justice</a> on Sunday.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The residents of the targeted villages will be moved to the town of Yatta and its environs; the state claims, based on information it obtained from local informers, that most of these people have permanent homes in that area.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The state will allow the residents to work their lands and graze their flocks there when the IDF is not training &#8212; on weekends and Jewish holidays – and during two other periods of one month each during the year. Barak agreed to leave four villages that are in the northernmost part of the area, even though this would reduce the dimensions of training area and prevent the use of live fire.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The villages slated for demolition are the larger villages in the region: Majaz, Tabban, Sfai, Fakheit, Halaweh, Mirkez, Jinba, and Kharuba, which have a total of 1,500 residents. The villages to be spared are Tuba, Mufaqara, Sarura and Megheir al-Abeid, which have a total of 300 residents.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The IDF and the <a class="zem_slink" title="Israeli Civil Administration" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israeli_Civil_Administration" rel="wikipedia" target="_blank">Civil Administration</a> regard all of them as squatters in Firing Zone 918, even though the villages have existed since at least the 1830s.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Evacuation orders were issued against the 12 villages in 1999, but were frozen by an injunction issued by the High Court of Justice in response to two petitions that were united: One by attorney Shlomo Lecker and the second by the <a class="zem_slink" title="Association for Civil Rights in Israel" href="http://www.acri.org.il/eng" rel="homepage" target="_blank">Association for Civil Rights in Israel</a>, who together represented some 200 families. An effort to reach an agreement on the status of the residents in the area by a mediation process failed in 2005.</p>
<p dir="ltr">At that point, the Civil Administration started to issue demolition orders against cisterns and restrooms that several families had added, claiming that these additions violated the status quo as set by the court. This past April, after 12 years of various proceedings and delays, the High Court held a preliminary hearing on the petitions, with the state submitting its final position on Sunday.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Attorney Hila Gurani, a senior deputy state prosecutor, wrote in the response to the petitions that the IDF has been forced to limit its military exercises in the area because of the people living there and the illegal construction that has taken place there. For the same reason, no live-fire training is conducted there.</p>
<p dir="ltr">In addition, wrote Gurani, during the second intifada, operational activity came at the expense of training, but the <a class="zem_slink" title="2006 Lebanon War" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2006_Lebanon_War" rel="wikipedia" target="_blank">Second Lebanon War</a> exposed weak spots that substantially increase the need for training and firing zones. Gurani also noted that there was a risk that residents of the firing zone would collect intelligence on IDF methods, or take weapons or equipment that the forces might leave behind, and use them for terror purposes.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The village residents, ACRI and the B’Tselem human rights group present the issues differently. According to them, all 12 villages were natural outgrowths of cave-dwelling communities that are widely found in that area. In some of the villages, homes of unchiseled stone were built even before 1967.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The connection to Yatta is natural – and characteristic of many satellite communities that developed over the centuries in historic Palestine. For generations the cave-dwellers were farmers and shepherds, producing milk and cheese, and they have preserved their way of life to this day, while integrating into Yatta as a result of contemporary demands, such as the need to send their children to school.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The IDF had declared some 30,000 dunams (7,500 acres) in the area a closed military zone back in the 1970s. Under military law, only permanent residents are allowed to remain in a closed military zone.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Until 1997, the cave-dwellers continued to live in their communities undisturbed – which the petitioners say is clear evidence that they were regarded at the time as permanent residents. However, as happened in much of the West Bank that under the Oslo Accords was deemed <a class="zem_slink" title="Administrative divisions of the Oslo Accords" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Administrative_divisions_of_the_Oslo_Accords" rel="wikipedia" target="_blank">Area C</a> – under complete Israeli control – the Israeli authorities did not allow the residents to build more structures, including schools or clinics, to accommodate their natural growth. These communities were not included the master plans that were prepared for the building of the area settlements, and thus to this day these villages are not connected to the road system, the water system or to the electrical grid.</p>
<p dir="ltr">In August and November 1999, most of the area’s residents received eviction orders due to “illegal residence in a firing zone.” On November 16, 1999, the security forces forcibly evicted more than 700 residents, and the IDF demolished buildings and wells and confiscated property, leaving the residents with no homes and no livelihood.</p>
<p dir="ltr">As noted, the High Court, in response to the petitions, issued an interim injunction, allowing the villagers to temporarily return to their homes. However, because the army had destroyed many of the buildings, many residents had nothing to return to. Moreover, the security forces interpreted the interim injunction as narrowly as possible, allowing reentry only to the named petitioners and denying access to their relatives.</p>
<p dir="ltr">As a result, the examination conducted by the Civil Administration that is quoted in the state’s response to the court on Sunday found that in 2000 “there were no permanent residents in the area,” and that anyone living there was there only on a seasonal basis. On the other hand, the Civil Administration identified most of the petitioners as living in and around Yatta, as reported in the affidavit of Raziel Goldstein, who was the Civil Administration’s inspection coordinator in the region.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Goldstein also wrote in his affidavit that, “This examination was conducted with the help of three local residents, who were presented with the names of the petitioners and aerial photographs of Yatta.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">The state also claims that in recent years residents have been repeatedly violating the status quo by expanding structures illegally, adding that the number of people entering the area under the interim injunctions is far greater than the number of petitioners.</p>
<p dir="ltr">“The petitioners cannot build on the development of these illegal phenomena and now claim to be talking about permanent residency,” the state wrote.</p>
<p dir="ltr">
<div></div>
<p>&#160;</p>
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<div></div>
<div></div>
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</ul>
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<title><![CDATA[Rawabi: Israeli Model for “Neo-Palestinian” City]]></title>
<link>http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2012/06/01/rawabi-israeli-model-for-neo-palestinian-city/</link>
<pubDate>Fri, 01 Jun 2012 20:57:14 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>aletho</dc:creator>
<guid>http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2012/06/01/rawabi-israeli-model-for-neo-palestinian-city/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[By Abbad Yehya | Al Akhbar | June 1, 2012 Ramallah &#8211; Halfway between occupied Jerusalem and Na]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<blockquote>
<h5><a href="http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/rawabi-israeli-model-%E2%80%9Cneo-palestinian%E2%80%9D-city?utm_source=feedburner&#38;utm_medium=feed&#38;utm_campaign=Feed%3A+AlAkhbarEnglish+%28Al+Akhbar+English%29" target="_blank"><span style="color:#003366;">By Abbad Yehya &#124; <em>Al Akhbar</em> &#124; June 1, 2012</span></a></h5>
</blockquote>
<p>Ramallah &#8211; Halfway between occupied Jerusalem and Nablus, in middle of the West Bank and 9km north of Ramallah, private Palestinian funds, generously supported by Qatar, and protected by the occupation army, are building a city for the “new Palestinians,” as US General Keith Dayton, US Security Coordinator for Israel-Palestinian Authority in Tel Aviv, calls them.</p>
<p>Rawabi is a “Palestinian settlement” currently under construction at a cost nearing US$1 billion. It is located on a 6,300-dunum (6.3 square kilometers) piece of land seized by the Palestinian Authority (PA) through a decree signed by president Mahmoud Abbas in November 2009.</p>
<p>After a failed attempt by landowners to reverse the decision or reduce its impact, the land was bought by businessman Bashar al-Masri. On several occasions, al-Masri called on Israelis to buy apartments and houses in his city and become neighbors with the “new Palestinians.”</p>
<p>In the nearby village of Attara, residents whisper about Israeli officers who visit the city to eat breakfast with its developers. The visits are frequent and include officers from the Israeli Civil Administration accompanied by army units and border guards.</p>
<p>Villagers speak about soldiers who man the Attara roadblock, allowing everyone related to the Rawabi project to pass through while barring the flow of regular Palestinians.</p>
<p>Things were made clear following friendly conversations al-Masri had with the Israeli press. He sent out statements to appease “the neighbors” and inform them that everything is under control and security prevails, due to solid collaboration with the occupation army.</p>
<p>This is a new phase of spatial engineering. Israel went to war against the old camps and towns that were immune to infiltration during the intifada. It sought to destroy spaces of resistance in Palestinian towns. It even rebuilt Jenin in an exposed and permeable manner, financed by the United Arab Emirates.</p>
<p>Now, the architecture of Rawabi will suit the needs of the colonialist invaders. It will stand before them completely exposed. Ironically, the money for it also came from the Gulf. Thus, the architectural style bears a close resemblance to Israeli settlements.</p>
<p>Architect Lynn Jabri analyzed the building style in Rawabi. She compares the style to the criteria used to build Israeli settlements in mountainous regions, according to a guide used by the Israeli Construction and Housing Ministry. The same criteria are all applied in the city (with the exception of painting the roofs red for the Israeli air force to identify).</p>
<p>Jabri believes that “the search for a modern Palestinian architectural style remains superficial and does not exceed some formal features, without the proper understanding of local architecture. Actually, Rawabi’s “Palestinian” architects are proposing an architecture that looks Israeli.”</p>
<p>Bashar al-Masri considers the project to be part of building the Palestinian state. But he said in a “very friendly” interview with Israeli TV Channel 10 that he visited the Modi’in luxury settlement west of Ramallah to learn from the building experience there and create a better model.</p>
<p>On the way to the largest investment project in Palestine and inside the city itself, countless cameras monitor everything in sight. Nobody knows exactly who sits behind the monitors and sees all that is displayed.</p>
<p>The exposed nature of Rawabi is manifold: Broad streets, buildings aligned according to a strict plan, and a service center looking more like a control tower above the city. Thus, controlling the city becomes no more difficult than taking a pleasant ride in a military Jeep, as a young man from Ajoul, a village being suffocated by the project, likes to put it.</p>
<p>This is the other similarity with early Zionist colonies which erected control towers at the highest point in the settlement as part of their absolute security regulations.</p>
<p>Speaking about the sustainability of the project, Rawabi’s <a href="http://www.rawabi.ps/" target="_blank">website</a> asks visitors to plant a tree in the city because “the natural beauty of the country has been damaged by war, development, neglect, and climate change.”</p>
<p>The text fails to mention who carried out the ethnic and spatial cleansing of Palestine, destroyed its environment, then brought trees to plant and cover their crimes. Rawabi wants to mimic the Jewish National Fund’s project of planting trees in villages whose residents were expelled during and after the Nakba.</p>
<p>The city’s planners, enamored by Ramallah’s opulent neighborhoods, did not forget to build a mosque and a church. They even brought religious crews to run them following the inauguration of the city in front of potential clients and residents.</p>
<p>Rawabi does not tire of delegations and visitors. It is now on the map for international travelers, politicians, economists, even athletes. Al-Masri speaks proudly about his city, whether to Palestinian security officers or the United Nations General Secretary Ban Ki Moon.</p>
<p>The city is in harmony with Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s rhetoric of building a state and its institutions. It is part of the hackneyed propaganda about “the Palestinians’ right and worthiness to live.”</p>
<p>In following the rhetoric of the PA and its supporters, the project owners attempt to create a fantasy completely detached from the bitter reality.</p>
<p>Al-Masri speaks of the city’s five gates, leading to Jerusalem, Yafa, Nablus, Gaza, and Qatar’s Capital, Doha. The latter is the location of Bayti Real Estate Investment Company, which is jointly owned by Qatari Diar Real Estate Investment Company and al-Masri’s Massar International.</p>
<p>The separation walls, the segregation, and the Green Line, along with a bitter history of 64 years of occupation, are nowhere to be seen in Rawabi’s advertising campaign. “It has a superb view of the Mediterranean,” they say.</p>
<p>From the onset, the PA wholeheartedly supported the project. In May 2008, it held the Palestine Investment Conference in Bethlehem in total collaboration with the Israeli army and government to finance two projects, Rawabi and the Rihan suburbs.</p>
<p>Thus, Rawabi is promoted as a solution to the deteriorating economic situation in language full of numbers: 10,000 new jobs in the city and the commercial activity of at least 40,000 residents.</p>
<p>But there is a deliberate disregard for the role of the occupation in the economic situation of Palestinians. Palestinian groups of all persuasions are either silent or complicit. This complicity is prevalent among the majority of elites and intellectuals who are afraid to challenge this “national” project and its unprecedented media juggernaut.</p>
<p>City planners say that Palestinian expertise has returned from outside the country to work on this city. But they fail to mention that the economic return is based on the occupier’s criteria and the time frame of the project.</p>
<p>Similarly, there is increased talk of the cultural and artistic life of Rawabi. We can now easily imagine the type of culture practiced in the city of “economic peace” so loved by Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.</p>
<p>The Israeli press also like to talk about Rawabi. Israelis seem very interested in learning about this “new settlement.” Al-Masri was exclusively interviewed several times in the city by Channel 10, the <em>Jerusalem Post</em>, <em>Haaretz</em>, and others. The interviews were intended to put Israelis at ease and inform them that Rawabi is different from any other Palestinian city.</p>
<p>Israeli media is keen on comparing Rawabi, and some parts of Ramallah, with “Hariri’s Beirut.” There were open calls for Netanyahu and his defense minister Ehud Barak to participate in the inauguration. It is ultimately an outcome of Fayyad’s “silent revolution,” whose slogan is that Palestinians “are tired and weary of conflict and are looking for a new life.”</p>
<p>Al-Masri uses every occasion to insist that his company works under the regulations of the PA and its ministries, namely the Ministry of Local Government. It is expected to be transferred to a locally elected body following the delivery of apartments to the owners (the first batch will be delivered in 2013) and the markets to the investors.</p>
<p>The real estate firm, Bayti, will have an administrative and organizational function and will preserve the architectural style of the city and its neighborhoods. The exact scope of the private company’s authority is unknown. This will allow it to complete its spatial architecture with a social architecture consistent with neoliberalism, the socio-economic framework of General Dayton’s security plan.</p>
<p>One of the biggest ironies is that the only real opposition to the construction of the city came from Israelis living in nearby colonies. They started to attack the Palestinian workers until they were stopped through coordination with the Israeli army.</p>
<p>Israelis can enter the city as visitors, workers, and experts. Relationships with Israeli raw materials providers and experts are not even controversial. The Palestinian private sector, with all its factories and contractors, cannot provide even a third of what is required.</p>
<p>Knowing all of this, it seems that the settlement of Atiret, occupying the nearest hill, will be a friendly neighbor. Its residents could come to the more modern and opulent Rawabi for entertainment. The earlier misunderstanding will turn into mutual hospitality and neighborly relations.</p>
<p>Peace-mongers on both sides now have a model consisting of a new kind of Palestinian who gladly embraces the language of consumerism, malls, and international brands!</p>
<p>A few months ago, Rawabi was but a mere idea of a city for refugees who will be brought back based on strict selection criteria. Their return and residence in the city is promoted as a partial solution to the refugee question.</p>
<p>But such talk disappears beneath the haughty buildings of a durable city that goes against the temporary and impatient architecture of refugee camps. In Rawabi, glass will prevail, signifying the brittle and exposed nature of the setting. Its stones, “expensive and rare,” will not be fit to throw at an occupying soldier.</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Report: Israel issued 13,000 demolition orders against Palestinian real estate]]></title>
<link>http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2012/05/26/report-israel-issued-13000-demolition-orders-against-palestinian-real-estate/</link>
<pubDate>Sat, 26 May 2012 16:03:08 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>aletho</dc:creator>
<guid>http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2012/05/26/report-israel-issued-13000-demolition-orders-against-palestinian-real-estate/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Palestine Information Center &#8211; 26/05/2012 WEST BANK &#8212; Haaretz newspaper said the Israeli]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<blockquote>
<h5><a href="http://www.palestine-info.co.uk/en/default.aspx?xyz=U6Qq7k%2bcOd87MDI46m9rUxJEpMO%2bi1s7Eu43rMUAJ3H7r%2fcmgdFdFbbgAifQJznSvjjvVsnML115T%2bs7Sp5i3RVHhPHgERo3HZJQfIzIxCe3EhXa4SQEGymhqNGhIqTMVA7VtqSzwCY%3d" target="_blank"><span style="color:#003366;">Palestine Information Center &#8211; 26/05/2012</span></a></h5>
</blockquote>
<p><a href="http://alethonews.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/datafiles-cache-tempimgs-2012-1-images_news_2012_05_26_demolish-policy_300_0.jpg"><img class="alignright size-full wp-image-42518" title="DataFiles-Cache-TempImgs-2012-1-images_News_2012_05_26_demolish-policy_300_0" src="http://alethonews.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/datafiles-cache-tempimgs-2012-1-images_news_2012_05_26_demolish-policy_300_0.jpg?w=300&#038;h=205" alt="" width="300" height="205" /></a>WEST BANK &#8212; <em>Haaretz</em> newspaper said the Israeli civil administration issued 13,000 demolition warnings against Palestinians accused of unlicensed construction in Area C of the West Bank.</p>
<p>The newspaper stated in a report that Israel intensified its construction restrictions on the Palestinian citizens in the villages and towns of the West Bank and seeks to prevent them from building through creating criminal files against them.</p>
<p>It said the civil administration increased the issuance of severe penalties against the Palestinians in all villages and towns located within Area C under Israel&#8217;s control.</p>
<p>Its report underlined that the civil administration was active recently in the demolition of many Palestinian homes and structures including schools in Al-Khalil city at the pretext of unlicensed construction.</p>
<p>The report pointed to the UN office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs&#8217; recent report which condemned Israel&#8217;s restrictions on construction permits for Palestinians and its demolition of their homes while encouraging settlement construction.</p>
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<title><![CDATA["We shall not ...]]></title>
<link>http://shalompaxsalaam.wordpress.com/2012/02/18/we-shall-not/</link>
<pubDate>Sat, 18 Feb 2012 17:07:24 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>canadianne</dc:creator>
<guid>http://shalompaxsalaam.wordpress.com/2012/02/18/we-shall-not/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[&#8220;We shall not be moved&#8221; I spent time last week in the United States, in Arizona, in the]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>&#8220;We shall not be moved&#8221;</p>
<p>I spent time last week in the United States, in Arizona, in the desert.  Being in that landscape of rock and sand and sun brought my heart again to the days in Palestine.  The major, major difference I noted was the abundance of water used in Arizona.  Water for swimming pools, water for golf courses, water for decorative fountains.   In Palestine water is so precious and so scarce and is used as a political tool.  Used with somewhat wild abandon by the Israeli settlers, for pools, gardens and massive agricultural projects, while the villages of Palestinians have their water infrastructure demolished, unfairly and illegally restricted by the Israeli civil administration and sometimes deliberately contaminated by the settlers.</p>
<p>Back in Canada I read the ongoing reports of demolitions, the death of animals due to careless and brutal demolition of sheep pens, the threats of demolitions on schools, the continuing disruption of Palestinian communities by so called &#8216;archeological digs&#8217;.  I get so angry.</p>
<p>I have felt overwhelmed.  I cannot write new material for my blog, because I can find no ways to say in words what I am am seeing on line, and feeling in my soul as I imagine the peaceful, kind, hospitable people that I know being stripped of dignity and security.</p>
<p>And I am embarrassed, ashamed and angered that our current Canadian government seems to stand in full uncritical support of the government of Israel that continues to enact these abuses of power and humiliates the Palestinians under Occupation.  Canadians must speak out to make the Harper government take a firm, public stand against Human Rights abuses, and violations of international law. The government stands on a Human Rights record in our dealings with other nations (Libya, Syria, China), but we chose not to support the Palestinians.  Why?</p>
<p>The seeds of despair are being sown with every bulldozer that passes over the West Bank land; with every tree cut down or burned the roots of resistance are growing deeper.  In the villages I accompanied and in the reports I see from EAs on the ground currently, the resistance in non-violent. Sit down protests on the buses, standing in front of the demolition crews to stop bulldozers, lying under a trailer to prevent having their property confiscated.  Yet the world continues to be peppered with the images and rhetoric that paints all Palestinians as &#8216;terrorists&#8217;.  This week, in a bus accident outside of Ramallah, several Palestinian school children died.  Some of the commentary in Israeli websites expressed delight in the death of &#8216;little terrorists&#8217;.  I know that this kind of mutual disdain does nothing to build bridges of peace.</p>
<p>There are many many organizations in the West Bank and in israel that try to bring communities together to find common ground, to share the commitment to a peaceful future.  One such organization is The Tent of Nations, near Bethlehem.  This week, they received a demolition order from the Israeli Defence Force. <a title="Tent of Nations" href="http://www.tentofnations.org/"> Tent of Nations</a></p>
<p>Rather than continue to write my own heartbreak and anger, I will offer some further links for you to explore and see other things that are occuring in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.  May your prayers be informed, that you may pray and live for peace and justice.  May you find ways to reach out to government to express your commitment to resolutions so that both Israel and Palestine may have self-determination, peace and safety.  Please, educate others so that the international pressure to have Israel abide by International Law is increased.</p>
<p><a title="Operation Dove: An Italian Peace and Accompaniment Program" href="http://www.operationdove.org/">Operation Dove</a>  Is an Italian Peace and Non-violence group maintaining a presence in the South Hebron Hills.</p>
<p>The Villages Group (villagesgroup.wordpress.com) is based in The West Bank and brings Israeli and Palestinian activists together to report on human rights abuses and property demolitions in the West Bank.  They have recently posted about the pending demolition of the school in Susiya.  Susiya is one of the villages I spent a great deal of time in during my stay in South Hebron Hills.</p>
<p>Please read the stories and imagine your way into the hearts of these communities.</p>
<p>I am thinking of trees today.  and remembering the spiritual and protest song &#8220;We shall not be moved&#8221;  Just like a tree that&#8217;s standing by the water, we shall not be moved.  The commitment to the land is firm among both Israelis and Palestinians.  If the roots that are  watered  with anger and hatred, what will be the fruits?  If  respect and fellowship and mutual understanding are lavished on the roots, the crop will be far different.</p>
<p><a href="http://shalompaxsalaam.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/dsc01769.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-medium wp-image-817" title="Olive Trees in Gethsemene" src="http://shalompaxsalaam.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/dsc01769.jpg?w=300&#038;h=225" alt="" width="300" height="225" /></a></p>
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<title><![CDATA[Israeli Army Steps up Attacks on Palestinian Water]]></title>
<link>http://freedpaly.wordpress.com/2011/11/16/israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water/</link>
<pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2011 12:19:44 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Ben Lorber</dc:creator>
<guid>http://freedpaly.wordpress.com/2011/11/16/israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[a longer version of my Alternative Information Center article here Speaking to the American Congress]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>a longer version of <a href="http://www.alternativenews.org/english/index.php/topics/news/3898-israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water">my Alternative Information Center article here</a></p>
<div><strong>Speaking to the American Congress in May, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu remarked that Israel would maintain a long-term presence in the West Bank&#8217;s Jordan Valley. In the months that followed, the Israeli army stepped up its attacks on the water wells of the Palestinians who live there.</strong></div>
<div><strong><br />
</strong></div>
<div><strong><img src="http://www.alternativenews.org/english/images/stories/news/2011/november_2011/israelis-destroy-palestinian-water-supply.jpg" alt="israelis-destroy-palestinian-water-supply" width="600" height="396" /></strong></div>
<div><strong> Israeli forces destroy a water container in the West Bank (photo: Morrison World News)</strong></div>
<div>
<div>
<p id="internal-source-marker_0.16558173042722046" dir="ltr">The last two months have seen a steady stream of IOF attacks on Palestinian water wells in the West Bank and the Jordan Valley, a troubling trend that warrants bringing the issue of Palestinian water rights once again into the spotlight.</p>
<p dir="ltr">On October 13,<a href="http://english.wafa.ps/index.php?action=detail&#38;id=17761"> farmers received demolition orders </a>on several water wells in Kufr al-Deek, a village in the town of Salfit near Nablus. In September, Israeli military forces demolished 6 water wells belonging to Palestinian Bedouin communities in the Jordan Valley, and have threatened to demolish six more. In all these cases, the unilateral IOF actions are explicitly illegal because these wells were built with full permission from the Palestinian Authority, in areas of the Valley supposedly under exclusive Palestinian civil and military control.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The injustice is especially pronounced in the Jordan Valley. On the 8th of September, 50 military jeeps, trucks and bulldozers <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=333:breaking-news-iof-destroying-water-wells-in&#38;catid=15:2010&#38;Itemid=21">sealed off Al Nasarayah </a>as a closed military zone, and proceeded to illegally destroy 3 water wells and confiscate the attached water systems, the pumps of which cost $40,000 each to install. Five days later, <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=336:israeli-army-demolishing-water-wells&#38;catid=15:2010&#38;Itemid=21">the IOF returned</a> to Al Nasarayah to demolish 2 more wells, stopping along the way to destroy another well east of Tamoun. The next day, <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=343%3Awater-wells-threatened-of-demolition&#38;catid=15%3A2010&#38;Itemid=21">IOF soldiers entered</a> the village of Al- Fa’ara, near Nablus, to photograph and record the GPS coordinates of 6 more wells intended for demolition.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The IOF’s actions are illegal under Israeli, Palestinian and international law because these 6 water wells had permits from the Palestinian Authority, and operated in the 5% of the Jordan Valley designated after the 1994 Oslo Accords Area A, under full Palestinian civil and military control. The motives behind Israel’s actions on the ground, however, emerge into the light of day when seen in the context of other recent Israeli policy resolutions-<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/israel-to-forcibly-evict-bedouins-from-west-bank-1.384290"> a plan announced in September</a> to uproot and transfer some 27,000 Bedouin out of Israel-controlled Area C in the West Bank (most Area C Bedouin live in the Jordan Valley), and <a href="http://www.jpost.com/DiplomacyAndPolitics/Article.aspx?id=227016">a decision by the Settlement Division</a> in early July to increase by 130% the land given to settlers for farming in the Jordan Valley, and to increase from 42 to 51 cubic meters per year the amount of water given to settlers to irrigate such farmland.</p>
<p dir="ltr">What do the destruction of Palestinian Bedouin water wells in the Jordan Valley, the transfer of Palestinian Bedouin citizens out of the Jordan Valley, and the expansion of land and water given to settlers in the Jordan Valley, all have in common? Together, they highlight the oppression and ethnic cleansing of the Jordan Valley that has typified Israeli policy since the Valley became occupied territory in 1967.</p>
<p>A focal point of this oppression- and a crucial locus of the Palestinian Bedouin struggle to resist the occupation and  remain in their homeland- is the issue of water. For as Israel has seized absolute control over allocation and distribution of the resources of the 3 water aquifers under the West Bank for use on both sides of the Green Line, the Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza, and especially the Bedouin population of the Jordan Valley, have seen the steady drying-up of the once-flowing springs around which they have built their villages, have found themselves unable to dig sufficient wells of their own because of crippling Israeli regulations, and have watched themselves become dependent on the exorbitant prices of their oppressor for access to so basic and indispensable a human right.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Far more than in the rest of the West Bank, the struggle over water for the Jordan Valley Bedouin is a struggle between life and death. The ‘draining away’ of Palestinian water rights in the Jordan Valley- to borrow the title of<a href="http://www.maan-ctr.org/pdfs/WateReport.pdf"> a  2010 report by Ma’an Development Center</a>- has a long and tumultuous history. When the West Bank became occupied territory in 1967, the Israeli army established a military order to the effect that all West Bank water came under control of the state, and Israel’s national water carrier, Mekorot, seized water aquifers and developed wells throughout the West Bank to serve Israel and its newly expanding settlements. Between 1967 and the 1994 Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Bedouin in the Jordan Valley saw first their land, and then their water, disappear behind the heavily-guarded gates of settlements, where settlers were granted ample supplies of the latter in order to make the former bloom.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The situation grew increasingly dire until a brief ray of hope in 1995, when Article 40 of the Oslo II agreements set an interim agreement, designed to be revised within five years (but still in effect to this day), whereby approximately one quarter of West Bank water resources would come under Palestinian Authority control, and a Joint Water Committee would be established, in the words of <a href="http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WaterRestrictionsReport18Apr2009.pdf">the 2009 World Bank report</a> ‘Assessment of Restrictions on Palestinian Water Development: West Bank and Gaza’, “to oversee management of the aquifers, with decisions to be based on consensus between the two parties.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">However, Oslo brought with it new institutionalized systems of oppression. Since Oslo 1 in 1993 consigned 95% of the Jordan Valley to Area C status (under full Israeli and military control), neither the Area C Bedouin communities themselves, nor the Palestinian Authority, nor the constant swarm of international NGOs, can commence with unregulated construction of their own initiative, because, in the words of Jordan Valley Solidarity, a grassroots movement, “across Area C, access to basic services such as water is restricted through the debilitating permit system which is regulated by the Israeli Civil Administration. Obtaining a permit for any form of construction –even for water- is notoriously difficult, nay impossible. This prevents Palestinians from building new infrastructure, or from making improvements to existing facilities.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Atop this blanket layer of oppression, which effectively and intentionally squelches all trace of community autonomy, the Palestinian Bedouin in the 95% of the Jordan Valley which is Area C are deprived of the ability to improve their access to water resources through three interlocking buereacratic systems of control- the Joint Water Committee, where a group of Israeli and Palestinian decision-makers permits or denies water access or rehabilitation projects proposed by the Palestinian Water Authority (for Areas A, B and C); the Israeli Civil Administration, which, if an Area C project is permitted by the Joint Water Committee, pulls that project through a thicket of bureaucratic, technical limitations and scrutinies, effectively crippling its implementation if not grinding it to a halt completely; and, last but not least, the Israeli army, which ceaselessly continues, as it sees fit and irregardless of law, to demolish water wells, tankers, and infrastructure on the ground in Bedouin communities across Areas A, B and C, even if the proper permits are possessed.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Thus, what was promised under Oslo II to be consensus decision-making regarding water resources is in reality institutionalized unilateral control of the oppressor over the oppressed, and due to this matrix of Israeli control, it becomes nearly impossible for the Palestinian Authority, as well as most NGOs, to commit themselves to meaningful, sustainable infrastructural development in Area C of the West Bank.</p>
<p dir="ltr">At the level of the Joint Water Committee, details Ma’an&#8217;s &#8216;Draining Away&#8217;,   “the fact that decisions are arrived at through consensus effectively means that Israel can veto Palestinian projects&#8230;[also], the PWA is not consulted regarding extractions from the aquifer for Israeli use (settlers or otherwise), which is not in accordance with the governance rules under Article 40. Nor does the Palestinian Authority have the right to access data on Israeli use of water resources, whereas Israel reserves the right for continual access to water resource data in the West Bank&#8230;around 150 water and sanitation projects are still pending JWC approval for “technical and security reasons”, while only one new Palestinian well project for the Western aquifer has been approved since 1993. In contrast, Israel is able to construct pipelines to its illegal settlements without going through the mechanism of the JWC. Thus Israel effectively has full control of water resources in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">The World Bank’s 2009 report confirms the non-consensual reality of the Joint Water Committee’s supposed ‘consensus decision-making’- “[the] JWC has not fulfilled its role of providing a supportive governance framework for joint resource management and investment&#8230;politics and policy issues have limited the number of project approvals&#8230;fundamental asymmetries – of power, of capacity, of information – put into question the role of JWC as a “joint” institution&#8230;Israel takes unilateral water-related actions outside the JWC&#8230;only one third (by value) of projects presented to the JWC 2001-8 have been implemented&#8230;(1) the process is in general slow; (2) the rate of rejection of PA projects is high; (3) the PWA has almost never sought to reject Israeli projects (only one has not been approved); and (4) well drilling projects and – until very recently -wastewater projects have had very low rates of approval&#8230;.in order to solicit approvals on vital emergency water needs, the PA is forced into positions that compromise its basic policy principles. Such an asymmetrical power balance (one party, Israel, has virtually all the power and is not driven by emergencies), together with the observed track record of the JWC, have contributed to a loss of trust and confidence and to very poor outcomes (for Palestinians) that undermine the rationale for the committee as a de facto “joint” approach to water sector management.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Deeb Abdelghafar, Director of Water Resources for the Palestinian Water Authority, relates how “we submitted our application two years ago to build two new production wells in the northern part of the Jordan Valley, [to supply] water for domestic and agricultural purposes, and we know that they have reviewed it, but up to now we have not gotten any response, and we are not optimistic&#8230;we have more than 80 agricultural wells that need to be rehabilitated in Jordan Valley, and we have had these wells in the JWC for more than 4 years, but unfortunately we could not get final approval from Joint Water Committee.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Even if the Joint Water Committee approves a project, its effective implementation is crippled by the red tape of the Israeli Civil Administration. Abdelghafar continues- “the most difficult step in the process for us is the Civil Administration because there are more than 14 departments, and each department must approve on the project. So we can never get a project through the civil administration, because some departments approve and some do not.” Ayman Rabi, Assistant Director of the Palestinian Hydrology Group for Water and Environmental Resources Development, an NGO working to improve access to water and sanitation services in the Occupied Palestinian territories. echoes Abdelghafar’s frustrations that “there is a big problem now in implementing anything in Area C, and that is one of the major hindrances right now to our work in that area&#8230;.we have to ask [for a] permit and this generally we do through Palestinian Authority, and then they are applying through the Joint Water Committee&#8230;.[but] even if the Joint Water Committee approves any intervention or project, the Israeli Civil Administration requests more documentation procedures, the process is longer, they put more conditions for implementation in Area C, so you might end up not implementing any activity because of this long and complicated procedure.” The World Bank report quotes an anonymous donor who reports the same difficulties- “first thing we request is a letter from PWA approving the project. Then we go to the JWC. But then we have to go to the Civil Administration – and there delays of 2-3 years are normal. In fact, we have no positive outcomes for Area C.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Since nearly every proposal for the construction of water infrastructure in Area C is shut down by the twin juggernauts of the Joint Water Committee and the Israeli Civil Administration, NGOs must focus their efforts, to quote Abdelghafar, on “civil emergency intervention- by delivering small water tankers, by supplying them with water tanks, by constructing rainwater cisterns- it’s emergency humanitarian relief.” While important, this small-scale aid is carried out in lieu of large-scale, long-term projects that would strike at the root of the problem, rather than merely seeking to alleviate its effects. Says the World Bank report, “in the light of the difficulty of implementing major projects, the reasonable response has been short term emergency projects, often small projects with NGOs, and these smaller projects have become a very large part of water sector development&#8230;however, the multiplicity of small donors and multiple projects are more difficult to fit within a planning framework&#8230;NGOs have a comparative advantage in a grass roots field presence and a certain demand-driven character&#8230;[they are] nimble&#8230;but are small scale and short term” (p.63).</p>
<p dir="ltr">In the village of Hamsa, near the Hamra checkpoint in the Jordan Valley, Abu Riyad, who has been living in Hamsa with his family for thirty years, must now travel long distances to get water for drinking and irrigation, after two huge water wells constructed for nearby settlements have dried up the springs upon which for generations the community of Hamsa has relied. Says Ma’an’s report ‘Draining Away’- “unconnected to the water network, Abu Riyad must now travel to Ein Shibleh for his water.  Nor does the family know the quality of the water and if it has been treated.  While he is fortunate not to have to pay for this supply, it costs 200 shekels to transport 10 cubic metres of water. As the water covers all of the family’s needs, from drinking, washing and drinking water for the animals, Abu Riyad must transport this amount every four days.  With the price of fuel rising, this means that water represents an increasing financial drain for the family&#8230;the community receives little support. While several tanks and water coupons have been donated from local and international NGOs, this is only ever for limited amounts of time, and thus provides only temporary relief.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Indeed, Abu Riyad is fortunate to receive water for free. Ayman Rabi of the Palestinian Hydrology Group laments that, regarding many of his organization’s aid initiatives, “[the recipients of water] are asked to contribute, unfortunately. Although we do not like this, it is something that has been agreed on by the [Palestinian] Water Authority. They have been asked to contribute by 10 shekels, though we are not happy with this arrangement, for each cubic meter. and then we refill them whenever they ask us to.”</p>
<p>Many organizations, instead of delivering water, deliver water tanks to imperiled communities, so that Bedouin may transport water from filling points. However, by delivering water tanks, instead of connecting communities to water networks, these NGOs, though well-intentioned, often compound the problem by forcing the Bedouin to drive long distances, through a myriad of checkpoints, to filling points in Areas A or B, in order to maintain a constant water supply. The World Bank report decries that “occupation checkpoints and curfews severely limit tanker access to communities&#8230;there are 36 fixed checkpoints across the West Bank, including the gates of the Separation Barrier, that seriously affect access of water tankers and maintenance teams to communities….Given the risks faced by drivers for their physical safety coupled with the longer routes, the price of water through tankers has increased exponentially”.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The case of Abu Riyad illustrates how expensive this practice can become for Bedouin faced with no alternative. According to Fathy Khdirat of Jordan Valley Solidarity, “to use water tankers in this way costs the Bedouin 30 shekels per cubic meter of water, while their neighbors in Areas A or B pay on average between ½ and 3 shekels per cubic meter of water.” The perpetuation of this inequality works in the occupation’s favor, by encouraging Bedouin to move out of Area C into Areas A or B.</p>
<p>In addition, mobilizing short-term emergency relief is much more expensive for the NGOs than would be a project to install permanent pipelines linking the Bedouin to water sources. Fathy Khdirat estimates that a recent $700,000 initiative to accomplish the former could have achieved the latter with 10% of the budget. Between the Joint Water Committee, the Israeli Civil Administration and the IOF, however, the possibility of installing permanent water infrastructure for the Bedouin is practically foreclosed from the beginning, so that aid initiatives are forced to work within the restricting, oppressive parameters of Israeli law. Says the World Bank report, “at best, the PA role is reduced to improving water and sanitation services to Palestinian communities within the constraints laid down&#8230;stakeholders recognize the inefficiency and high costs of such fragmented and contingency development– but see no alternative.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">The bueraucratic matrix of corruption and control, in which both Israeli and Palestinian political and civil organizations are enmeshed, causes on-the-ground human rights abuses in clear violation of The Right To Water, enshrined in <a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/a5458d1d1bbd713fc1256cc400389e94/$FILE/G0340229.pdf">General Comment no. 15 of articles 11 and 12</a> of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by the United Nations Economic and Social Council in Geneva, in November 2002. The document stipulates that “the right to water contains both freedoms and entitlements. The freedoms include the right to maintain access to existing water supplies necessary for the right to water, and the right to be free from interference&#8230;by contrast, the entitlements include the right to a system of water supply and management that provides equality of opportunity for people to enjoy the right to water.” The covenant goes on to list specific water entitlements- the right of “physical accessibility: water, and adequate water facilities and services, must be within safe physical reach for all sections of the population. Sufficient, safe and acceptable water must be accessible&#8230;within, or in the immediate vicinity, of each household, educational institution and workplace&#8230;”; the right of  “economic accessibility: water, and water facilities and services, must be affordable for all. The direct and indirect costs and charges associated with securing water must be affordable&#8230;”; and the right of “non-discrimination: water and water facilities and services must be accessible to all, including the most vulnerable or marginalized sections of the population, in law and in fact, without discrimination”.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Ma’an’s report, ‘Draining Away’, clarifies that, in regards to the Right to Water enshrined in this document, that “while this right does not entitle people to unlimited use of free water or to household connection, it does mean that water and sanitation services should be affordable, that water and sanitation facilities should be in the immediate vicinity of the household, and that water should be used in a sustainable manner. This right exists irrespective of an individual’s ethnicity, gender, age, religious or political beliefs&#8230;it also stipulates that individuals and communities can participate in, and influence, decision making relating to water and sanitation services on national and local levels.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Here are some quick facts taken from Ma&#8217;an&#8217;s &#8216;Draining Away&#8217;, which should be measured against the UN-enshrined Right to Water-</p>
<p dir="ltr">In October 2009 Amnesty International noted that “180,000-200,000 Palestinians living in rural communities have no access to running water, and even in towns and villages which are connected to the water network, the taps often run dry.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">According to the WASH monitoring project, the cost of private tankered water in 290 communities in the West Bank has increased between 100-200% for one cubic meter since the start of the intifada.</p>
<p dir="ltr">40% of Palestinians in the Jordan Valley consume less water than the minimum global standard set by the World Health Organization, which is set at 100 liters cubed per day.</p>
<p dir="ltr">56,000 Palestinians in the Jordan Valley consume an average of 37 Million Cubic Meters (MCM) of water per year, as compared to an average of 41 MCM for only 9,400 settlers.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Palestinians are charged more than their counterparts in Israel for water: Mekorot charges Israelis NIS 1.8 per cubic metre, compared to an average of NIS 2.5 per cubic metre for Palestinians.</p>
<p>There is near-universal consensus that there exists in the Jordan Valley a systematic policy of oppression and ethnic cleansing, touching upon not only water but all aspects of life for the 15,000 Bedouin who are unconnected to any water network in the 95% of the Valley designated Area C. Says Deeb Abdelghafar of the Palestinian Water Authority, “the Jordan Valley is  a unique area from the Israeli point of view. They are trying to [establish] control over this area, and they are trying to prevent any permanent water infrastructure in order to prevent the people to be there&#8230; they don’t want to support the existence of these people, they want to immigrate the people outside of this area.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Advocates like Fathy Khdirat of Jordan Valley Solidarity, a grassroots movement that works to build infrastructure for the Bedouin of the Valley, are determined to encourage those under occupation to resist the oppression, and remain in their native land. “I spent all my life under the Occupation,” insists Fathy, “and I want to see a better future for my children. I am from there, and I will not shut up.”</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Israeli Army Steps up Attacks on Palestinian Water]]></title>
<link>http://benlorber.wordpress.com/2011/11/16/israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water/</link>
<pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2011 12:19:44 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Ben Lorber</dc:creator>
<guid>http://benlorber.wordpress.com/2011/11/16/israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[a longer version of my Alternative Information Center article here Speaking to the American Congress]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>a longer version of <a href="http://www.alternativenews.org/english/index.php/topics/news/3898-israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water">my Alternative Information Center article here</a></p>
<div><strong>Speaking to the American Congress in May, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu remarked that Israel would maintain a long-term presence in the West Bank&#8217;s Jordan Valley. In the months that followed, the Israeli army stepped up its attacks on the water wells of the Palestinians who live there.</strong></div>
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<div><strong><img src="http://www.alternativenews.org/english/images/stories/news/2011/november_2011/israelis-destroy-palestinian-water-supply.jpg" alt="israelis-destroy-palestinian-water-supply" width="600" height="396" /></strong></div>
<div><strong> Israeli forces destroy a water container in the West Bank (photo: Morrison World News)</strong></div>
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<div>
<p id="internal-source-marker_0.16558173042722046" dir="ltr">The last two months have seen a steady stream of IOF attacks on Palestinian water wells in the West Bank and the Jordan Valley, a troubling trend that warrants bringing the issue of Palestinian water rights once again into the spotlight.</p>
<p dir="ltr">On October 13,<a href="http://english.wafa.ps/index.php?action=detail&#38;id=17761"> farmers received demolition orders </a>on several water wells in Kufr al-Deek, a village in the town of Salfit near Nablus. In September, Israeli military forces demolished 6 water wells belonging to Palestinian Bedouin communities in the Jordan Valley, and have threatened to demolish six more. In all these cases, the unilateral IOF actions are explicitly illegal because these wells were built with full permission from the Palestinian Authority, in areas of the Valley supposedly under exclusive Palestinian civil and military control.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The injustice is especially pronounced in the Jordan Valley. On the 8th of September, 50 military jeeps, trucks and bulldozers <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=333:breaking-news-iof-destroying-water-wells-in&#38;catid=15:2010&#38;Itemid=21">sealed off Al Nasarayah </a>as a closed military zone, and proceeded to illegally destroy 3 water wells and confiscate the attached water systems, the pumps of which cost $40,000 each to install. Five days later, <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=336:israeli-army-demolishing-water-wells&#38;catid=15:2010&#38;Itemid=21">the IOF returned</a> to Al Nasarayah to demolish 2 more wells, stopping along the way to destroy another well east of Tamoun. The next day, <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=343%3Awater-wells-threatened-of-demolition&#38;catid=15%3A2010&#38;Itemid=21">IOF soldiers entered</a> the village of Al- Fa’ara, near Nablus, to photograph and record the GPS coordinates of 6 more wells intended for demolition.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The IOF’s actions are illegal under Israeli, Palestinian and international law because these 6 water wells had permits from the Palestinian Authority, and operated in the 5% of the Jordan Valley designated after the 1994 Oslo Accords Area A, under full Palestinian civil and military control. The motives behind Israel’s actions on the ground, however, emerge into the light of day when seen in the context of other recent Israeli policy resolutions-<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/israel-to-forcibly-evict-bedouins-from-west-bank-1.384290"> a plan announced in September</a> to uproot and transfer some 27,000 Bedouin out of Israel-controlled Area C in the West Bank (most Area C Bedouin live in the Jordan Valley), and <a href="http://www.jpost.com/DiplomacyAndPolitics/Article.aspx?id=227016">a decision by the Settlement Division</a> in early July to increase by 130% the land given to settlers for farming in the Jordan Valley, and to increase from 42 to 51 cubic meters per year the amount of water given to settlers to irrigate such farmland.</p>
<p dir="ltr">What do the destruction of Palestinian Bedouin water wells in the Jordan Valley, the transfer of Palestinian Bedouin citizens out of the Jordan Valley, and the expansion of land and water given to settlers in the Jordan Valley, all have in common? Together, they highlight the oppression and ethnic cleansing of the Jordan Valley that has typified Israeli policy since the Valley became occupied territory in 1967.</p>
<p>A focal point of this oppression- and a crucial locus of the Palestinian Bedouin struggle to resist the occupation and  remain in their homeland- is the issue of water. For as Israel has seized absolute control over allocation and distribution of the resources of the 3 water aquifers under the West Bank for use on both sides of the Green Line, the Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza, and especially the Bedouin population of the Jordan Valley, have seen the steady drying-up of the once-flowing springs around which they have built their villages, have found themselves unable to dig sufficient wells of their own because of crippling Israeli regulations, and have watched themselves become dependent on the exorbitant prices of their oppressor for access to so basic and indispensable a human right.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Far more than in the rest of the West Bank, the struggle over water for the Jordan Valley Bedouin is a struggle between life and death. The ‘draining away’ of Palestinian water rights in the Jordan Valley- to borrow the title of<a href="http://www.maan-ctr.org/pdfs/WateReport.pdf"> a  2010 report by Ma’an Development Center</a>- has a long and tumultuous history. When the West Bank became occupied territory in 1967, the Israeli army established a military order to the effect that all West Bank water came under control of the state, and Israel’s national water carrier, Mekorot, seized water aquifers and developed wells throughout the West Bank to serve Israel and its newly expanding settlements. Between 1967 and the 1994 Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Bedouin in the Jordan Valley saw first their land, and then their water, disappear behind the heavily-guarded gates of settlements, where settlers were granted ample supplies of the latter in order to make the former bloom.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The situation grew increasingly dire until a brief ray of hope in 1995, when Article 40 of the Oslo II agreements set an interim agreement, designed to be revised within five years (but still in effect to this day), whereby approximately one quarter of West Bank water resources would come under Palestinian Authority control, and a Joint Water Committee would be established, in the words of <a href="http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WaterRestrictionsReport18Apr2009.pdf">the 2009 World Bank report</a> ‘Assessment of Restrictions on Palestinian Water Development: West Bank and Gaza’, “to oversee management of the aquifers, with decisions to be based on consensus between the two parties.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">However, Oslo brought with it new institutionalized systems of oppression. Since Oslo 1 in 1993 consigned 95% of the Jordan Valley to Area C status (under full Israeli and military control), neither the Area C Bedouin communities themselves, nor the Palestinian Authority, nor the constant swarm of international NGOs, can commence with unregulated construction of their own initiative, because, in the words of Jordan Valley Solidarity, a grassroots movement, “across Area C, access to basic services such as water is restricted through the debilitating permit system which is regulated by the Israeli Civil Administration. Obtaining a permit for any form of construction –even for water- is notoriously difficult, nay impossible. This prevents Palestinians from building new infrastructure, or from making improvements to existing facilities.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Atop this blanket layer of oppression, which effectively and intentionally squelches all trace of community autonomy, the Palestinian Bedouin in the 95% of the Jordan Valley which is Area C are deprived of the ability to improve their access to water resources through three interlocking buereacratic systems of control- the Joint Water Committee, where a group of Israeli and Palestinian decision-makers permits or denies water access or rehabilitation projects proposed by the Palestinian Water Authority (for Areas A, B and C); the Israeli Civil Administration, which, if an Area C project is permitted by the Joint Water Committee, pulls that project through a thicket of bureaucratic, technical limitations and scrutinies, effectively crippling its implementation if not grinding it to a halt completely; and, last but not least, the Israeli army, which ceaselessly continues, as it sees fit and irregardless of law, to demolish water wells, tankers, and infrastructure on the ground in Bedouin communities across Areas A, B and C, even if the proper permits are possessed.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Thus, what was promised under Oslo II to be consensus decision-making regarding water resources is in reality institutionalized unilateral control of the oppressor over the oppressed, and due to this matrix of Israeli control, it becomes nearly impossible for the Palestinian Authority, as well as most NGOs, to commit themselves to meaningful, sustainable infrastructural development in Area C of the West Bank.</p>
<p dir="ltr">At the level of the Joint Water Committee, details Ma’an&#8217;s &#8216;Draining Away&#8217;,   “the fact that decisions are arrived at through consensus effectively means that Israel can veto Palestinian projects&#8230;[also], the PWA is not consulted regarding extractions from the aquifer for Israeli use (settlers or otherwise), which is not in accordance with the governance rules under Article 40. Nor does the Palestinian Authority have the right to access data on Israeli use of water resources, whereas Israel reserves the right for continual access to water resource data in the West Bank&#8230;around 150 water and sanitation projects are still pending JWC approval for “technical and security reasons”, while only one new Palestinian well project for the Western aquifer has been approved since 1993. In contrast, Israel is able to construct pipelines to its illegal settlements without going through the mechanism of the JWC. Thus Israel effectively has full control of water resources in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">The World Bank’s 2009 report confirms the non-consensual reality of the Joint Water Committee’s supposed ‘consensus decision-making’- “[the] JWC has not fulfilled its role of providing a supportive governance framework for joint resource management and investment&#8230;politics and policy issues have limited the number of project approvals&#8230;fundamental asymmetries – of power, of capacity, of information – put into question the role of JWC as a “joint” institution&#8230;Israel takes unilateral water-related actions outside the JWC&#8230;only one third (by value) of projects presented to the JWC 2001-8 have been implemented&#8230;(1) the process is in general slow; (2) the rate of rejection of PA projects is high; (3) the PWA has almost never sought to reject Israeli projects (only one has not been approved); and (4) well drilling projects and – until very recently -wastewater projects have had very low rates of approval&#8230;.in order to solicit approvals on vital emergency water needs, the PA is forced into positions that compromise its basic policy principles. Such an asymmetrical power balance (one party, Israel, has virtually all the power and is not driven by emergencies), together with the observed track record of the JWC, have contributed to a loss of trust and confidence and to very poor outcomes (for Palestinians) that undermine the rationale for the committee as a de facto “joint” approach to water sector management.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Deeb Abdelghafar, Director of Water Resources for the Palestinian Water Authority, relates how “we submitted our application two years ago to build two new production wells in the northern part of the Jordan Valley, [to supply] water for domestic and agricultural purposes, and we know that they have reviewed it, but up to now we have not gotten any response, and we are not optimistic&#8230;we have more than 80 agricultural wells that need to be rehabilitated in Jordan Valley, and we have had these wells in the JWC for more than 4 years, but unfortunately we could not get final approval from Joint Water Committee.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Even if the Joint Water Committee approves a project, its effective implementation is crippled by the red tape of the Israeli Civil Administration. Abdelghafar continues- “the most difficult step in the process for us is the Civil Administration because there are more than 14 departments, and each department must approve on the project. So we can never get a project through the civil administration, because some departments approve and some do not.” Ayman Rabi, Assistant Director of the Palestinian Hydrology Group for Water and Environmental Resources Development, an NGO working to improve access to water and sanitation services in the Occupied Palestinian territories. echoes Abdelghafar’s frustrations that “there is a big problem now in implementing anything in Area C, and that is one of the major hindrances right now to our work in that area&#8230;.we have to ask [for a] permit and this generally we do through Palestinian Authority, and then they are applying through the Joint Water Committee&#8230;.[but] even if the Joint Water Committee approves any intervention or project, the Israeli Civil Administration requests more documentation procedures, the process is longer, they put more conditions for implementation in Area C, so you might end up not implementing any activity because of this long and complicated procedure.” The World Bank report quotes an anonymous donor who reports the same difficulties- “first thing we request is a letter from PWA approving the project. Then we go to the JWC. But then we have to go to the Civil Administration – and there delays of 2-3 years are normal. In fact, we have no positive outcomes for Area C.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Since nearly every proposal for the construction of water infrastructure in Area C is shut down by the twin juggernauts of the Joint Water Committee and the Israeli Civil Administration, NGOs must focus their efforts, to quote Abdelghafar, on “civil emergency intervention- by delivering small water tankers, by supplying them with water tanks, by constructing rainwater cisterns- it’s emergency humanitarian relief.” While important, this small-scale aid is carried out in lieu of large-scale, long-term projects that would strike at the root of the problem, rather than merely seeking to alleviate its effects. Says the World Bank report, “in the light of the difficulty of implementing major projects, the reasonable response has been short term emergency projects, often small projects with NGOs, and these smaller projects have become a very large part of water sector development&#8230;however, the multiplicity of small donors and multiple projects are more difficult to fit within a planning framework&#8230;NGOs have a comparative advantage in a grass roots field presence and a certain demand-driven character&#8230;[they are] nimble&#8230;but are small scale and short term” (p.63).</p>
<p dir="ltr">In the village of Hamsa, near the Hamra checkpoint in the Jordan Valley, Abu Riyad, who has been living in Hamsa with his family for thirty years, must now travel long distances to get water for drinking and irrigation, after two huge water wells constructed for nearby settlements have dried up the springs upon which for generations the community of Hamsa has relied. Says Ma’an’s report ‘Draining Away’- “unconnected to the water network, Abu Riyad must now travel to Ein Shibleh for his water.  Nor does the family know the quality of the water and if it has been treated.  While he is fortunate not to have to pay for this supply, it costs 200 shekels to transport 10 cubic metres of water. As the water covers all of the family’s needs, from drinking, washing and drinking water for the animals, Abu Riyad must transport this amount every four days.  With the price of fuel rising, this means that water represents an increasing financial drain for the family&#8230;the community receives little support. While several tanks and water coupons have been donated from local and international NGOs, this is only ever for limited amounts of time, and thus provides only temporary relief.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Indeed, Abu Riyad is fortunate to receive water for free. Ayman Rabi of the Palestinian Hydrology Group laments that, regarding many of his organization’s aid initiatives, “[the recipients of water] are asked to contribute, unfortunately. Although we do not like this, it is something that has been agreed on by the [Palestinian] Water Authority. They have been asked to contribute by 10 shekels, though we are not happy with this arrangement, for each cubic meter. and then we refill them whenever they ask us to.”</p>
<p>Many organizations, instead of delivering water, deliver water tanks to imperiled communities, so that Bedouin may transport water from filling points. However, by delivering water tanks, instead of connecting communities to water networks, these NGOs, though well-intentioned, often compound the problem by forcing the Bedouin to drive long distances, through a myriad of checkpoints, to filling points in Areas A or B, in order to maintain a constant water supply. The World Bank report decries that “occupation checkpoints and curfews severely limit tanker access to communities&#8230;there are 36 fixed checkpoints across the West Bank, including the gates of the Separation Barrier, that seriously affect access of water tankers and maintenance teams to communities….Given the risks faced by drivers for their physical safety coupled with the longer routes, the price of water through tankers has increased exponentially”.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The case of Abu Riyad illustrates how expensive this practice can become for Bedouin faced with no alternative. According to Fathy Khdirat of Jordan Valley Solidarity, “to use water tankers in this way costs the Bedouin 30 shekels per cubic meter of water, while their neighbors in Areas A or B pay on average between ½ and 3 shekels per cubic meter of water.” The perpetuation of this inequality works in the occupation’s favor, by encouraging Bedouin to move out of Area C into Areas A or B.</p>
<p>In addition, mobilizing short-term emergency relief is much more expensive for the NGOs than would be a project to install permanent pipelines linking the Bedouin to water sources. Fathy Khdirat estimates that a recent $700,000 initiative to accomplish the former could have achieved the latter with 10% of the budget. Between the Joint Water Committee, the Israeli Civil Administration and the IOF, however, the possibility of installing permanent water infrastructure for the Bedouin is practically foreclosed from the beginning, so that aid initiatives are forced to work within the restricting, oppressive parameters of Israeli law. Says the World Bank report, “at best, the PA role is reduced to improving water and sanitation services to Palestinian communities within the constraints laid down&#8230;stakeholders recognize the inefficiency and high costs of such fragmented and contingency development– but see no alternative.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">The bueraucratic matrix of corruption and control, in which both Israeli and Palestinian political and civil organizations are enmeshed, causes on-the-ground human rights abuses in clear violation of The Right To Water, enshrined in <a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/a5458d1d1bbd713fc1256cc400389e94/$FILE/G0340229.pdf">General Comment no. 15 of articles 11 and 12</a> of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by the United Nations Economic and Social Council in Geneva, in November 2002. The document stipulates that “the right to water contains both freedoms and entitlements. The freedoms include the right to maintain access to existing water supplies necessary for the right to water, and the right to be free from interference&#8230;by contrast, the entitlements include the right to a system of water supply and management that provides equality of opportunity for people to enjoy the right to water.” The covenant goes on to list specific water entitlements- the right of “physical accessibility: water, and adequate water facilities and services, must be within safe physical reach for all sections of the population. Sufficient, safe and acceptable water must be accessible&#8230;within, or in the immediate vicinity, of each household, educational institution and workplace&#8230;”; the right of  “economic accessibility: water, and water facilities and services, must be affordable for all. The direct and indirect costs and charges associated with securing water must be affordable&#8230;”; and the right of “non-discrimination: water and water facilities and services must be accessible to all, including the most vulnerable or marginalized sections of the population, in law and in fact, without discrimination”.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Ma’an’s report, ‘Draining Away’, clarifies that, in regards to the Right to Water enshrined in this document, that “while this right does not entitle people to unlimited use of free water or to household connection, it does mean that water and sanitation services should be affordable, that water and sanitation facilities should be in the immediate vicinity of the household, and that water should be used in a sustainable manner. This right exists irrespective of an individual’s ethnicity, gender, age, religious or political beliefs&#8230;it also stipulates that individuals and communities can participate in, and influence, decision making relating to water and sanitation services on national and local levels.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Here are some quick facts taken from Ma&#8217;an&#8217;s &#8216;Draining Away&#8217;, which should be measured against the UN-enshrined Right to Water-</p>
<p dir="ltr">In October 2009 Amnesty International noted that “180,000-200,000 Palestinians living in rural communities have no access to running water, and even in towns and villages which are connected to the water network, the taps often run dry.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">According to the WASH monitoring project, the cost of private tankered water in 290 communities in the West Bank has increased between 100-200% for one cubic meter since the start of the intifada.</p>
<p dir="ltr">40% of Palestinians in the Jordan Valley consume less water than the minimum global standard set by the World Health Organization, which is set at 100 liters cubed per day.</p>
<p dir="ltr">56,000 Palestinians in the Jordan Valley consume an average of 37 Million Cubic Meters (MCM) of water per year, as compared to an average of 41 MCM for only 9,400 settlers.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Palestinians are charged more than their counterparts in Israel for water: Mekorot charges Israelis NIS 1.8 per cubic metre, compared to an average of NIS 2.5 per cubic metre for Palestinians.</p>
<p>There is near-universal consensus that there exists in the Jordan Valley a systematic policy of oppression and ethnic cleansing, touching upon not only water but all aspects of life for the 15,000 Bedouin who are unconnected to any water network in the 95% of the Valley designated Area C. Says Deeb Abdelghafar of the Palestinian Water Authority, “the Jordan Valley is  a unique area from the Israeli point of view. They are trying to [establish] control over this area, and they are trying to prevent any permanent water infrastructure in order to prevent the people to be there&#8230; they don’t want to support the existence of these people, they want to immigrate the people outside of this area.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Advocates like Fathy Khdirat of Jordan Valley Solidarity, a grassroots movement that works to build infrastructure for the Bedouin of the Valley, are determined to encourage those under occupation to resist the oppression, and remain in their native land. “I spent all my life under the Occupation,” insists Fathy, “and I want to see a better future for my children. I am from there, and I will not shut up.”</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Israeli Army Steps up Attacks on Palestinian Water]]></title>
<link>http://freepaly.wordpress.com/2011/11/16/israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water/</link>
<pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2011 12:19:44 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Ben Lorber</dc:creator>
<guid>http://freepaly.wordpress.com/2011/11/16/israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[a longer version of my Alternative Information Center article here Speaking to the American Congress]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>a longer version of <a href="http://www.alternativenews.org/english/index.php/topics/news/3898-israeli-army-steps-up-attacks-on-palestinian-water">my Alternative Information Center article here</a></p>
<div><strong>Speaking to the American Congress in May, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu remarked that Israel would maintain a long-term presence in the West Bank&#8217;s Jordan Valley. In the months that followed, the Israeli army stepped up its attacks on the water wells of the Palestinians who live there.</strong></div>
<div><strong><br />
</strong></div>
<div><strong><img src="http://www.alternativenews.org/english/images/stories/news/2011/november_2011/israelis-destroy-palestinian-water-supply.jpg" alt="israelis-destroy-palestinian-water-supply" width="600" height="396" /></strong></div>
<div><strong> Israeli forces destroy a water container in the West Bank (photo: Morrison World News)</strong></div>
<div>
<div>
<p id="internal-source-marker_0.16558173042722046" dir="ltr">The last two months have seen a steady stream of IOF attacks on Palestinian water wells in the West Bank and the Jordan Valley, a troubling trend that warrants bringing the issue of Palestinian water rights once again into the spotlight.</p>
<p dir="ltr">On October 13,<a href="http://english.wafa.ps/index.php?action=detail&#38;id=17761"> farmers received demolition orders </a>on several water wells in Kufr al-Deek, a village in the town of Salfit near Nablus. In September, Israeli military forces demolished 6 water wells belonging to Palestinian Bedouin communities in the Jordan Valley, and have threatened to demolish six more. In all these cases, the unilateral IOF actions are explicitly illegal because these wells were built with full permission from the Palestinian Authority, in areas of the Valley supposedly under exclusive Palestinian civil and military control.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The injustice is especially pronounced in the Jordan Valley. On the 8th of September, 50 military jeeps, trucks and bulldozers <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=333:breaking-news-iof-destroying-water-wells-in&#38;catid=15:2010&#38;Itemid=21">sealed off Al Nasarayah </a>as a closed military zone, and proceeded to illegally destroy 3 water wells and confiscate the attached water systems, the pumps of which cost $40,000 each to install. Five days later, <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=336:israeli-army-demolishing-water-wells&#38;catid=15:2010&#38;Itemid=21">the IOF returned</a> to Al Nasarayah to demolish 2 more wells, stopping along the way to destroy another well east of Tamoun. The next day, <a href="http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/index.php?option=com_content&#38;view=article&#38;id=343%3Awater-wells-threatened-of-demolition&#38;catid=15%3A2010&#38;Itemid=21">IOF soldiers entered</a> the village of Al- Fa’ara, near Nablus, to photograph and record the GPS coordinates of 6 more wells intended for demolition.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The IOF’s actions are illegal under Israeli, Palestinian and international law because these 6 water wells had permits from the Palestinian Authority, and operated in the 5% of the Jordan Valley designated after the 1994 Oslo Accords Area A, under full Palestinian civil and military control. The motives behind Israel’s actions on the ground, however, emerge into the light of day when seen in the context of other recent Israeli policy resolutions-<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/israel-to-forcibly-evict-bedouins-from-west-bank-1.384290"> a plan announced in September</a> to uproot and transfer some 27,000 Bedouin out of Israel-controlled Area C in the West Bank (most Area C Bedouin live in the Jordan Valley), and <a href="http://www.jpost.com/DiplomacyAndPolitics/Article.aspx?id=227016">a decision by the Settlement Division</a> in early July to increase by 130% the land given to settlers for farming in the Jordan Valley, and to increase from 42 to 51 cubic meters per year the amount of water given to settlers to irrigate such farmland.</p>
<p dir="ltr">What do the destruction of Palestinian Bedouin water wells in the Jordan Valley, the transfer of Palestinian Bedouin citizens out of the Jordan Valley, and the expansion of land and water given to settlers in the Jordan Valley, all have in common? Together, they highlight the oppression and ethnic cleansing of the Jordan Valley that has typified Israeli policy since the Valley became occupied territory in 1967.</p>
<p>A focal point of this oppression- and a crucial locus of the Palestinian Bedouin struggle to resist the occupation and  remain in their homeland- is the issue of water. For as Israel has seized absolute control over allocation and distribution of the resources of the 3 water aquifers under the West Bank for use on both sides of the Green Line, the Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza, and especially the Bedouin population of the Jordan Valley, have seen the steady drying-up of the once-flowing springs around which they have built their villages, have found themselves unable to dig sufficient wells of their own because of crippling Israeli regulations, and have watched themselves become dependent on the exorbitant prices of their oppressor for access to so basic and indispensable a human right.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Far more than in the rest of the West Bank, the struggle over water for the Jordan Valley Bedouin is a struggle between life and death. The ‘draining away’ of Palestinian water rights in the Jordan Valley- to borrow the title of<a href="http://www.maan-ctr.org/pdfs/WateReport.pdf"> a  2010 report by Ma’an Development Center</a>- has a long and tumultuous history. When the West Bank became occupied territory in 1967, the Israeli army established a military order to the effect that all West Bank water came under control of the state, and Israel’s national water carrier, Mekorot, seized water aquifers and developed wells throughout the West Bank to serve Israel and its newly expanding settlements. Between 1967 and the 1994 Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Bedouin in the Jordan Valley saw first their land, and then their water, disappear behind the heavily-guarded gates of settlements, where settlers were granted ample supplies of the latter in order to make the former bloom.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The situation grew increasingly dire until a brief ray of hope in 1995, when Article 40 of the Oslo II agreements set an interim agreement, designed to be revised within five years (but still in effect to this day), whereby approximately one quarter of West Bank water resources would come under Palestinian Authority control, and a Joint Water Committee would be established, in the words of <a href="http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WaterRestrictionsReport18Apr2009.pdf">the 2009 World Bank report</a> ‘Assessment of Restrictions on Palestinian Water Development: West Bank and Gaza’, “to oversee management of the aquifers, with decisions to be based on consensus between the two parties.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">However, Oslo brought with it new institutionalized systems of oppression. Since Oslo 1 in 1993 consigned 95% of the Jordan Valley to Area C status (under full Israeli and military control), neither the Area C Bedouin communities themselves, nor the Palestinian Authority, nor the constant swarm of international NGOs, can commence with unregulated construction of their own initiative, because, in the words of Jordan Valley Solidarity, a grassroots movement, “across Area C, access to basic services such as water is restricted through the debilitating permit system which is regulated by the Israeli Civil Administration. Obtaining a permit for any form of construction –even for water- is notoriously difficult, nay impossible. This prevents Palestinians from building new infrastructure, or from making improvements to existing facilities.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Atop this blanket layer of oppression, which effectively and intentionally squelches all trace of community autonomy, the Palestinian Bedouin in the 95% of the Jordan Valley which is Area C are deprived of the ability to improve their access to water resources through three interlocking buereacratic systems of control- the Joint Water Committee, where a group of Israeli and Palestinian decision-makers permits or denies water access or rehabilitation projects proposed by the Palestinian Water Authority (for Areas A, B and C); the Israeli Civil Administration, which, if an Area C project is permitted by the Joint Water Committee, pulls that project through a thicket of bureaucratic, technical limitations and scrutinies, effectively crippling its implementation if not grinding it to a halt completely; and, last but not least, the Israeli army, which ceaselessly continues, as it sees fit and irregardless of law, to demolish water wells, tankers, and infrastructure on the ground in Bedouin communities across Areas A, B and C, even if the proper permits are possessed.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Thus, what was promised under Oslo II to be consensus decision-making regarding water resources is in reality institutionalized unilateral control of the oppressor over the oppressed, and due to this matrix of Israeli control, it becomes nearly impossible for the Palestinian Authority, as well as most NGOs, to commit themselves to meaningful, sustainable infrastructural development in Area C of the West Bank.</p>
<p dir="ltr">At the level of the Joint Water Committee, details Ma’an&#8217;s &#8216;Draining Away&#8217;,   “the fact that decisions are arrived at through consensus effectively means that Israel can veto Palestinian projects&#8230;[also], the PWA is not consulted regarding extractions from the aquifer for Israeli use (settlers or otherwise), which is not in accordance with the governance rules under Article 40. Nor does the Palestinian Authority have the right to access data on Israeli use of water resources, whereas Israel reserves the right for continual access to water resource data in the West Bank&#8230;around 150 water and sanitation projects are still pending JWC approval for “technical and security reasons”, while only one new Palestinian well project for the Western aquifer has been approved since 1993. In contrast, Israel is able to construct pipelines to its illegal settlements without going through the mechanism of the JWC. Thus Israel effectively has full control of water resources in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">The World Bank’s 2009 report confirms the non-consensual reality of the Joint Water Committee’s supposed ‘consensus decision-making’- “[the] JWC has not fulfilled its role of providing a supportive governance framework for joint resource management and investment&#8230;politics and policy issues have limited the number of project approvals&#8230;fundamental asymmetries – of power, of capacity, of information – put into question the role of JWC as a “joint” institution&#8230;Israel takes unilateral water-related actions outside the JWC&#8230;only one third (by value) of projects presented to the JWC 2001-8 have been implemented&#8230;(1) the process is in general slow; (2) the rate of rejection of PA projects is high; (3) the PWA has almost never sought to reject Israeli projects (only one has not been approved); and (4) well drilling projects and – until very recently -wastewater projects have had very low rates of approval&#8230;.in order to solicit approvals on vital emergency water needs, the PA is forced into positions that compromise its basic policy principles. Such an asymmetrical power balance (one party, Israel, has virtually all the power and is not driven by emergencies), together with the observed track record of the JWC, have contributed to a loss of trust and confidence and to very poor outcomes (for Palestinians) that undermine the rationale for the committee as a de facto “joint” approach to water sector management.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Deeb Abdelghafar, Director of Water Resources for the Palestinian Water Authority, relates how “we submitted our application two years ago to build two new production wells in the northern part of the Jordan Valley, [to supply] water for domestic and agricultural purposes, and we know that they have reviewed it, but up to now we have not gotten any response, and we are not optimistic&#8230;we have more than 80 agricultural wells that need to be rehabilitated in Jordan Valley, and we have had these wells in the JWC for more than 4 years, but unfortunately we could not get final approval from Joint Water Committee.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Even if the Joint Water Committee approves a project, its effective implementation is crippled by the red tape of the Israeli Civil Administration. Abdelghafar continues- “the most difficult step in the process for us is the Civil Administration because there are more than 14 departments, and each department must approve on the project. So we can never get a project through the civil administration, because some departments approve and some do not.” Ayman Rabi, Assistant Director of the Palestinian Hydrology Group for Water and Environmental Resources Development, an NGO working to improve access to water and sanitation services in the Occupied Palestinian territories. echoes Abdelghafar’s frustrations that “there is a big problem now in implementing anything in Area C, and that is one of the major hindrances right now to our work in that area&#8230;.we have to ask [for a] permit and this generally we do through Palestinian Authority, and then they are applying through the Joint Water Committee&#8230;.[but] even if the Joint Water Committee approves any intervention or project, the Israeli Civil Administration requests more documentation procedures, the process is longer, they put more conditions for implementation in Area C, so you might end up not implementing any activity because of this long and complicated procedure.” The World Bank report quotes an anonymous donor who reports the same difficulties- “first thing we request is a letter from PWA approving the project. Then we go to the JWC. But then we have to go to the Civil Administration – and there delays of 2-3 years are normal. In fact, we have no positive outcomes for Area C.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Since nearly every proposal for the construction of water infrastructure in Area C is shut down by the twin juggernauts of the Joint Water Committee and the Israeli Civil Administration, NGOs must focus their efforts, to quote Abdelghafar, on “civil emergency intervention- by delivering small water tankers, by supplying them with water tanks, by constructing rainwater cisterns- it’s emergency humanitarian relief.” While important, this small-scale aid is carried out in lieu of large-scale, long-term projects that would strike at the root of the problem, rather than merely seeking to alleviate its effects. Says the World Bank report, “in the light of the difficulty of implementing major projects, the reasonable response has been short term emergency projects, often small projects with NGOs, and these smaller projects have become a very large part of water sector development&#8230;however, the multiplicity of small donors and multiple projects are more difficult to fit within a planning framework&#8230;NGOs have a comparative advantage in a grass roots field presence and a certain demand-driven character&#8230;[they are] nimble&#8230;but are small scale and short term” (p.63).</p>
<p dir="ltr">In the village of Hamsa, near the Hamra checkpoint in the Jordan Valley, Abu Riyad, who has been living in Hamsa with his family for thirty years, must now travel long distances to get water for drinking and irrigation, after two huge water wells constructed for nearby settlements have dried up the springs upon which for generations the community of Hamsa has relied. Says Ma’an’s report ‘Draining Away’- “unconnected to the water network, Abu Riyad must now travel to Ein Shibleh for his water.  Nor does the family know the quality of the water and if it has been treated.  While he is fortunate not to have to pay for this supply, it costs 200 shekels to transport 10 cubic metres of water. As the water covers all of the family’s needs, from drinking, washing and drinking water for the animals, Abu Riyad must transport this amount every four days.  With the price of fuel rising, this means that water represents an increasing financial drain for the family&#8230;the community receives little support. While several tanks and water coupons have been donated from local and international NGOs, this is only ever for limited amounts of time, and thus provides only temporary relief.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Indeed, Abu Riyad is fortunate to receive water for free. Ayman Rabi of the Palestinian Hydrology Group laments that, regarding many of his organization’s aid initiatives, “[the recipients of water] are asked to contribute, unfortunately. Although we do not like this, it is something that has been agreed on by the [Palestinian] Water Authority. They have been asked to contribute by 10 shekels, though we are not happy with this arrangement, for each cubic meter. and then we refill them whenever they ask us to.”</p>
<p>Many organizations, instead of delivering water, deliver water tanks to imperiled communities, so that Bedouin may transport water from filling points. However, by delivering water tanks, instead of connecting communities to water networks, these NGOs, though well-intentioned, often compound the problem by forcing the Bedouin to drive long distances, through a myriad of checkpoints, to filling points in Areas A or B, in order to maintain a constant water supply. The World Bank report decries that “occupation checkpoints and curfews severely limit tanker access to communities&#8230;there are 36 fixed checkpoints across the West Bank, including the gates of the Separation Barrier, that seriously affect access of water tankers and maintenance teams to communities….Given the risks faced by drivers for their physical safety coupled with the longer routes, the price of water through tankers has increased exponentially”.</p>
<p dir="ltr">The case of Abu Riyad illustrates how expensive this practice can become for Bedouin faced with no alternative. According to Fathy Khdirat of Jordan Valley Solidarity, “to use water tankers in this way costs the Bedouin 30 shekels per cubic meter of water, while their neighbors in Areas A or B pay on average between ½ and 3 shekels per cubic meter of water.” The perpetuation of this inequality works in the occupation’s favor, by encouraging Bedouin to move out of Area C into Areas A or B.</p>
<p>In addition, mobilizing short-term emergency relief is much more expensive for the NGOs than would be a project to install permanent pipelines linking the Bedouin to water sources. Fathy Khdirat estimates that a recent $700,000 initiative to accomplish the former could have achieved the latter with 10% of the budget. Between the Joint Water Committee, the Israeli Civil Administration and the IOF, however, the possibility of installing permanent water infrastructure for the Bedouin is practically foreclosed from the beginning, so that aid initiatives are forced to work within the restricting, oppressive parameters of Israeli law. Says the World Bank report, “at best, the PA role is reduced to improving water and sanitation services to Palestinian communities within the constraints laid down&#8230;stakeholders recognize the inefficiency and high costs of such fragmented and contingency development– but see no alternative.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">The bueraucratic matrix of corruption and control, in which both Israeli and Palestinian political and civil organizations are enmeshed, causes on-the-ground human rights abuses in clear violation of The Right To Water, enshrined in <a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/a5458d1d1bbd713fc1256cc400389e94/$FILE/G0340229.pdf">General Comment no. 15 of articles 11 and 12</a> of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by the United Nations Economic and Social Council in Geneva, in November 2002. The document stipulates that “the right to water contains both freedoms and entitlements. The freedoms include the right to maintain access to existing water supplies necessary for the right to water, and the right to be free from interference&#8230;by contrast, the entitlements include the right to a system of water supply and management that provides equality of opportunity for people to enjoy the right to water.” The covenant goes on to list specific water entitlements- the right of “physical accessibility: water, and adequate water facilities and services, must be within safe physical reach for all sections of the population. Sufficient, safe and acceptable water must be accessible&#8230;within, or in the immediate vicinity, of each household, educational institution and workplace&#8230;”; the right of  “economic accessibility: water, and water facilities and services, must be affordable for all. The direct and indirect costs and charges associated with securing water must be affordable&#8230;”; and the right of “non-discrimination: water and water facilities and services must be accessible to all, including the most vulnerable or marginalized sections of the population, in law and in fact, without discrimination”.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Ma’an’s report, ‘Draining Away’, clarifies that, in regards to the Right to Water enshrined in this document, that “while this right does not entitle people to unlimited use of free water or to household connection, it does mean that water and sanitation services should be affordable, that water and sanitation facilities should be in the immediate vicinity of the household, and that water should be used in a sustainable manner. This right exists irrespective of an individual’s ethnicity, gender, age, religious or political beliefs&#8230;it also stipulates that individuals and communities can participate in, and influence, decision making relating to water and sanitation services on national and local levels.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Here are some quick facts taken from Ma&#8217;an&#8217;s &#8216;Draining Away&#8217;, which should be measured against the UN-enshrined Right to Water-</p>
<p dir="ltr">In October 2009 Amnesty International noted that “180,000-200,000 Palestinians living in rural communities have no access to running water, and even in towns and villages which are connected to the water network, the taps often run dry.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">According to the WASH monitoring project, the cost of private tankered water in 290 communities in the West Bank has increased between 100-200% for one cubic meter since the start of the intifada.</p>
<p dir="ltr">40% of Palestinians in the Jordan Valley consume less water than the minimum global standard set by the World Health Organization, which is set at 100 liters cubed per day.</p>
<p dir="ltr">56,000 Palestinians in the Jordan Valley consume an average of 37 Million Cubic Meters (MCM) of water per year, as compared to an average of 41 MCM for only 9,400 settlers.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Palestinians are charged more than their counterparts in Israel for water: Mekorot charges Israelis NIS 1.8 per cubic metre, compared to an average of NIS 2.5 per cubic metre for Palestinians.</p>
<p>There is near-universal consensus that there exists in the Jordan Valley a systematic policy of oppression and ethnic cleansing, touching upon not only water but all aspects of life for the 15,000 Bedouin who are unconnected to any water network in the 95% of the Valley designated Area C. Says Deeb Abdelghafar of the Palestinian Water Authority, “the Jordan Valley is  a unique area from the Israeli point of view. They are trying to [establish] control over this area, and they are trying to prevent any permanent water infrastructure in order to prevent the people to be there&#8230; they don’t want to support the existence of these people, they want to immigrate the people outside of this area.”</p>
<p dir="ltr">Advocates like Fathy Khdirat of Jordan Valley Solidarity, a grassroots movement that works to build infrastructure for the Bedouin of the Valley, are determined to encourage those under occupation to resist the oppression, and remain in their native land. “I spent all my life under the Occupation,” insists Fathy, “and I want to see a better future for my children. I am from there, and I will not shut up.”</p>
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<title><![CDATA[To Gaza With Love, Flotilla II Threatens Israel's Dream]]></title>
<link>http://mysteryworshipers.wordpress.com/2011/07/08/to-gaza-with-love-flotilla-ii-threatens-israels-dream/</link>
<pubDate>Fri, 08 Jul 2011 11:49:00 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>mystery worshiper</dc:creator>
<guid>http://mysteryworshipers.wordpress.com/2011/07/08/to-gaza-with-love-flotilla-ii-threatens-israels-dream/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[GAZA, FLOTILLA II THREATEN ISRAEL&#8217;S DREAM By Rev. Ted Pike 5 July 11 As the next “Free Gaza” f]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h3 align="center"><a href="http://www.truthtellers.org/alerts/11_5july_GazaFlot2ThreatenIsrealsDream.html">GAZA, FLOTILLA II THREATEN ISRAEL&#8217;S DREAM</a></h3>
<h4 align="center"><strong>By Rev. Ted Pike<br />
5 July 11<br />
</strong></h4>
<p>As the next “Free Gaza” flotilla attempts to sail for Gaza, a recent <em>Ha’aretz </em>article describes Israel’s high-alert response:</p>
<blockquote><p>&#8220;The term ‘flotilla’ is understood in Israel as a declaration of war. This is the case with respect to the latest Gaza-bound flotilla just as it was with the one that set off from Turkey in May 2010…At best, the flotilla’s contribution to lifting the blockade is symbolic, in that it reminds the world that Israel’s closure policy is still partially in effect and that the population of Gaza remains under occupation. But the Israeli government imputes far greater significance to symbols than it does to wise policy. The government seems to be as frightened of the Gaza flotilla as one would think it would be of an attack by an armed naval fleet.</p>
<p>It appears that even though a year has passed since the first flotilla fiasco, Israel is showing that it has learned just one lesson: the military lesson. As though better military preparation or training for specific scenarios are what will save Israel’s honor. The country is not willing to give up a display of power, thereby no doubt contributing to inflating the flotilla’s importance.” <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/let-the-flotilla-go-1.369774" target="_blank">(Let the Flotilla Go, Haaretz, 6June11</a>)</p></blockquote>
<p><img src="http://www.truthtellers.org/images/GreeceGaza_pic01.jpg" alt="" width="277" height="155" align="right" />Israel claims such offensive potential is necessary because the ships may carry weapons for Hamas, and any end to the embargo of Gaza would certainly lead to such military aid. There is a much deeper and more sinister reason Israel wants to isolate Gaza in poverty. (A UN study shows Gaza’s unemployment rate is among the worst in the world, with 45.2% of Gazans of working age unemployed.) With at least $8 billion in international aid waiting for Israel’s embargo to lift, the Jewish state absolutely does not want a prosperous, energetic and vengeful Palestinian territory to emerge. With the West Bank, Gaza could quickly materialize as a de facto state within a state, regardless of its official status.</p>
<p>Consolidation of Palestinian power on both sides of Israel could powerfully threaten the Jewish state’s dream of inhabiting the entirety of the “Promised Land.” Yet the dream of Jewish safety in the Middle East, an image central to Zionism for the last century, has proven an illusion. Last year Prime Minister Netanyahu proclaimed Israel the most dangerous place a Jew can live.</p>
<p>What dream then remains unchanged for Israel?</p>
<p>It is the dream that a Jewish state can do what God has forbidden for millennia: occupy Palestine in a state of rebellion and apostasy to His law (See<a href="http://www.truthtellers.org/alerts/biblestudies/ConditionalSalvationVerseList.html" target="_blank">List of Conditional Salvation/Occupation Verses</a>). Modern Israel was founded on rejection of weighty Scriptural and historical testimony that wicked Jews can’t found a nation in the Holy Land. The pioneers of the rogue state of Israel, Jewish Bolsheviks, secularists and Christ-hating Talmudist are excluded from the covenant blessing given to righteous Abraham (See, <a href="http://www.truthtellers.org/alerts/TrueMeaningGodsCovenantWithAbraham.html" target="_blank">The True Meaning of God&#8217;s Covenant with Abraham</a>). Israel’s dream, like the dream of every sinner, is that an exception can be made: The sinner will not surely die. God’s judgment can be forever delayed. Israel can add sin to sin and injustice to injustice yet never face national judgment and exile.</p>
<p align="CENTER"><strong>Israel Multiplies Sin</strong></p>
<p><img src="http://www.truthtellers.org/images/DemolitionOfPalestinianHome_pic001.jpg" alt="" width="312" height="242" align="right" />God commanded the Hebrews to not oppress “the stranger in the land” (Ex. 23:9). <a href="http://www.imemc.org/article/61573?utm_source=twitterfeed&#38;utm_medium=twitter" target="_blank">A recent article by IMEMC News</a> describes how Israel continues to expel Palestinians from their homes—only now, new laws force evicted Palestinians to <em>pay </em>demolition costs!</p>
<blockquote><p>A committee of the Israeli Knesset (Parliament) passed a first draft of a law that will require that Palestinians whose homes are destroyed by Israeli forces pay the Israeli government for the demolition costs&#8230; Since 1967, Israeli forces have demolished 24,813 Palestinian homes. Ninety percent of these homes were destroyed for “administrative” reasons—because they either lacked a permit or were in an area designated for expansion by the Israeli military. No permits have been issued by Israeli authorities for Palestinian construction in the Occupied Territories since 1967. The remaining 10% of the demolitions have been “punitive” demolitions of the homes of Palestinians accused of attacking Israel or of their families’ homes.</p>
<p>In the first 5 months of 2011, Israeli forces demolished more Palestinian homes than in the entire year of 2010, rendering homeless 706 Palestinians, including 341 minors. This is according to the most recent numbers released by Israeli Civil Administration. If the law passes the full Knesset, any Palestinian whose home is destroyed by the Israeli military will have to pay thousands of dollars to cover the cost of the demolition. Already, many Palestinian homeowners, mainly in Jerusalem have been forced to pay for the forced demolition of their homes.</p></blockquote>
<p>Israelis and Zionists believe that the Jewish people are above God’s law. Yet Scripture prophesies that this defiant dream will turn someday into a nightmare: the worst Jewish suffering in the history of the world.</p>
<p>Despite world protest that we see today, the centuries of investment by Jewish activists in control of government, finance and media will endure, especially in the west. Israel will someday dominate a global government and summon the arrival of her messiah. For a short time, says the Bible, this united Jewish government will run the financial and political systems of the world (See, <a href="http://www.truthtellers.org/alerts/babylonthegreatisrael.htm" target="_blank">&#8216;Babylon the Great&#8217; is Israel</a>). She will seem to have fulfilled her dream of prospering in sin and say, “I sit a queen and shall not see sorrow.” (Rev. 18:7)</p>
<p>Yet Scripture proclaims that in “one hour,” her power will collapse. The anti-Christ she has ridden will throw her down and gore her with the “horns” of world armies. The proud queen will be desolated and her children exiled once again, fulfilling God’s timeless law. Jews will be hounded into near extinction among the nations.</p>
<p>As one dream ends, another will be realized. The Arab world will tread Jerusalem underfoot (Luke 21:24). As anti-Christ finally fulfills the Arab dream and allows them to possess the Holy Land, they will “eat, drink and give in marriage” (Luke 17:27), rejoicing that the hated Jews are now vanquished. Israel had her time to rule the nations. This will be “the time of the Gentiles” as a bitterly vengeful world tries to solve the “Jewish problem” by killing every last Jew in the ultimate holocaust. Yet Christ at His second coming intervenes, raining fire and brimstone on the massive armed camp of defiant Gentiles and Arabs who battle Him in the valley of Armageddon. Again, since God’s Holy Land can’t endure wicked inhabitants, God will destroy and the land will “vomit out” the Arab oppressors, just as happened to the ancient Canaanites.</p>
<p>As Zionist and Arab dreams are devastated, another final dream, a divine one, will spring to vivid life. A beleaguered humbled minority of Jewish survivors, including their Khazar proselytes (Ezekiel 47:22) will be transformed through repentance at Christ&#8217;s appearing. Their obedience will restore the remnant&#8217;s right to national occupation of Palestine. With pouring out of the Holy Spirit upon them and Satan and his demonic minions cast into the bottomless pit, such national obedience becomes possible. The remnant will be as infused with desire to glorify their Messiah as were their forefathers inflamed to denigrate Him. Jesus will be their passion and praise for 1,000 years.</p>
<p>The Zionist and Arab dreams are destined to turn into nightmares. Yet this final, divine dream has been held by righteous men and prophets since the beginning of God’s saga with Israel. It is inspired by Christ and will be gloriously fulfilled. Under the benevolent rule of Christ, a battered, blood-soaked planet will not return to the habitual cycles of hate and war. Instead, the “knowledge of the Lord shall cover the earth as waters cover the sea!” (Is. 11:9) Jesus Christ literally proves to be the salvation of the world. He brings with Him not only joy in human hearts but peace to the whole earth—a peace beyond man’s wildest dreams.</p>
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<title><![CDATA[The Body Snatchers of Israel]]></title>
<link>http://altkawther.wordpress.com/2009/08/23/the-body-snatchers-of-israel/</link>
<pubDate>Sun, 23 Aug 2009 10:39:22 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>kawthersalam</dc:creator>
<guid>http://altkawther.wordpress.com/2009/08/23/the-body-snatchers-of-israel/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[In German, Linke Zeitung In French, Talaxcala Translation. Independently of the recently published a]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p style="text-align:left;">In <a href="http://www.linkezeitung.de/cms/index.php?option=com_content&#38;task=view&#38;id=7239&#38;Itemid=1">German</a>, <a href="http://www.linkezeitung.de/cms/index.php">Linke Zeitung</a></p>
<p style="text-align:left;">In <a href="http://www.tlaxcala.es/pp.asp?reference=8477&#38;lg=fr">French</a>, Talaxcala Translation.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">Independently of the recently published article of the <a href="http://www.aftonbladet.se/kultur/article5652583.ab">Swedish</a> journalist Donald Boström about the Israelis murdering Palestinians in order to harvesting of organs for sale, and independently of the hysteric screeching and <a title="&#34;Born to Kill&#34; is how israelis think of themselves." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/1320-2/born+to+kill_jpeg.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT"><img class="alignleft" style="margin:2px;" title="born to kill.jpeg" src="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/1321-5/born+to+kill_jpeg.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT" alt="born to kill.jpeg" width="150" height="109" /></a>denials by the Israelis, I want to present my readers what I witnessed, saw, observed and heard during my 22 years of<a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/MyHome/"> journalistic </a>work under the <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2003/04/25/sexual-harassment-by-the-idf">Israeli military</a> occupation in the West Bank and Gaza. My personal <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2003/04/24/im-from-the-russian-mafia">experience</a> confirms what Mr. Boström wrote: while I do not know the particular case which he describes, it is typical for what the Israelis do in Palestine all the time, what is &#8220;normal&#8221; since the early seventies.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">The Israeli military occupation started<strong> in the early 1970s</strong> to capture and keep the bodies of the Palestinians who they murdered. Since the early seventies, thousands of Palestinians have been buried in <a title="Badly mangled body with suture in israeli morgue (Body Picture Credit: Jerusalem is Palestine)" rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/suture02a.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3090" title="suture02a" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/suture02a-150x109.jpg" alt="suture02a" width="150" height="109" /></a>secret and number graves of the Israeli military. <strong>Since the early seventies, thousands of Palestinian victims of the occupation were “autopsied”</strong>, and many of their bodies kept in military numbered graves. Most members of the resistance who were killed were taken for “autopsy”, and <strong>also those who were wounded were abducted from the hospital by the Israelis</strong>. This practice became somewhat less widespread only when the PA came to power, meaning that people murdered in areas controlled by the PA were not “autopsied” any more, but this would still happen to people murdered or wounded in areas controlled by the Israelis.<br />
<!--more-->The Israeli military leadership, the Central Command and the so-called “defense” Ministry cannot hide these well- and widely known facts: the Israeli military murders people all the time, and most if not all of the murdered are taken for “autopsy”, many of them are buried in Israeli military cemeteries in numbered and secret graves. These facts cannot be hidden by the fancy statements issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel, by the deranged terrorist and war criminal Ehud Barak and the corrupt extremist Benjamin Netanyahu.
</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">In many cases, the so-called “<a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/CivilAdmin/">civil administration</a>”, military commanders and <a title="A vehicle collonade of the so-called &#34;Civil&#34; administration, near Hebron." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/4638-2/Didj05.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT"><img class="alignleft" style="margin:2px;" title="Didj05.jpg" src="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/4639-5/Didj05.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT" alt="Didj05.jpg" width="150" height="100" /></a>officers were returning to their families the bodies of Palestinians who they had murdered after the middle of the night, and after a few days “detention” of the bodies. The military officers would call the families of the victim after the middle of the night (usually at 1-3 in the morning), demanding that a few relatives, “not more than 10”, wait on the street for burying the body. <strong> </strong></p>
<p style="text-align:left;"><strong>The first condition of the military “civil” administration was that the burial should take place immediately after receiving the body, in the dark of the night, for “security reasons”, the second condition of the Israelis was that women should not participate in the secret funeral, also for “security reasons”</strong> <strong>(actually they wanted to avoid that the screams of grieving mothers, sisters, daughters of the victim would be heard, so alerting the neighbourhood to the crime). The Israeli officers always used “security reasons” to justify and cover up their criminal activities!</strong></p>
<p style="text-align:left;">On each such occasion returning the body of one of their murdered victims, the <strong><a title="How an IDF soldier sees himself: &#34;Fuck the World&#34;." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/33082-2/Dibg03_01_001.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT"><img class="alignleft" style="margin:2px;" title="Dibg03_01" src="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/33083-3/Dibg03_01_001.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT" alt="Dibg03_01" width="100" height="150" /></a></strong>“civil” military administration officers would follow the funeral procession, driving their armored grey cars and waiting until the end of the burial. A number of other military vehicles filled with soldiers would surround the funeral, watching the burial of their victims, always ready to shoot the small number of participants in the funeral. Of course, the officers would always insistently make it clear to the family that they were doing them a great favor in returning the body of their beloved one and allowing them to bury it.<br />
<strong><br />
Empty Bodies, Stuffed With Cotton</strong>
</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">What is the reason to bury somebody in middle of the night, with a company of IDF soldiers and the Israeli military “civil” administration officers surrounding the procession? If the burial is normal, and the organs of the victims were not stolen, then why should they be buried in the dark of the night? The families of the victims all knew that they were receiving empty bodies, filled with cotton, to be buried in the middle of the night.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align:left;"><strong>One fact for Ehud Barak: near the end of the first Intifada, after the start of the so-called Oslo peace negotiations, </strong><strong>the brother-in-law of one of my paternal uncles was murdered by the Israelis at the Qalandia checkpoint, he was returned to his family stuffed with cotton some days after the incident. My uncles relative,</strong> <strong>Monzer Naji Rashid Abdullah, was a small transportation entrepreneur; he was not involved in political activities of any kind. He was murdered on 14 April 1991, two days before Eid Al-Adha, a festivity comparable to Christmas. As a result of his to date unpunished murder by Israelis manning the checkpoint, his wife and children were reduced to dependency on charities.</strong></p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align:left;">The deranged war criminal <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2009/01/26/names-and-photos-of-israeli-war-criminals-in-gaza">Ehud Barak</a> and his corrupt “state” should better <a title="The crazy war criminal Ehud Barak. (Pic Credit: Fox News)" rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/ehud-barak.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3080" title="ehud-barak" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/ehud-barak-107x150.jpg" alt="ehud-barak" width="107" height="150" /></a>stop denying what the Swedish writer Donald Boström published in Aftonbladet. <strong>I personally was witness of the Israeli soldiers and military vehicles kidnapping the bodies of dead Palestinians from the emergency rooms of hospitals, in some other cases I saw the soldiers following the Palestinians to the cemetery, to steal the body from the family before the burial. This vile practice became so widespread that many people started carrying the bodies of the murdered to be buried at home, in the garden, under the house or under trees, instead of waiting for the ambulance to take them to the hospital. </strong></p>
<p style="text-align:left;">The Israelis always murder or gravely injure some people at demonstrations, and first the Israeli soldiers themselves would take the bodies, then they would <a title="Numbered graves in one of the secret cemeteries in israel (Pic Credit: Arabs48)" rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/numbered_graves.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3089" title="numbered_graves" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/numbered_graves-150x116.jpg" alt="numbered_graves" width="150" height="116" /></a>besiege the hospitals where the bodies were taken by Palestinian ambulances – finally people present at demonstrations started taking the murdered and injured directly to their families. Everybody in Palestine knows that the Israeli soldiers besiege the hospitals in order to kidnap the bodies. <strong>The most disgusting thing I witnessed was when the criminal soldiers of Barak and Netanyahu were following Palestinian funeral processions to the cemetery to kidnap the bodies. </strong></p>
<p style="text-align:left;">The issue of stealing the Palestinian organs is known to everybody in Palestine. I reported several times about this crime. In many cases my reports were rejected by the criminal military censorship of the occupation, these reports are until this moment stored at the military censorship office in “Bet Agron” in occupied Jerusalem.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">I know that the criminal “state of Israel” was harvesting the organs of Palestinians who were kidnapped by the Israeli military from the emergency <a title="The picture used in the swedish report (Pic Credit: Palestine is Jerusalem)" rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/suture01a.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3091" title="suture01a" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/suture01a-150x109.jpg" alt="suture01a" width="150" height="109" /></a>rooms of the Palestinian hospitals in Hebron, Nablus, Ramallah, Jenin, and everywhere in the West Bank and Gaza, and transferred to the Israeli hospital (or rather, butchery) of Abu Kabir in Tel Aviv. The families of the victims know the criminal israeli officers of the so-called “civil administration” who were covering this crime. Everybody knew Captain Eyal, Col. Fuad Hahul, Col. Amnon Cohen (now head of the “infrastructure department” of the “civil&#8221; administration  in occupied Palestine), Rafi Geoli, “Alex”, and many other officers whose name I don’t know, but who were always present.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">Everybody knew the higher commanders, above them<strong> </strong>brigadier general <strong><a title="Gadi Zohar, former head of the civil administration, possibly complicit in organ harvesting." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/Gadi.Zohar.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3081" style="margin:2px;" title="Gadi.Zohar" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/Gadi.Zohar-107x150.jpg" alt="Gadi.Zohar" width="107" height="150" /></a></strong>(res.) Gadi Zohar, (former head of the civil administration, and IDF intelligence officer for 30 years), brigadier general (res.) David Shafi (former head of the civil administration), Maj. Gen. <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2007/06/04/the-israeli-general-whom-i-met-in-hebron">Gadi Shamni</a> (former IDF brigade in Hebron and the current head of the central command), Col. Baruch <strong>Goldstein</strong> (formerly with the IDF “civil” administration in Hebron and currently with the municipality of Jerusalem), Lt.Col. <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/terrorists/baruch-nagar">Baruch Nagar</a> (former head of the civil administration and the current head of the water administration for the West Bank and Gaza), Col. <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Military/YgalSharon/">Yigal Sharon</a>, (former brigade of Hebron and the current, Coffee Salesman), Brigadier General (res.) <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Military/Sedaka/">Dov Sedaka</a>, (former head of the civil administration and the current head of the zionist Chairman of the steering committee), Maj.Gen. Matan Vilnai, Brigadier General<strong><a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Military/NoamTivon/"> </a></strong><a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Military/NoamTivon/">Noam Tivon</a>, Col.<strong> </strong><a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Military/Yehuda+Fuchs/">Yehuda Fuchs</a> ,<br />
Lt. Col. <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2008/09/03/a-war-criminal-from-gaza-to-hebron">Udi ben Muha,</a> the military commander of Hebron, and others. And everybody knew that these people were involved in the harvesting of organs of their victims.
</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">Captain Eyal, Col.<strong> </strong><a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2009/01/29/israeli-war-criminals-in-jenin-lebanon">Fuad Halhal</a>, Col.<strong> </strong><a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Military/ACohen/">Amnon Cohen</a>, Rafi Geoli and <a title="IDF sniper waiting for hunting a child." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13184-1/sniper_kawther.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT"><img class="alignleft" style="margin:2px;" title="sniper_kawther" src="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13185-5/sniper_kawther.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT" alt="sniper_kawther" width="150" height="101" /></a>many of those mentioned above and many others were the ones calling the families of the murdered Palestinians, in the middle of the night to inform them about the bodies of their loved ones. These criminals were telling the Palestinian families that they “<em>had worked hard to make it possible to release the bodies of their relatives from the military headquarter”</em> – implying that it was a favor, and that the military commanders Shamni, Goldstein, Nagar, … had ordered that the bodies should be buried in the dark and that “not more than ten persons” were allowed to be present at the funeral.</p>
<blockquote><p><strong>Often the relatives of the murdered people were screaming and shouting, as they had received an empty body stuffed with cotton. These criminal officers and their soldiers forced them to shut up. </strong></p></blockquote>
<blockquote><p><strong>All this criminal activity is not only a clear violation of the human rights, a horrendous crime against humanity, but a disrespect of the sanctity of life which can only be explained with mental deficiencies of the perpetrators.</strong></p></blockquote>
<p style="text-align:left;">If Israel did not steal the <strong>ORGANS</strong> of the murdered Palestinians, and if Israel did not want to cover up their inhuman crimes, and if Israel respects the Geneva conventions and other humanitarian  laws, in peace and in war, then Israel would not kidnap and transfer to the Abu Kabir “hospital” in Tel Aviv hundreds, perhaps thousands of Palestinians bodies of people who were murdered during <strong>PEACE </strong>demonstrations in the cities of the West Bank.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">If it is not true that Israelis are harvesting the organs of murdered Palestinians, then why were they transferring the bodies of their victims to be butchered at Abu Kabir? The reasons of the death were known. The victims all received bullets in the head, or in the chest by Israeli snipers.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">After all the whining and screeching of the Israelis after the Swedish newspaper article, the fact stands that hundreds, perhaps thousands of bodies and even people known to have been alive were transferred to the Abu Kabir autopsy center and returned to their families stuffed with cotton. Hundreds of victims who were buried in the dark by their families, and hundreds or thousands more bodies which Israel keeps in their numbered graves.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">During the first Intifada and during the so called peace time <strong>I personally <a title="Hebron under the command of Noam Tivon." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13816-1/Occupation.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT"><img class="alignleft" style="margin:2px;" title="Occupation" src="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13817-4/Occupation.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT" alt="Occupation" width="120" height="150" /></a>witnessed how the Israeli military were kidnapping Palestinian bodies and gravely injured people from the emergency room of Princess Alia hospital in Hebron. Some years later I also witnessed how the Israeli army kidnapped the bodies of the Palestinian dead from the then new Al-Ahli hospital: </strong>All the area would be declared military zone, the hospital surrounded and invaded by troops, nobody was allowed to move inside the building. All these kidnapped bodies of Palestinians, and also people known to have been living, were killed before taken to Abu Kabir for “autopsy”.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;"><strong>Taking in consideration these facts, everything I know, and until Israel comes clean on who are the members of the organ harvesting mafia, the only conclusion is that:</strong></p>
<ul>
<li><strong>All the <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Military/">Israeli officers</a> and civil personnel of the so-called civil administration who served in the West Bank since the early seventies were involved at least covering up the harvesting of organs from Palestinians, at the very least conniving, but  probably taking part in the racket for money.</strong></li>
<li><strong> All the Israeli doctors and other personnel who worked in Abu Kabir since the early seventies were involved in harvesting and selling organs from Palestinians.</strong></li>
<li><strong>All the <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Mad+by+IDF/">IDF snipers</a> and other <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/SoldierActivities/">soldiers</a> who <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2007/07/23/no-need-for-an-idf-press-release">shot Palestinian</a> (and foreigners) at peace demonstrations are and were involved with the mafia which harvests and sells the organs of murdered Palestinians, at least some of the involved in the crimes are given money.</strong></li>
<li><strong>The IDF central command and most if not all officers in the chain of command until the field fully know what is going on, and they connive with the harvesting of organs from Palestinians they murder, they offer planning and logistics for the commission of the crimes, and make the families of the victims shut up. All the Israeli State and the whole Israeli Nation who accept the continued  military occupation are involved in crimes against humanity.</strong></li>
<li><strong>Most if not all the Israeli medical establishment knows what is going on, and they keep silence because they either get money, or they are rewarded in other ways for conniving in these crimes. This is confirmed because of repeated complaints of doctors from other countries because Israel is one of the few jurisdictions which does not forbid commerce with human organs and body parts.</strong></li>
<li><strong>The Israeli health ministry is fully informed of what goes on. This would be corroborated by reports that organ traffickers captured in <a href="http://www.fourwinds10.com/siterun_data/government/fraud/israel/news.php?q=1248891363">Brazil and South</a> Africa in 2003  stated as much as that they had been given “business contacts” by “people from the Israeli government”, and that the Israeli government financed organ transplants.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p style="text-align:left;">I think that the Israeli government and all those suspected of being involved have some hard questions to answer, rather than complaining about a well written report in a Swedish newspaper which speaks about only one case among thousands:</p>
<ul style="text-align:left;">
<li>Where are the bodies of the two brothers <strong>Imad</strong> and <strong>Adel Awad Allah</strong> from Al-Bireh in the district of Ramallah, who were murdered on 10 September 1998 on the farm of Akram Maswadeh near Hebron?</li>
<li>Where are the bodies of <strong>Hani Ahmad Kharboush</strong> and <strong>Adel Mohammad Hadaideh</strong> who were murdered on 6 June 2003 in “Ateel”, a town north of Tulkarem in the West Bank?</li>
<li>Where is the body of <strong>Sarhan Borhan</strong> who was murdered on 4 October 2003 in the Tulkarem refugee camp?</li>
<li>Where is the body of <strong>Hasan Isa Abbas</strong> who was murdered on 9 October 1994, in Jerusalem?</li>
<li>Where is the body of <strong>Hisham Hamad</strong> who was murdered in Gaza on 11 November 1993?</li>
<li>Where is the body of <strong>Salah Jad Allah Salem</strong> who was murdered on 14 October 1994?</li>
<li>Where are the bodies of the <strong>two Japanese citizens</strong> who were murdered in 1972?</li>
<li>Can Israel prove that the organs of these people, and those of the hundreds, perhaps thousands of Palestinians which are buried in numbered graves of the Israeli military, were not stolen?</li>
<li>Why does Israel bury the victims of their occupation in secret, numbered graves, if their organs were not stolen?</li>
</ul>
<p style="text-align:left;">I know the answer of the <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Maslakh/?g2_GALLERYSID=46835887d253643a222021b1add91057">criminal sophists</a> of Israel in advance: they will say <a title="IDF Terror duties." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13175-1/practicing+the+killing+duties.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT"><img class="alignleft" style="margin:2px;" title="practicing the killing duties" src="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13176-4/practicing+the+killing+duties.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT" alt="practicing the killing duties" width="102" height="150" /></a>that all these people buried their numbered graves were “terrorists or unknown”. But I say that these are <strong>LIES</strong> and the usual propaganda which Israel uses to cover their crimes. <strong>Many people who were buried in these graves were not “terrorists” but legitimate resistance, many of them were peace demonstrators, and none of them were unknown</strong>. The only thing unknown or silenced until now is that the israelis are murderers, thieves of organs, a criminal occupational state which commits to all kind of crimes against humanity for fun and profit.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align:left;"><strong>Dr. Yehuda Hiss </strong><strong>Butchered</strong> <strong>Three Teenagers From Gaza</strong></p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align:left;">Another issue about which the Israelis have some explaining to do is the story of three teenagers from Gaza. On the evening of Sunday 30 December 2001 the Israeli military occupation fired several artillery shells towards these three north of Beit Lahiya in Gaza. They were <strong>Ahmed Mohammed Banat</strong>, 15 years, <strong>Mohammed Abd El-Rahman Al- Madhoun</strong>, 16 years and <strong>Mohamed Ahmed Lebed</strong>, 17 years.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;"><strong>After murdering them with flechette shells, a military vehicle drove <a title="Left and in the background is israels chief butcher of Palestinians in Abu Kabir, Dr. Yehuda Hiss." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/Yehuda_Hiss.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3087" title="Yehuda_Hiss" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/Yehuda_Hiss-108x150.jpg" alt="Yehuda_Hiss" width="108" height="150" /></a>over one of them, and their bodies were delivered to Abu Kabir in Tel Aviv, for “autopsy”, without the consent of their families, and without the issuance of a warrant to conduct an autopsy according to the law. The chief pathologist at Abu Kabir (the so-called “Israeli forensic institute”) Dr. Yehuda Hiss, said that they received the children without knowing their names, they had all been found killed by nails which the tank shell contained (flechettes). </strong></p>
<p style="text-align:left;">Hiss broke the law Israeli when he accepted the bodies of the children without knowing who are were and without the knowledge of their families, but that is of no concern. The bodies the three were given to the PA stuffed with cotton several days after their murder.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">The director of the <a href="http://www.anhri.net/en/">Jerusalem Center for Democracy and Human Rights</a>, <strong>Salim Khalleh</strong>, stated that their organization has been able to document 270 cases of Palestinian bodies “reserved” in hands of the Israeli occupation, which are buried in numbered graves in secret military cemeteries, or in numbered compartments of cooling facilities. Among these cases, 24 are of Palestinian citizens of the city of Tulkarem. On 8 April 2009 the families of these persons whose bodies are still in the power of the israelis held a demonstration in Tulkarem. The demonstrators presented a petition to the director of Red Cross, in which they demanded that the international organizations make pressure on Israel to release the bodies of their sons.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;"><a title="Mashhour Aruri - murdered on 18 May 1976 (Pic Credit: Al Jazeera)" rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/Mashur_Arori.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3088" title="Mashur_Arori" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/Mashur_Arori-132x150.jpg" alt="Mashur_Arori" width="132" height="150" /></a>What follows are some of the names of Palestinians published by the <em>Jerusalem Center for Democracy and Human Rights</em> and whose bodies still in the hands of Israel, among other hundreds. The question is, where are these bodies? Are they in the refrigerated facilities, or were they buried in numbered graves after their organs were harvested? Why are they not returned to their families if not because Israeli crimes must be covered up?</p>
<ul style="text-align:left;">
<li><strong>Abdel-Fattah Mohamed Badir</strong> &#8211; murdered near Jericho on 15-7-1975.</li>
<li><strong>Murad Mohammed Abu Assal</strong> &#8211; murdered on 30-1-2002.</li>
<li><strong>Sarhan Burhan Sarhan</strong> &#8211; murdered during the invasion of the Tulkarem refugee camp on 4-10-2003.</li>
<li><strong>Saif Allah Bashir Badran</strong> &#8211; murdered near the illegal Mawr colony on 1-1-2003.</li>
<li><strong>Adel Mohamed Hadaydeh</strong> &#8211; murdered in “Atteel”, a town north of Tulkarem on 16-6 -2003.</li>
<li><strong>Tarek Samir Sfaqeh</strong> &#8211; murdered in the illegal Hermesh colony on 30-10-2002 .</li>
<li><strong>Faiz Mohammed Awad</strong> &#8211; murdered in Lebanon on 17-8-1967.</li>
<li><strong>Ramzi Fakhri Ardah</strong> &#8211; murdered on 3-4 &#8211; 2004 in the illegal Avnei Hefetz colony.</li>
<li><strong>Khalid Ahmed Abul-Ezz</strong> &#8211; murdered on 30-10-2002 in Zeita near the Apartheid wall.</li>
<li><strong>Khaled Subhi Sandjak</strong> &#8211; murdered in the illegal colony of Sha’ar Ephraim.</li>
<li><strong>Muaiad Mahmoud Salah Al-Din</strong> &#8211; blew himself up on 8-11-2001.</li>
<li><strong>Abed El-Basset Mohamed Odeh</strong> &#8211; blew himself up on 27-3-2002.</li>
<li><strong>Ahmed Sami Gawi </strong>- murdered in Netanya on 12-7-2005.</li>
<li><strong>Mohammad Jamel Faraj</strong>.</li>
<li><strong>Ahmed Ibrahim Abed Allah</strong> &#8211; murdered in Jerusalem June 1967.</li>
<li><strong>Iyad Naeem Radad</strong> &#8211; murdered on 15-7-1979 in Al-Zawieh near Salfit.</li>
<li><strong>Rami Mohammed Idris</strong> &#8211; murdered in Netanya on 31-3-2002.</li>
<li><strong>Mahmoud Ahmed Marmash</strong> &#8211; blew himself up on 18-5-2001.</li>
<li><strong>Mufed Mohammad Asrawi</strong> &#8211; murdered at Baqa Al-Garbiah on 21-2-2002.</li>
<li><strong>Muhammad Ali Abu Zeneh</strong> &#8211; murdered in the Jordan Valley on 12-5-1969.</li>
<li><strong>Lutfi Amin Abu Saada</strong> &#8211; blew himself up in Netanya on 25-12-2006.</li>
<li><strong>Omani Ahmad Kryosh</strong> &#8211; murdered in “Atteel” town near Tulkarem on 5-6-2003.</li>
<li><strong>Mashhour Aruri </strong>- murdered on 18 May 1976 together with <strong>other three persons</strong> from Lebanon.</li>
<li>The bodies of <strong>88 Palestinian</strong> from Gaza who are known to be in the hand of Israel (no names given).</li>
<li><strong>Abed Allah Kallab</strong> and his friends <strong>Mohamed Abed El-Qader Abu Al-Zulof </strong>and <strong>Mohamed Hanafi</strong> &#8211; all from the Rafah refugee camp, disappeared on 7 March 1988.</li>
<li><strong>Fadi Ahmed Al-Amoudi</strong> age 22 years from Beit Hanoun &#8211; murdered on 17 April 2004 at the Erez military checkpoint</li>
</ul>
<p style="text-align:left;"><a href="www.palestinebehindbars.org"><strong>Abed Al-Naser Ferwana</strong></a>, Director of the Department of Statistics, at the <a title="Abed Al-Naser Ferwana, Director of the Department of Statistics, at the Ministry of Prisoners in the Palestinian National Authority." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/abedalnasser2.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-thumbnail wp-image-3113" style="margin:2px;" title="abedalnasser2" src="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/wp-content/uploads/abedalnasser2-110x150.jpg" alt="abedalnasser2" width="110" height="150" /></a>Ministry of Prisoners in the Palestinian National Authority, a former prisoner and researcher about Palestinian prisoners of Israel, a competent speaker for prisoners affairs, said that the number of Palestinian prisoners who were murdered after their arrest and detention in the Israeli jails sharply increased during the Al-Aqsa Intifada. They are in sum the double of the number of people who the Israelis murdered in a quarter of century since they occupied the West Bank and Gaza. The bodies of these murdered prisoners are also kept in the secret Israeli cemeteries, in a few cases the dead are released two weeks after the Israelis murder them. This is a new proof that the Israelis harvest their organs according to Ferawneh.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;"><a title="Sabri Alrojoub, a Palestinian child who was murdered near the Ibrahimi mosque in Hebron." rel="Lightbox[organs]" href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13181-1/Sabri+Alrojoub.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT"><img class="alignleft" style="margin:2px;" title="Sabri Alrojoub" src="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/d/13182-4/Sabri+Alrojoub.jpg?g2_GALLERYSID=TMP_SESSION_ID_DI_NOISSES_PMT" alt="Sabri Alrojoub" width="89" height="150" /></a>The deranged criminal <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/children/">Ehud Barak</a>, the people from the <a href="http://www.kawther.info/wpr/2007/07/31/the-murder-of-ahmad-by-the-idf-in-hebron">Israeli Central Command</a>, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the others involved in these subhuman crimes should stop threatening Swedish journalist Donald Boström with criminal complaints, as they are the first persons who should be investigated not only for these monstrosities, but also for war crimes, <a href="http://www.kawther.info/K20040720A.html">crimes</a> against humanity, and <a href="http://www.kawther.info/K20040705A.html">genocide</a>. The time of silencing journalists and curtailing freedom of speech is over.</p>
<p style="text-align:left;">The public opinion of the world is loath the <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Settlers/">criminality of Israel</a> and the repetitive and stupid screeching of “anti-semitism” whenever one of their <a href="http://www.kawther.info/K20040808A.html">crimes</a> is uncovered. Constant and inappropriate invocation of the holocaust is boring to the point where nobody cares anymore, and it does not help anymore to cover up their <a href="http://www.kawther.info/K20040616A.html">crimes</a>. The criminal sophists of Israel would better clarify were all these bodies are buried, and were their organs are.</p>
<p><strong>If  the Israelis go forward and cause troubles for Donald Boström in court, I will volunteer to testify in his favor about these disgusting <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/EthnicCleansingbyYehudaFuchs/">crimes</a> of the <a href="http://www.kawther.info/ga2/v/Life/">Israelis</a>, and I appeal to all Palestinians who have such a case in their family, to also offer to testify in favor of Mr. Boström should this become necessary.</strong></p>
<p><span style="text-decoration:underline;"><strong>Addition:</strong></span></p>
<p>Many Palestinian bodies which had their organs removed are still in the refrigerators of the Israeli jails, hospitals, and in secret cemeteries, and the UN, the Red Cross, and other human rights organizations must use their power to investigate this issue and have a look at these bodies stored in different places in Israel.</p>
<blockquote><p><strong>I would ask Israel to invite a team composed of international doctors and journalists, to see </strong><strong>all </strong><strong>these bodies so that they can see whether these accusations against the innocent State of Israel are unjustified, or if the State of Israel actually continues violating the international humanitarian laws and customs and is keeping these bodies from the families of the victims in order to hide these crimes. </strong></p></blockquote>
<p>I challenge if the Israeli government would accept to open their refrigerators and other storage places were they still have many empty bodies of Palestinians before any teams of  journalists and human rights organizations.</p>
<p><strong>Read more comment in Palestine <a href="http://palestinethinktank.com/2009/08/24/kawther-salam-the-body-snatchers-of-israel/">Think Tank</a><br />
</strong></p>
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