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Classificadas as 32 seleções para a Copa do Mundo de 2010, agora é possível fazer um levantamento dos fornecedores de material esportivo para o torneio.

A adidas patrocina 12 seleções: África do Sul, Japão, Nigéria, México, Argentina, Paraguai, Dinamarca, França, Alemanha, Grécia, Eslováquia e Espanha. São 6 a mais que em 2006.

A Nike patrocina 9 seleções: Austrália, Coreia do Sul, Estados Unidos, Brasil, Nova Zelândia, Holanda, Portugal, Sérvia e Eslovênia. Uma seleção a mais que em 2006.

A Puma patrocina Camarões, Costa do Marfim, Gana, Uruguai, Itália e Suíça. São 6, em 2006 eram 12.

As outras marcas são:
Joma (Honduras)
Umbro (Inglaterra)
LeCoq Sportif (Argélia)
Brooks (Chile)
Erke (Coreia do Norte)

Puma e adidas já fizeram o lançamento de grande parte de suas camisas para a Copa, inclusive já postei as imagens destas aqui no blog. As camisas da Puma, como sempre, apostando no mesmo template para todas as seleções, variando apenas cores e estampas personalizadas. Apesar de tudo, os resultados foram bons, principalmente nas camisas away. Mas é bom esperar pelo lançamento da camisa da Itália, que geralmente é algo diferente das demais. As camisas da adidas também apostam em peculiaridades de cada seleção em suas camisas, gerando bons resultados. Porém, em camisas como a Espanha e Grécia o excesso de simplicidade acaba sendo um erro.

A Nike, que em 2006 apostou em uma política de individualizar o uniforme de cada seleção, tanto nas fontes utilizadas como em outros detalhes, ainda não lançou oficialmente nenhuma das camisas para o ano que vem, mas essa tendência provavelmente permanecerá. A camisa do Brasil, inclusive, tem previsão para lançamento em fevereiro de 2010, durante o Carnaval de Salvador.

A Umbro/Inglaterra não deve lançar nada novo para a Copa. Quanto às outras seleções existe a possibilidade de mudarem de fornecedor para o mundial, uma vez que são marcas menores que não têm poder de competitividade com as “gigantes” do mercado. Honduras talvez permaneça com a Joma, marca que na Copa de 2006 forneceu material para a Costa Rica. A Argélia, caso não continue com LeCoq Sportif, pode ser “capturada” pela Puma, que tem forte presença e identificação no mercado africano, inclusive da África do Norte (patrocina Egito e Tunísia). Seria legal ver o Chile, que em sua última Copa (1998) tinha camisa da Reebok, com outra marca (talvez Umbro ou mesmo Nike, que só patrocina o Brasil na América do Sul). Agora, a Coreia do Norte é uma incógnita. Será que o governo comunista do país permitirá à sua seleção uma camisa de alguma das grandes multinacionais ou continuará com a pequena chinesa Erke? É esperar pra ver.

Tal como lo habíamos predicho, se iba a esperar que se definieran las opciones de Cristal para que se enfrentara en serio la labor de planificación del plantel. Entonces ya en los últimos días hay informaciones más concretas respecto a lo que se verá en los próximos años.

Plantel 2009 de Sporting Cristal. ¿Cuánto cambiará?

Entonces, como a todos nos interesan estos vaivenes … vamos a condensar lo que se sabe hasta el momento.

Los extranjeros.

La regla actual es de tres extranjeros en cancha. No creo que cambie mucho para el próximo año. Entonces hay que hacer ingeniería con esto. Actualmente tenemos dos uruguayos y un colombiano. Todo indica que los uruguayos ya no seguirían y en su lugar vendrían dos uruguayos más.

¿Miguel Ximénez?

Es casi un hecho. Por ahí tengo la idea de que el Chino se fue por que el año pasado andábamos por acá con eso de la desafiliación y esa figura a Ximénez no le convenció. Por eso se habría ido a Paraguay cuando todo estaba casi listo para que renueve. Sin embargo en Libertad no tuvo tan buen año como en Cristal y además que en muchos aspectos (casi todo menos el fútbol, podríamos decir) Paraguay no es el Perú y Cristal – a pesar de sus problemas – es un club serio y de otro manejo.

A no ser que suceda una debacle, Ximénez volverá a vestir la 18 cervecera.

¿Héctor Hurtado?

Ya antes habían dicho que en Ate pensaban en el Vagón. Luego salió una noticia chiquita de que Alianza también lo quiere. Lo cierto es que el Vagón estaría en el plan de renovación del club.

Sin embargo … hace ya algunas fechas que el Vagón no es el mismo, desde antes de su lesión al brazo. E incluso después su fastidio era más que evidente. Se le nota a disgusto, fastidiado, molesto. Es cierto que pueden ser muchas cosas lo que le cause eso e incluso que con el rendimiento actual del equipo las cosas no están como para hacerla de cascabel pero … el Vagón antes tenía otro semblante.

No me sorprendería entonces que no se esté sintiendo muy cómodo en Cristal (por ahí algo se habló de diferencias entre referentes peruanos – incluso de carácter edilicio – y algunos extranjeros, ¿estará el Vagón fastidiado por eso?) y que no termine renovando.

¿Mario Leguizamón?

Era engreido del Chino Rivera. La noticia se filtró – despacito – y nadie ha dicho nada al respecto. Típico manejo cervecero de las contrataciones.  Es cuestión de esperar y, por si llega el caso, evitar que se moleste y nos envíe a todos a nuestras casas a cocinar.

¿Junior Aliberti y Alejandro González?

Pié y medio fuera de Cristal. Aparentemente ellos querían quedarse pero las condiciones no han sido muy propicias que digamos.

Ahora, si tenemos en cuenta los rumores sobre Cobelli del Gálvez y que posiblemente se esté buscando un central o un lateral … entonces la partida del Vagón tal vez no sea tan mal vista. Pero, claro, acá ya estoy conjeturando.

Las renovaciones.

Ayer Osterling adelantó que se está buscando renovar al 70% del equipo de este año. Yo creo que hay que hacer una salvedad. Una fracción de ese 70% son jugadores que todavía tienen contrato vigente con Cristal. Eso no implicaría que se van a quedar a jugar en Cristal ya que es posible que alguno sea prestado. Entre los que aún tienen contrato estarían los arqueros José Carvallo y Manuel Heredia, Yosimar Yotún, Damián Ísmodes y Amilton Prado.

Las renovaciones que serían previsibles están la de Roberto Palacios (que incluso ya había anunciado como realizada), Edwin Pérez, Flavio Maestri y Carlos Lobatón (aunque con este último habría que luchar la oferta de la Universidad San Martín).

Los que si no seguirían más (bien por que se van o bien por que serían prestados) serían Jesús Aliaga, Jeickson Reyes, Víctor Anchante, Wenceslao Fernández,  Jean Pierre Cáncar, Diego Chávarri, Juan Quiñonez y Roberto Jiménez.

Entonces, como se ve … tampoco es que sea el 70% del equipo el que se va a quedar. Aunque si se van a quedar la gran mayoría de los que juegan constantemente.

Los jales.

Acá es donde hay más rumores e idas y vueltas. Así que vamos a dar los principales nombres que se han ventilado: Sergio Reyna, John Galliquio, John Hinostroza y Willy Rivas.

Se habló de la vuelta de Rainer Torres pero ya la misma dirigencia lo negó. Además que prefieren luchar por Hinostroza. Lo de Hinostroza aún no se concretiza, parece que el jugador aún quiere ver si llega a Libertadores con su equipo.

¿Erick? Pues lamentablemente acaba de ser tachado por la dirigencia (Osterling). Dicen que ya tenemos dos arqueros “buenos” y que Erick no está en la lista de Rivera.

¿Algo más?

Si. El próximo año regresaría aquella indumentaria que vestimos la década pasada y que nos acompañó en nuestros mayores logros. Es también una buena noticia ya que sus diseños suelen ser mejores que los de Joma.

¡Qué equipo! ¡Que recuerdos! Si hasta dan ganas de llorar.

]]> http://sigawla.wordpress.com/2009/11/12/message-of-solidarity-to-bayan-on-its-eighth-national-congress/ Fri, 13 Nov 2009 06:11:39 +0000 sigawla http://sigawla.wordpress.com/2009/11/12/message-of-solidarity-to-bayan-on-its-eighth-national-congress/

MESSAGE OF SOLIDARITY TO BAYAN ON ITS EIGHTH NATIONAL CONGRESS

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chairperson
International League of Peoples’ Struggle
October 23, 2009

We of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS) welcome wholeheartedly the holding of the Eighth National Congress of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN). On this special occasion, we express our solidarity with the leadership and member-organizations of BAYAN and all the national sectoral and chapter
delegates, including those from BAYAN-USA and BAYAN-CANADA and the BAYAN desks in Japan and Hong Kong.

We are proud of BAYAN as the strongest formation in the Philippine chapter of the ILPS. We salute BAYAN for being the most comprehensive and largest alliance of class, sectoral and issue-based forces that pursue the general line of struggle for genuine national independence and democracy against imperialism and local reaction.

It includes the toiling masses of workers and peasants and the middle social strata, the women, the youth and various types of professionals and the advocates of human rights, social reforms, just peace, healthy environment and other causes. It has a comprehensive range of capabilities. It can rally the people to confront the most powerful adversaries, to surmount the social disasters as well as the natural
disasters that these aggravate and to fight and work for a new and better Philippines.

We congratulate you for all your victories in building your strength and in serving the people. We join you in anticipating that the congress will succeed in assessing and evaluating the five-year work of BAYAN from 2004 to 2009 and will be able to set forth the political and organizational tasks of rebuilding and strengthening the regional and provincial formations, which have borne the main brunt of fascist
attacks.

We share with you the hope that the congress will pave the way for a meaningful and bountiful celebration of the 25th anniversary of the founding of BAYAN as the main alliance of patriotic and progressive forces and as a powerful center of the national democratic movement in the Philippines.

We live today under the harsh conditions of the worst crisis of the world capitalist system and the domestic ruling system since the end of World War II. The broad masses of the people are undergoing terrible suffering. At the same time, they are being driven to wage struggles against their oppressors and exploiters.

The crisis conditions are favorable for BAYAN to arouse, organize and mobilize the Filipino people to fight for their own national and democratic rights and interests against foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

We must seize every moment to expand and consolidate the organized forces for the national and social liberation of the people.

The global financial and economic crisis continues to worsen, contrary to the claims of recovery by the G-20. The imperialist states cling to the dogma of “free market” globalization and pour out public funds to bail out the big banks and the big firms in the military-industrial complex that in the first place made the crisis. Thus, the imperialists cannot solve the crisis but aggravate it and are generating new financial
bubbles.

The crisis relentlessly attacks the working people. The monopolies extract superprofits by further cutting down wage incomes and engaging in mass layoffs. Thus, mass consumption and the market continue to contract. The imperialist powers always try to pass the burden of crisis to the underdeveloped countries.
They use the crisis to further cheapen the exports of these countries, seize the natural resources, expand the market and field of investments for monopoly firms and impose a heavier debt burden on the people.

The imperialist powers headed by the US persist in their global war of terror against the people of the world. Together with puppet regimes, they use state terrorism to suppress the people and wage wars of aggression against countries assertive of their independence. They presume that they can overcome the crisis, their tendency to become protectionist and their struggle for a redivision of the world by escalating
the oppression and exploitation of the people of the world.

The oppressed peoples and nations are more determined than ever before to wage revolutionary struggles for national liberation and democracy and look forward to a socialist future. The working class in imperialist countries and elsewhere is pressed hard by the crisis to fight for immediate anti-imperialist and democratic goals and to perform its historic role of bringing about and building socialism.

Under the weight of the global financial and economic crisis, the crisis of the long-rotten semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system is accelerated and deepened. Philippine exports of raw materials and low value-added semi-manufactures have shrunk. Overseas contract workers are in less demand and remit less earnings to the country. Foreign credit has become scarce while the interest payments and
amortization of the accumulated debt are unbearable. Even as the economy is depressed, the Arroyo regime keeps on increasing the people’s tax burden and is using the tax revenues mainly for debt service, military expenditures and graft-ridden projects and programs.

Subservience to the US-dictated policy of “neoliberal globalization” has prevented national industrialization and land reform and has ruined agricultural production for domestic consumption. The export-oriented and import-dependent enterprises are either closing down or reducing production. The rate of unemployment has risen steeply. The income levels of the working people and middle class have gone down abruptly and yet the prices of basic commodities and services are soaring.

The broad masses of the people are in dire economic straits. Social unrest is widespread and rising in intensity. The revolutionary forces of the people are growing in strength and advancing. The socio-economic crisis is fueling the political crisis of the ruling system. The contradictions among the competing political factions of the ruling classes of big compradors and landlords are intensifying and becoming
more bitter and violent as the ruling clique strains to monopolize the spoils of power and as the opposition is quick to expose corruption and other wrongdoings.

The Arroyo regime has long unleashed state terrorism and perpetrated systematic and gross violations of human rights in a vain attempt to suppress the growing armed revolutionary movement and intimidate the broad range of legal opposition forces, including the reactionary ones and the progressive ones spearheaded by BAYAN. The regime has been emboldened to engage in the most despicable barbarities under Oplan Bantay Laya by the US-directed global war of terrorism and has allowed the permanent deployment of US military forces on Philippine territory under the Visiting Forces Agreement.

The campaigns of military and police suppression of the workers, peasants and national minorities and the abduction, torture and extra-judicial killing of social activists by the regime have served even more to incite the broad masses of the people to wage various forms of resistance and to isolate the regime internationally,
thanks to the help of human rights organizations, overseas Filipino communities and solidarity organizations. The plan of the regime to defeat or reduce the revolutionary movement to inconsequentiality has utterly failed, as proven by the growing tactical offensives of the people’s army nationwide.

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) has engaged in peace negotiations with the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) for many years. But the GRP has paralyzed these negotiations for more than 95 percent of the time by trying to put aside the negotiations on social, economic and political reforms and to maneuver the NDFP towards capitulation and pacification within the
framework of disarming and demobilizing the people’s army and preserving the semicolonial and semifeudal system of oppression and exploitation.

The Arroyo ruling clique has given up the scheme to amend the 1987 constitution in order to adopt a parliamentary system and keep itself in power. While the 2010 elections are in sight, there are fears of the opposition that the ruling clique will cause a breakdown of the automated system of the elections, declare a failure of elections and run a caretaker government.

It is more likely that the Arroyo ruling clique will favor its own slate of candidates under the banner of Lakas-KAMPI and will put side bets on one more presidential and on lower-position candidates who belong to other parties in a scheme to get their support for the nonprosecution and condonation of Arroyo, her family and cronies for their crimes of plunder and human rights violations. The ruling clique is worried that the candidates of its own party would lose and is preparing to engage in massive fraud in the elections.

Until now, the presidential candidates or political parties of the reactionary classes present themselves as rivals in a personality-based popularity contest. Those on the opposition side merely claim to be for good governance against the regime’s record of corruption, incompetence and repression. They have not put forward comprehensive political statements or political programs that present the basic political, socio-economic, cultural and ecological problems of the people and offer the basic reforms to be undertaken.

The patriotic and progressive forces of the people like BAYAN and its member- organizations can take the moral high ground and clarify what are the principles and policies that ought to be adopted and implemented in serving the people.

Makabayan as the people’s democratic coalition and the progressive party list groups are the forces that directly engage in the electoral struggle by fielding candidates, slating them and campaigning for them.

Even if not registered by the Comelec, Makabayan is an effective electoral alliance distinctive for having a clear program and a large active mass base. It is formidable in a political landscape in which there is a big but discredited ruling reactionary party and too many small reactionary opposition parties. It can play the highly significant role of selecting and endorsing the candidates that take up the national and democratic rights of the people and, at the same, encouraging and rallying the people to support and elect such candidates.

All the patriotic and progressive forces of the people must willfully and vigorously make the following demands in the course of the mass movement, including the electoral campaign: uphold national independence against the dominance and dictates of the imperialist powers headed by the US; realize democracy through the
empowerment of the working people and respect for human rights; develop the economy through national industrialization and land reform; promote a national, scientific and mass culture; protect the environment from imperialist plunder and destruction; and pursue an independent foreign policy for world peace and
development.

These demands must be elaborated and expressed in full against the concrete factors and conditions that are inimical to the rights and interests of the people. We must do away with the unequal treaties, agreements and arrangements in economic, political, military and cultural terms. We must end the system and processes that exclude and oppress the working people. We must put a stop to the plundering of our human and natural resources by the foreign monopolies, the big compradors and landlords. We must repudiate the ideas and patterns of behavior arising from imperialist and feudal culture. We must ban the imperialist and local reactionary ravagers of the environment. We must oppose the imperialist powers, their global plundering and aggressive wars.

BAYAN must do its best to take up the basic demands of the people and the burning issues of the day. Without any respite, it must arouse, organize and mobilize the broad masses of the people to fight for their national and democratic rights and interests. You and the people must overcome the violence and deception that the adversary unleashes to stop, derail or limit what you can accomplish towards a fundamental change of society. From the struggle itself, you and the people learn how to solve problems, hurdle the obstacles, gain strength and advance.

We of the ILPS wish your congress the utmost success. May it succeed in summing up your experience, identifying the strengths to enhance and the weaknesses and difficulties to overcome and setting forth the tasks that will bring you to a new and higher level of unity, all-round strength and militant service to the people. We look forward to further significant victories of BAYAN on time for its 25th founding
anniversary and in all the years to come.###

Every little boy or girl went through a stage when we dreamed and wanted of becoming a “somebody” someday. When I was young, I wanted to become either a nurse or an accountant. But none of them came true. No regrets, though.

Now, it’s my kids’ turn to declare what they wanted to be in the future. It happened last Saturday during their school’s Foundation Day Program. Wearing their costumes and fully geared, they walked their way to the stage and recited their speeches in front of the audience.

Wearing his camouflage pants and black shirt, Joma, my eldest child, expressed his dream of being a policeman, the same profession he declared in public two years ago.

On the other hand, E-mann, my second child, said he wanted to be a soldier.

I am just so proud of my kids they did not get shy or experienced stage fright, unlike their other classmates. The weeks and months of practicing them for their piece paid off.

Per un botó, de Carles Cano, premi Hospital Sant Joan de Déu de 2008, és una història de disbarat, esplèndidament traslladada al format d’àlbum (de fulles apaïsades i grans, aprox. A4) per en Joma.

L’anècdota és el no res que anticipa el títol (el que podria passar «per un botó»), però dut a l’extrem, des d’un cavall desbocat que destrossa per allà on passa fins a diverses declaracions de guerra entre països. El text és complex i satíric, amb al·lusions que requereixen bé lectors relativament grans, bé una gran capacitat narrativa de qui expliqui la història.

L’àlbum multiplica les possibilitats de joc amb una preparació pausada del relat que dóna pas a un festival de disposició gràfica del text, que ens farà llegir en totes les direccions (i fins de l’inrevés!) com si recorreguéssim el vol del botó i la carrera del cavall.

• Carles Cano i Joma, Per un botó. La Galera, Barcelona, 2008. 56 pp., 30 x 22 cm. ISBN 13: 978-84-246-3037-9.

Sevilla and kit makers, Joma, have released shots of the new Champions League kits the club will be wearing this season.

So having watched a reasonable amount of football including my team held at home to Doncaster…a new pinnacle i think not, i surmised that despite our shabby sounding new range of sponsors…{Evolution HDTV & Joma], perhaps we are not losing out at all compared to some of our competitors…

WBA (West Bromwich Albion) had the ‘opportunity’ to have England 2018 blazed across their chests as their only ’sponsor’ for this and even last season, while the likes of Cardiff and Leicester have chosen not to have a sponsor on their kit.  This is a worrying trend in English football – aside from the likes of Barcelona and Aston Villa who do not rely on this as their primary source of funding. Obviously neither Cardiff or WBA rely on this as a revenue source, however it traditionally has been…

This points to the undeniable growth of TV revenue as sole contributor to a TV club’s operations.  I am by no means a traditionalist or by any stretch of the imagination angry by this not-recent trend.  However it can surely only serve the purpose of allowing the TV company [ies?] greater influence of ‘our sport’…i will touch on this a bit later.  Obviously ‘in this current economic climate’, the incentive for companies to be drawn into long-term expensive contracts with seemingly immeasurable return has diminished.  The very nature of the companies involved with football sponsorship has also altered radically even within the past five years.  In the ‘04-05′ season, out of the 44 clubs in the top two tiers, one was an online betting company [888.com - Middlesbrough].  The outlook is radically different now; seven in the Premiership, two in the Championship]. Indeed it was this reason that Randy Lerner decided to opt for the Acorns charity rather than online company Bet32.com.

So onto that influence that TV/media conglomerates will soon exert over the whole of sport.  It has been known as the ‘golden triangle’ of sport; the Sports Event, TV/Media and Sponsor all relying on each other equally.  Obviously if the sponsor is removed and/or the media hold all the shots, there is a dichotomous relationship in which the media hold the best cards.  I am not young or naive enough [just] to imagine this is all a new phenomena or that this will happen, however it is undeniable the influence of cash in the game, and also irrefutable where the smaller clubs receive the majority of their cash.

A very doom and gloom article it may seem; perhaps just a hint of life outside of the Premiership that goes unnoticed.  As long as Man Utd and Arsenal are financially ok, alls well!  Outside of this story, it is always sad to see any sport tarnished/disrupted by outside influences and obviously this covers the England Badminton team withdrawing from the World Championships for a specific terrorist-related threat to the players.  Sorry news which will certainly overshadow but perversely give the spectacle much more coverage than it perhaps merits.

To try and finish on a light-hearted note…if you have access… check this out: [5:20 in]

http://news.bbc.co.uk/sport1/hi/football/eng_div_3/default.stm

The Crewe equaliser was accompanied by a shout of ‘Shotttt’ from the crowd…a good call and a good goal.

Um dos maiores dramas dos patrocinadores dos clubes de futebol são quando os jogadores, nas comemorações, levantam a camisa para mostrar alguma mensagem ou até para esconder o rosto e desabafar. Imagina: o clube investe uma grana para aparecer sua marca e na hora do gol, ela não aparece.

Mas existem soluções criativas. É o que acontece na Espanha. O Getafe, um clube que ronda a primeira e segunda divisão do futebol espanhol, ganhou o patrocínio do Burger King. A Joma, fornecedora do material esportivo, resolveu esse problema de uma forma inusitada, como se vê na foto abaixo.

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chairperson, International Coordinating Committee
International League of Peoples’ Struggle
08 July 2009

Before the dawn of June 28 in Honduras, some 200 heavily armed soldiers of the Honduran army stormed the residence of elected President Jose Manuel Zelaya, took him at gunpoint and drove him to an airplane that flew him to Costa Rica. A few hours later, the National Congress comprised of the country’s oligarchs quickly installed erstwhile Speaker of the House Don Roberto Micheletti Bain as “interim president” who read a bogus letter of resignation allegedly signed by Zelaya himself.  Later in the day, the military arrested members of Zelaya’s cabinet, detained the ambassadors of Venezuela and Cuba, began hunting down leaders of progressive mass organizations and imposed a nationwide curfew.

This brazen takeover by the top brass of the Honduran Armed Forces and the country’s traditional oligarchs has outraged the Honduran people who have now taken to the streets to reject the putschists. Unions, students, women and other social sectors have launched a general strike, setting up barricades and defying the curfew imposed by the Micheletti government. The army, headed by US-trained General Romeo Vasquez, has responded with increasing violence which has so far resulted in at least two deaths, over a hundred injured and hundreds more imprisoned.

The international community has roundly condemned the coup d’état and the escalating violence of the army in Honduras. The General Assembly of the United Nations has unanimously denounced the military takeover and demands the restoration of Zelaya to the Honduran Presidency.  But the de facto Micheletti government, with the support of the Army, the National Congress, the Supreme Court and local mass media, continues to defy the Honduran people and international opinion.

The coup d’état in Honduras is a desperate attempt by ultra-rightist forces within the traditional pro-US Honduran elite to stem the rising tide of change swelling from below.

Zelaya himself shares the same roots as the landed and bourgeois comprador oligarchs that have ruled Honduras since Central America gained independence from Spain. He belongs to the same political party as Micheletti.  He won the presidency in the 2005 elections on a conservative platform.  He took over the reins of a government committed to US-promoted neoliberal policies that have kept the Honduran economy dependent on banana, coffee, and shrimp exports; foreign investments in maquiladora sweatshops; dollar remittances from US-based Honduran migrants; and US military and civilian “aid”.

But this long-standing neocolonial relationship with the US has began to be challenged by the advance of mass movements against neoliberal globalization and US imperialist intervention in the region.  Increasing people’s protests in recent years has prompted the Zelaya government to raise the minimum wage of workers and teachers’ salaries, and increase spending in health care and education.  Aside from these modest measures, the Zelaya government signed an energy partnership deal with Venezuela, and then last year joined the emergent regional trade bloc, the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas or ALBA, which seeks to build regional cooperation and aims to curb US imperialist dominance in the hemisphere.  He has also established closer ties with Cuba and was the first Honduran Head of State to visit the island in 50 years.

The final betrayal in the eyes of ultra-rightist forces in the ruling elite was Zelaya’s determination to push through with a referendum that could have paved the way for the convening of a constituent assembly tasked with drafting a new constitution.  Micheletti et al claim that Zelaya wants to change the constitution in order to remain in power beyond his term-limit. But more than anything else, the oligarchs feared that this would be used by the mass movements — who have openly campaigned for the holding of a referendum – to agitate and mobilize for more substantial reforms in the country’s political, economic and cultural institutions that would threaten their entrenched interests.

The generals who led the military coup most likely expected US imperialist support for their effort.  The Honduran army is virtually an appendage of the US Pentagon.  General Romeo Vasquez, head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff who led the putsch and General Luis Javier Prince Suazo, commander of the Air Force, are both graduates of the notorious School of the Americas, now named the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHINSEC) in Fort Benning, USA.  The Honduran army is financed by the US which uses the country as a staging area for US military intervention in Central America. Honduras is host to the Soto Cano US Military Base where the US military trained and directed the Nicaraguan Contra rebels, infamous for the atrocities they committed in their war against the Sandinista government in the 1980s.

The US Southern Command conducts more than 50 joint operations with the Honduran Army every year. The US has sent over US$18.41 million worth of weapons and defense articles to this country of 7.3 million people over the last ten years through its foreign military sales program.  In addition, the US State Department, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID),  and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) also channel tens of millions of dollars to the principal political parties, political organizations and select “civil society organizations” in Honduras, including those who have openly backed the coup.  With such strong and intimate ties between US imperialism and the Honduran political and military establishment, it is highly unlikely that the coup plotters would have moved without expecting at least tacit support from Washington.

Indeed, the initial response from the White House after the coup was a tepid appeal to “all political and social actors in Honduras to respect democratic norms, the rule of law and the tenets of the Inter-American Democratic Charter” and did not repudiate the claims of the Micheletti government that they had restored constitutional order in Honduras. Only after the Organization of American States, the Rio Group (comprising most of Latin America) and the UN General Assembly all called for the “immediate and unconditional return” of Zelaya did President Obama categorically state that the US considers the coup illegal and that Zelaya remains the legitimate President of Honduras.

The International League of Peoples’ Struggles is in solidarity with the people of Honduras in their valiant resistance to the ultra-rightist forces of the Honduran ruling class who have usurped power and are now using untrammeled violence to suppress the people.  The people of Honduras must recognize that leaders  who take a progressive stance but are not yet the product of the revolutionary process are vulnerable to attacks by the imperialists and their ultra-reactionary lackeys. They must take advantage of the current crisis of the Honduran ruling system to build truly revolutionary forces for national and social liberation.

We call on all progressive and revolutionary forces throughout the region and the world to manifest their opposition to this coup d’état and the illegitimate Micheletti regime.  We call on all member organizations of the ILPS and other people’s organizations to mobilize in solidarity with the people of Honduras by sending messages and organizing demonstrations at Honduran embassies as well as US embassies and US military bases.

We call on progressive organizations and mass movements in Latin America and elsewhere to take notice of and guard against the vulnerabilities of reformist regimes and the treachery of pro-US and ultra-rightist forces. We encourage the people of Honduras and Latin America to develop their revolutionary movement for genuine national and social liberation.#

En primer lugar, aclaramos que esta noticia o mejor dicho rumor, llega desde las ondas de “Libre y directo” (Radio Sevilla) por lo que tal y como están las cosas, es obligado coger con alfileres su veracidad. Aún así, el hecho de que deje en buen lugar a Del Nido hace que cobre visos de ser real.

El tema es que hace unos minutos, en su programa de hoy, han comentado que el departamento de marketing de la entidad, con Manuel Vizcaíno a la cabeza, propuso hace unos días que el diseño de una de las camisetas europeas de esta temporada (suponemos que la visitante) tuviese el verde como color principal (más o menos como la del montaje). Ahondando en la idea de ser representantes del fútbol español pero también andaluz allá donde viajemos, Vizcaíno habría intentado dar un golpe de efecto con una idea más que polémica.

Ya se comenta que todo esto podría tratarse de una respuesta a la polémica con las banderas de España, en una manera de contraatacar bastante extraña. Dicen también en Radio Sevilla que el consejo estaba bastante dividido en cuanto a la decisión final, y que fue el propio presidente de la entidad el que tuvo que dar la rotunda negativa.

Ayer mismo pude ver con mis propios ojos el avance del Sevilla FC en materia de marketing, con una tienda oficial repleta de extranjeros que buscan un recuerdo del equipo más representativo de la ciudad. Ahora bien, aquello de “todo lo que lleve el escudo del Sevilla se puede vender” no puede llevarse al límite.

De ser verdad toda esta historia, que como repetimos no se puede saber a ciencia cierta, nos alegramos enormemente de que el presidente haya puesto por delante el prestigio y la historia del club por delante de lo económico. Además, le ha ahorrado a la afición uno de los mayores disgustos de los últimos años.

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Ayer cerramos una muy buena temporada y hoy mismo abrimos una nueva, con la presentación de las equipaciones de Liga y Copa que luciremos a partir del mes de agosto. La principal novedad en cuanto a diseño radica en la segunda y tercera equipación. La primera es blanca y más impoluta que nunca, mientras que la rojo sangre pasa a ser la tercera. La visitante es la más novedosa, arlequinada con los dos principales colores de la entidad, pantalón azul marino y medias blancas.

Algo más entalladas que otros años, reflejan la vocación integradora que se propone el club esta temporada. En la camiseta blanca van sobreimpresionados los nombres de los 105 pueblos de la provincia de Sevilla, tal y como hizo esta temporada el Hércules de Alicante. Pero el Sevilla va más allá con la idea, puesto que en la arlequinada se incluyen los nombres de todos los pueblos de la región. Los ocho cuadros de la camiseta (cuatro delanteros y cuatro traseros) simbolizan a las ocho provincias, mientras que el color azul recuerda a la indumentaria que ya vestimos en los años cincuenta, cuando éramos el único representante andaluz en la élite. Afortunadamente la temporada que viene no será así, pues también tendremos al Almería, al Málaga y con casi toda seguridad al Xerez.

Eso sí, aquí no acaba la cosa porque la tercera camiseta, la que siempre fue la segunda, acumula aunque parezca imposible, las más de siete mil localidades del territorio español. Para evitar politización, en la indumentaria de portero, que tendrá varios modelos, esos nombres irán en el idioma de cada región. Es decir, en la roja pondrá Onteniente y en la de portero Ontinyent, por ejemplo.

Si bien decía que esperaba no criticar al departamento de marketing también por lo de las camisetas, me alegro de no poder hacerlo, pues a mi modo de ver han acertado y mucho. La arlequinada choca al principio, pero seguro que con el tiempo es la que más nos gusta. La única pega es por ejemplo, cuando vayamos a Almería. ¿Cual de las tres podremos utilizar?

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MANILA, Philippines — The government’s list of most wanted suspects for media killings is “absurd.”

Communist Party of the Philippines founder Jose Maria Sison blasted Friday night the police and the Arroyo administration for releasing the list that showed he is the No. 1 wanted suspect for media killings.

In an interview with GMANews.TV, Sison said the wanted list was a “squid tactic” to “conceal the criminal responsibilities” of the administration.

“This is absurd. The Arroyo regime wants to deflect the public’s attention from the rampant human rights violations committed by the military like torturing and abduction (of leftists workers),” Sison said in Filipino.

The communist leader said if he could make his own list of suspects responsible for the rampant killing of journalists, he would include Mrs. Arroyo and those working for her to “cover-up the government’s gross human rights violations.”

The Philippine National Police (PNP) on Friday afternoon released a list of the most wanted suspects for media killings. It was composed of mostly leftist personalities. Sison topped the chart with a P10-million bounty placed on his head.

He was followed by Gregorio “Ka Roger” Rosal, the current spokesman of the CPP’s armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA), with P5-million reward for his arrest.

Sison and Rosal were tagged for the killing of Nelson Nadura in December 2003. The CPP founder denied having a hand in the hard-hitting journalist’s slay.

Sison, who is currently exiled in The Netherlands, also laughed off the bounty and suggested in jest that the government pay the country’s ambassador to The Netherlands for his arrest.

Asked if the police’s wanted list would affect the peace talks between the government and the CPP, Sison said it might as he questioned the government’s sincerity to push for the accord.

Sison said while they are very much interested in pushing for a genuine peace accord, achieving peace under the Arroyo administration would be difficult as it continues to “deceive” them. – Aie Balagtas See, GMANews.TV

By Florante S. Solmerin

MANILA, Philippines—Implicated with the killing of a journalist six years ago, the Government of the Republic of the Philippines offered a bounty of P15 million for the capture of two top personalities of the communist movement.

Jose Ma. Sison commonly called “Joma”, founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and chief political consultant of the National Democratic Front-Philippines (NDFP), now carries a P10 million bounty for his capture for alleged involvement in the killings of media personalities, a spokesman of the Philippine National Police (PNP) said yesterday. (continue)

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Prof. Jose Maria Sison, chief political consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and chairperson of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS), was happy when the Dutch Public Prosecution Service decided to dismiss the charges against him for inciting murder in relation to the killings of Romulo Kintanar and Arturo Tabara – former Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) leaders who broke away from the group and became security consultants of the Philippine government. It meant, for him, more time for his work both for the NDFP Peace Panel and the ILPS International Coordinating Committee. He had always been confident, he said, that the charges against him would eventually be dismissed.

BY ALEXANDER MARTIN REMOLLINO
Bulatlat

Prof. Jose Maria Sison, chief political consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and chairperson of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS), was happy when the Dutch Public Prosecution Service decided to dismiss the charges against him for inciting murder in relation to the killings of Romulo Kintanar and Arturo Tabara – former Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) leaders who broke away from the group and became security consultants of the Philippine government.

It meant, for him, more time for his work both for the NDFP Peace Panel and the ILPS International Coordinating Committee.

He had always been confident, he said, that the charges against him would eventually be dismissed.

“I was confident because of several reasons,” he said in an e-mail interview with Bulatlat. “First of all, I had nothing to do with the killing of the security consultants and military assets Kintanar and Tabara. Secondly, I had excellent Dutch and Filipino lawyers who undertook my legal defense. Thirdly, I had the abundant support of the people and organized forces worldwide.”

He admitted, though, that fighting this particular battle took some toll on him, especially in terms of the time he could have devoted to his work both as NDFP chief political consultant and ILPS chairperson. He was also “vexed for a long while,” he says, and he suffered moral and material damages. He and his family were financially burdened by the costs of the legal battle.

Professor, writer, revolutionary

Sison – a poet, essayist, and political analyst – taught English and Social Science courses at his alma mater, the University of the Philippines (UP), and the Lyceum of the Philippines in the 1960s, after graduating with honors in 1959.

He founded the progressive organizations Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP) and Kabataang Makabayan (KM). He was later also involved in the workers’ and peasant movements through the Lapiang Manggagawa (Workers Party) and the Malayang Samahan ng Magsasaka (MASAKA or Free Association of Peasants). He became secretary-general of the Socialist Party of the Philippines (SPP) and, later, the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN).

But he is best known as the founding chairman of the CPP. In 1968 he led a group that broke away from the leadership of the Lava brothers in the old Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) due to ideological differences, and re-established the party as the CPP.

Under Sison’s leadership, the CPP rapidly gained strength and together with the New People’s Army (NPA), its armed component, which was founded in 1969, it developed into one of the strongest organized forces opposed to the US-Marcos regime during the martial law years.

He was the CPP’s highest-ranking leader from its reestablishment until he was arrested by the Marcos dictatorship in 1977.

Released in 1986 by virtue of then President Corazon Aquino’s general amnesty proclamation for political prisoners, Sison got involved in a number of legal political activities and even delivered a series of lectures at UP.

In 1988, he found himself having to apply for political asylum after the Aquino government cancelled his passport while he was in Europe on a speaking tour. He has since lived in the Netherlands as an asylum seeker.

Terror listing

In 2002, the CPP-NPA was included by the U.S. Department of State in its list of “foreign terrorist organizations”. Sison was also listed as a “foreign terrorist”. The Dutch government listed the CPP-NPA and Sison in its own terror list a day after the US listing.

According to Jan Fermon, one of Sison’s lawyers, the Dutch Foreign Ministry admitted in its website that the inclusion of the CPP-NPA and Sison in its list of terrorists was done to comply with the request of the US government. It likewise stated that 150 Dutch companies have investments in the Philippines and that Holland is one of the major investors now in the country. It added that the only burden in the relationship between Holland and the Philippines is the presence of what they called the communist leadership in Utrecht.

The Netherlands is at present one of the leading US allies in Europe – next only to the United Kingdom.

The Council of the European Union followed suit in listing Sison as a “terrorist” later that year.

On May 29, 2007, the Council of the European Union decided to retain Sison in its “terrorist” list. This decision was annulled by the July 11 verdict of the European Court of First Instance (ECFI).

Insufficient evidence

On Aug. 28 that same year, Sison was arrested by Dutch police in Utrecht for allegedly ordering the murders of Kintanar and Tabara in 2003 and 2004, respectively – an accusation he has denied. His apartment, the homes of a few other NDFP negotiators, and the NDFP International Office were raided and several important items like computers, hard disks, and files related to the NDFP’s peace negotiations with the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) were taken.

The CPP-NPA leadership in the Philippines has owned up to the killings of both Kintanar and Tabara, citing them for “crimes against the Revolution”.

On Sept. 13, 2007, the District Court of The Hague ordered Sison’s release due to lack of direct and sufficient evidence against him.

On Jan. 18 the next year, however, the Dutch Public Prosecution Service announced that it would continue its investigation of Sison’s alleged involvement in the killings of Kintanar and Tabara.

Last week, the Dutch Public Prosecution Service finally dismissed the charges against him for “insufficient legal and convincing evidence”.

In a press statement released after the dismissal of the charges, Sison called on the Dutch government to prosecute those who were involved in assassination attempts against him from 1999 to 2001. He also said he and his lawyers are considering further legal action against the Dutch government.

His thoughts on this and other related issues and developments are made known in this interview with Bulatlat. Following is the full text of the interview:

How did the charge of inciting murder affect you and your work, both as NDFP chief political consultant and as ILPS chairperson?

It took away time, attention and resources that I should have devoted to my work as NDFP chief political consultant and ILPS chairperson. I was detained for a while and vexed for a long while by the refusal of the prosecutor to heed the decision of the examining judge to terminate the investigation. I had to pay attention to my legal defense and had to have frequent consultations with my Dutch and Filipino lawyers. I was subjected to character assassination. I suffered moral and material damages. My wife Julie had to borrow money to pay for the costs of my legal defense.

What made you confident of the eventual dismissal of the case?

I was confident because of several reasons. First of all, I had nothing to do with the killing of the security consultants and military assets Kintanar and Tabara. Secondly, I had excellent Dutch and Filipino lawyers who undertook my legal defense. Thirdly, I had the abundant support of the people and organized forces worldwide.

There was no real incriminating evidence against me because of my innocence. On the other hand, my Filipino lawyers Attys. Romeo T. Capulong, Rachel F. Pastores and Amylyn Sato of the Public Interest Law Center collected more than enough evidence and witnesses in my legal defense.

Attorney Capulong wrote a memorandum pointing out that the Kintanar and Tabara incidents had been previously used as false specifications in the charge of rebellion against me and 50 others. The Philippine Supreme Court had ordered the dismissal of this charge in June 2007. The records of the police, prosecution and court in the city and region where the incidents occurred never included me as a suspect.

My Dutch lawyers Michiel Pestman as lead, Victor Koppe and Suus Hopman of the Bohler, Franken, Koppe and Wijngaarden law firm are topnotch in Dutch and international criminal law and had the prompt cooperation of my Filipino lawyers. They were also backed by the consultants Prof. Ties Prakken who is an authority on criminal law; Jan Fermon, my lead lawyer in my case against the “terrorist” blacklist; Bernard Tomlow who is the lawyer of the NDFP; and Dundar Gurses of the Schoolplein Advocaten.

I have enjoyed the solidarity and support of the people and organized forces in the Philippines, Netherlands and many other countries. Immediately after my arrest in August 2007, protest actions against Dutch embassies and consulates occurred in more than twenty cities of the world. The International DEFEND Committee, the International League of Peoples’ Struggle and all the progressive organizations of Filipinos in the Philippines and abroad cooperated in bringing about an international campaign to defend and support me.

Do you think the US, Philippine, and Dutch governments knew all along that they did not have a strong case against you, but pushed it anyway as a way of derailing you from your work for the NDFP Peace Panel and the ILPS?

The false charge of inciting murder was devised by the US, Philippine and Dutch governments more in order to fish evidence for the bigger false charge of terrorism against me and others in the NDFP Negotiating Panel than to derail me from my work for the panel and the ILPS. Of course, the false charges of murder and terrorism are both meant to pressure the entire panel towards capitulation in the peace negotiations with the Manila government.

The three governments have repeatedly used false charges against me in order to oppress me. They have a common position of waging a relentless ideological struggle against me. They have used false charges to block my application for political asylum and residence since 1988; to justify my inclusion in the so-called terrorist blacklist since 2002; and to arrest and detain me and conduct the raids in 2007.

They have collaborated in using the false charge of inciting murder as pretext for arresting me, raiding the NDF information office and homes of the members, consultants and staffers and seizing documents and personal properties. These were done as fishing expedition to seek evidence against all of us to back up the bigger false charge of terrorism.

As a consequence, the Dutch government and the Council of the European Union are maliciously claiming that the Dutch district and appellate courts that released me from pre-trial detention in the case of inciting murder have practically judged me as a “terrorist” by declaring that there are “indications” that I play a “prominent role” in the Communist Party of the Philippines which heads or is linked to the New People’s Army.

The non sequitur use of a passing statement in a court judgment in my favor on a charge of inciting murder is actually carried by the latest arguments of the Council of the European Union against my application for the removal of my name from the terrorist blacklist before the European Court of First Instance in Luxembourg.

How many assassination attempts were perpetrated against you from 1999 to 2001, and who perpetrated these?

JMS: In the period of 1999 to 2001, certain national police officials and their assets like Romulo Kintanar sent assassination teams twice to the Netherlands and made two or three attempts to assassinate me. Even the Dutch police team investigating the charge against me turned up some of the witnesses and documentary evidence validating my previous complaints against the assassination attempts.

But the Dutch Public Prosecution Service has failed to prosecute those involved in the assassination attempts against me on Dutch soil. Thus, I have filed before the Dutch appellate court a complaint against the Dutch prosecution service since June 2008. If my complaint does not prosper in the Netherlands, I will have to pursue the case up to the level of the European Court on Human Rights in Strasbourg.

Does the dismissal of the charge of inciting murder make you more optimistic about having your name stricken off the Council of the European Union’s “terrorist list”?

On April 30, 2009, there will be the final oral hearing before the European Court of First Instance in Luxembourg concerning my complaint against the Council of the European Union for continuing to put my name in the so-called terrorist blacklist. In view of the dismissal of the charge of inciting murder, I am optimistic that the European court will grant my demand for the removal of my name from the blacklist.

As I have earlier pointed out in this interview, the Dutch government and the Council of the European are trying to misappropriate and misuse the passing statement of the Dutch district and appellate courts that there are “indications” that I play a “prominent” role in the CPP which heads the NPA. But it is obvious from said court decisions and the dismissal of the charge of inciting murder that there is no conclusive proof that I am Armando Liwanag and that I am culpable for the actions of the NPA in the killing of the two military agents Kintanar and Tabara or any other incident.

On the basis of things taken during the raids of August 2007, there may be indications galore that I have some kind of connection to the CPP and other allied organizations of the NDFP, including the NPA. But that is entirely because of the circumstance that I am the chief political consultant of the NDFP panel negotiating peace with the Manila government. I receive and study documents of the NDFP and its allied organizations for the purpose of peace negotiations and not for the purpose of waging war or anything that may be deemed as “terrorism.”

If from my arrest and the raids of August 2007 evidence was discovered that I had committed the crime of terrorism or some other serious crime, then the Dutch prosecution would have filed the appropriate charge against me. Under Dutch law, one may be accused of a certain crime and may be subsequently charged for another crime or other crimes in the course of investigation. But the pure and simple fact is that the Dutch prosecution service dismissed the murder charge and found no cause and no evidence for another charge.

Aside from legal moves against the Dutch government, are you and Attorney Pestman also considering legal moves against the Philippine government?

Attorney Pestman and I have not yet considered any legal move against the Manila government. I can raise the matter to him when I see him next. And I can communicate with Atty. Romeo T. Capulong. In the meantime, I am pleased that Bayan (Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, New Patriotic Alliance) and other groups in the Philippines are calling the National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales to task and want him to account for the misappropriation of public funds in fabricating false charges, false witnesses and false evidence against me.

The Arroyo regime has become utterly notorious throughout the world for using false charges to demonize its opponents and set them up either for arrest and detention or for abduction, torture and murder by death squads. The UN Alston report has exposed these grave human rights violations and has recommended the dissolution of the Inter-Agency Legal Action Group (IALAG). But still the human right violations are being committed with impunity. And IALAG persists.

The Arroyo regime fed the Dutch foreign and justice ministries and the Dutch police and prosecution with the false charge, false witnesses and false testimonies against me. But the Dutch Public Prosecution Service has shamelessly proclaimed to the whole world in a press release that it cannot pursue the charge of inciting murder against me supposedly because it has run into a wall of fear preventing witnesses to testify against me.

That is a big lie. The wall of fear is definitely due to the brutal Arroyo regime and not due to me. No less than the Dutch Appellate Court declared in its judgment on my case in 2007 that there is a political context of unreliable witnesses against me and that it is doubtful whether I the defendant can get my own witnesses and cross-examine the witnesses against me in the Philippines. (Bulatlat.com)

News Release

–
New York Committee for Human Rights in the Philippines
www.nychrp,org
email: nychrp@gmail.com