Outline calligraphy

Dalam koleksi kami, terdapat beberapa model ukiran kaligrafi Asmaul Husna :

Spesifikasi : KB 007A

Ukuran : 95 x 95 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

ALLAH memiliki nama-nama yang baik yang disebut dengan Asmaul Husna. Rasulullah SAW menjelaskan bahwa al-Asma al-Husna ini jumlahnya ada 99, karena ALLAH menyukai bilangan yang ganjil.

Sesungguhnya ALLAH mempunyai sembilan puluh sembilan nama, yaitu seratus kurang satu. Barangsiapa menghitungnya, niscaya ia masuk surga. (H.R. Bukhari dan Muslim)

“Allah mempunyai asmaul husna, maka bermohonlah kepadaNya dengan menyebut asmaul husna itu dan tinggalkanlah orang-orang yang menyimpang dari kebenaran dalam (menyebut) nama-namaNya. Nanti mereka akan mendapat balasan terhadap apa yang telah mereka kerjakan”. (Surat Al a’raf 180)

Spesifikasi : KB 008

Ukuran : 110 x 110 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Spesifikasi : RBL T6501

Ukuran : 95 x 95 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Anda berminat ? Untuk keterangan lebih lanjut, hubungi Rumah Kaligrafi Bunayya, Hp : 0628888024422 atau 06285710793193, Email : aljohan@mail.com

Dalam koleksi kami, terdapat beberapa model ukiran kaligrafi Surat Al-Fatihah :

Spesifikasi : KB 004

Ukuran : 95 x 95 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Surat Al-Fatihah , artinya adalah surat “Pembukaan”. Ini adalah  surat yang pertama kita jumpai ketika kita membuka kitab suci al-Qur’an. Surat ini diturunkan di Mekah dan terdiri dari 7 ayat. Al-Fatihah merupakan surah yang pertama-tama diturunkan dengan lengkap diantara surah-surah yang ada dalam Al-Qur’an. Surah ini disebut Al-Fatihah (Pembukaan), karena dengan surah inilah dibuka dan dimulainya Al-Quran. Surat ini juga dinamakan Ummul Qur’an (induk Al-Quran) atau Ummul Kitab (induk Al-Kitab) karena dia merupakan induk dari semua isi Al-Quran. Surat ini juga dinamakan AsSab’ul matsaany (tujuh yang berulang-ulang) karena jumlah ayatnya yang tujuh dan dibaca berulang-ulang dalam shalat.

Spesifikasi : KS 012

Ukuran : 80 x 80 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Spesifikasi : RKL T4201A

Ukuran : 65 x 65 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Anda berminat ? Untuk keterangan lebih lanjut, hubungi Rumah Kaligrafi Bunayya, Hp : 0628888024422 atau 06285710793193, Email : aljohan@mail.com

Dalam koleksi kami, terdapat beberapa model ukiran kaligrafi Surat Al-Ikhlas :

Spesifikasi : KK 004

Ukuran : 65 x 65 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Surat Al-Ikhlas, artinya “Memurnikan Keesaan Allah”,  adalah surat ke-112 dalam al-Qur’an. Surah ini tergolong surah Makkiyah, terdiri atas 4 ayat dan pokok isinya adalah menegaskan keesaan Allah sembari menolak segala bentuk penyekutuan terhadap-Nya. Kalimat inti dari surah ini, “Allahu ahad, Allahus shamad” (Allah Maha Esa, Allah tempat bergantung).

Spesifikasi : KS 001

Ukuran : 65 x 65 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Spesifikasi : KS 014

Ukuran : 65 x 65 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Spesifikasi : KB 005

Ukuran : 80 x 80 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Spesifikasi : KB 006

Ukuran : 65 x 55 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Spesifikasi : KK 003

Ukuran : 65 x 65 x 4,5 cm

Bahan : Teak Wood

Finishing : Melamin

Anda berminat ? Untuk keterangan lebih lanjut, hubungi Rumah Kaligrafi Bunayya, Hp : 0628888024422 atau 06285710793193, Email : aljohan@mail.com

]]> http://jackjordan334.wordpress.com/2009/11/26/khat-use-in-cardiff/ Thu, 26 Nov 2009 11:33:34 +0000 jackjordan334 http://jackjordan334.wordpress.com/2009/11/26/khat-use-in-cardiff/

I went to a PACT meeting in Butetown last night where a police officer was talking about dealing with the growing problem of khat use in the city. It’s been a problem brought up at lots of meetings before, but this was the first step residents had seen towards an official response.

It’s a tough issue from officialdom’s point of view. Khat is legal to buy in the UK, but tends to be associated with various forms of anti-social behavior. For Butetown’s residents, noise and littering are the biggest problems; users often congregate in public areas to take it, leaving rubbish behind them.

But short of fully criminalising the drug, no-one really knows what to do about it. Technically the dealers are selling it without a license and without paying tax, but the Inland Revenue seem to think mounting operations on these grounds wouldn’t be worth the hassle.

PC Vince Donovan is a community development officer of the Channel Project, a police scheme looking at softly-softly approaches to preventing the radicalisation of Muslim youths. With the slightly tenuous link that khat is leaving young minds susceptible to extremist ideology, PC Donovan has set up a focus group in Cardiff looking at what can be done about its usage in the city.

For now, the plan is to issue a questionnaire early next year to users and relatives of users in Butetown, Grangetown and Riverside, in order to compile a report for the Welsh Assembly Government by the end of the year. The idea is to find out more about the reasons people have for taking khat, and perceptions of the impact it has on health and the community generally.

Encouragingly, the focus-group isn’t just made up of po-faced health experts and police officers. It includes the Somali Youth Association and various elders of the Somali and Yemeni community. Particular efforts have been put into finding women from both communities to get involved with the process – given that khat is largely used by men, their wives and daughters are important to talk to in looking at the impact of the drug on family life.

The counter-terrorist credentials of this project clearly look a little suspect, but I don’t think it’s pursuing a hard-line criminalisation agenda either. PC Donovan genuinely seemed to have community concerns at heart; he dealt with the usual PACT-meeting heckling with good humour, and was keen to hear about residents’ own experiences of living in an area where the drug is used. Quite what effect he expects the report to have is unclear, but I think he’s asking the right questions.

On a more general note, let’s have a poll on khat criminalisation. I think I’m going for ‘no’, on libertarian grounds, but I’m not all that sure. Leave some comments if you have a strong opinion either way.

Jag ser sällan på tv, men har fastnat på kanal 9 och där sänder man just nu en jingel om alkotest. Fulla svenskar, kanske finnar också, men inte ett arabiskt, iranskt eller afrikanskt utseende på någon av dem som festar till bakgrunden av Bellmans visa, “Vila vid denna källa”.

En slags romantisering av alkoholmissbruk ville man förmodligen säga att Bellmans visa handlar om, iallafall i denna kontext och med tanke på Bellmans liv.

Det måste roa de självgoda muslimska unga som påstår att de är alkoholfria på grund av islam. Men andra missbruk är som bekant tillåtna inom islam, hasch och khat exempelvis.

Om nu Sverige är rasistiskt och inte visar invandrarna i sin miljö, varför börjar inte tv med jinglar runt dessa missbruk, utan det är svenskar och alkhol som gäller i det förebyggande arbetet runt alkohol. Khat anses vara somaliers alkohol, men det hör man nästan inget om. Det är förmodligen rasistiskt att tala om deras missbruk, trots att 60 % av männen i Göteborg är khatmissbrukare.

Dessutom söker sig de alkoholmissbrukare som finns i muslimska länder till norden och här får livstidsförsörjning tack vare våra välfärdssystem och även till norden nykomna muslimer begår olika former av alkoholrelaterade brott, också på flyktingförläggningarna.

Men att ta emot deras alkoholmissbrukare är vi förmodligen bara skyldiga muslimerna, iallafall med tanke på hur de resonerar i många andra fall runt islam och det faktum att Sverige är ett kristet land och det är kristna som är orsaken till all problematik i MENA-länderna sedan århundraden tillbaka. Och i många MENA-länder i nutid också med tanke på Irakkriget och de hjälpinsatser som sätts in från väst i dessa länder. Röda korsets symbol skrämmer palestinier eftersom korset är en kristen symbol.

Det finns inga gränser för hur väst föraktas i dessa länder.

Så framför att visa missbruket i invandrarkulturen i svensk tv, även i missbruksförebyggande syfte, om vi nu inte får sätta invandrarna på undantag.

Vilket vi inte får, enligt dem själva!

Läs också:

Kat-smugglande tonåringar!

En ”vanlig” flykting

Hemsidan för svenska narkotikapolisföreningen
Kat-somaliernas alkohol

Mvh/:)Smileth

Chewing khat in Yemen

By 4 in the afternoon, most men walking the streets of Sana’a are high, or about to get high — not on any sort of manufactured narcotics, but on khat, a shrub whose young leaves contain a compound with effects similar to those of amphetamines. Khat is popular in many countries of the Arabian peninsula and the Horn of Africa, but in Yemen it’s a full-blown national addiction. As much as 90% of men and 1 in 4 women in Yemen are estimated to chew the leaves, storing a wad in one cheek as the khat slowly breaks down into the saliva and enters the bloodstream. The newcomer to Yemen’s ancient capital can’t miss the spectacle of almost an entire adult population presenting cheeks bulging with cud, leaving behind green confetti of discarded leaves and branches.

…. because chewing the leaf isn’t forbidden by Islam, “khat is alcohol for Muslims,” says Yahya Amma, the head merchant at the Agriculture Suq, one of the largest khat markets in the city. “You can chew it and still go to prayers.”

….But khat’s detractors say the leaf is destroying Yemen. At around $5 for a bag (the amount typically consumed by a single regular user in a day) it’s an expensive habit in a country where about 45% of the population lives below the poverty line. (Most families spend more money on khat than on food, according to government figures.)

… khat needs a lot of water, which is scarce in Yemen. Khat fields are typically flooded twice a month, consuming about 30% of the country’s water — most of which is pumped from underground aquifers filled thousands of years ago, and replenished only very slowly by the occasional rainfall that seeps through the layers of soil and rock. A recent explosion of khat cultivation has drawn water levels down to the point where they are no longer being replenished.

via Is Yemen Chewing Itself to Death? – TIME.

“Drugs are infidel habits“… except if the prophet has told you they are not forbidden.

Selamat Berpuasa di bulan Ramadhan Al-Mubarak. Semoga amalan kita diredhai Allah SWT…

Tulisan khat diwani jali yang ditulis pada tahun lepas untuk seorang sahabat.

VG og Dagbladet sier idag at en “flink” hund har snust fram 50 kilo khat.

Khat er et mildt rusmiddel som vi diskriminerende kaller “narkotika”. Det er mildere enn både alkohol og cannabis, og er helt vanlig i Yemen, Somalia og mange andre afrikanske land. Det er lovlig i Storbritannia, fordi man ikke ønsker å diskriminere mot innvandrere fra tidligere kolonier. Hvorfor skal vi kriminalisere det i Norge? De fleste jeg har snakket med fra Yemen synes det er dumt og skaper mer problemer enn det løser. Unge Venstre har tatt til orde for legalisering av khat.

Å kriminalisere det fører til at de som selger og kjøper det må operere på siden av rettsvesenet. Tøyendrapene kan

En person nyter khat. Foto: Ferdinand Reus (Creative Commons)

skyldes det faktum at khathandelen ikke er lovlig. Å kriminalisere alt mulig tjener ikke til noe godt. Det er faktisk veldig etnosentrisk av Norge å ikke ha lovlig khat. Det er et helt vanlig stimulerende middel som til og med brukes i bryllup. Avisene roper om at det er beslaglagt massevis av kilo av “det narkotiske stoffet khat” uten å gi et mer reflektert syn på saken. Det er rett og slett dårlig sensasjonsjournalistikk.

TV2 hadde i juli en sak om etniske “klubber” (legale og illegale) som hadde blitt stengt av Mattilsynet og Politiet. Det er synd det er det eneste vi hører om disse. Det er jo eksotiske steder som det burde stått mye mer om i media. Hvorfor skal de være så skjulte? Det er snakk om en rekke treffsteder rundt Tøyen og Grønland i Oslo der innvandrere møtes. Alt mulig fra matservering, drikking av kaffe, leksehjelp til ungene, pengespill, og narkotikaomsetning foregår i disse klubbene (noen er sikkert mer stuerene enn andre).

Selv har jeg en dårlig erfaring med en av disse klubbene. Jeg var lei av kebaben vi norske får servert, og hadde lyst å prøve noe annet. En utenlandsk venn av meg fortalte om et av stedene, og sa de hadde god mat. Han pleide å dra dit,  hadde ikke noe medlemskap, og ble aldri nektet. Han tilhørte heller ikke etnisiteten klubben var ment for. Jeg fikk lyst til å prøve. Så jeg bestemte meg for å gjøre nettopp det de fleste andre nordmenn ikke våget, nemlig begi meg inn på et av disse stedene.

Det var en blandet opplevelse. De laget riktignok en mye mer autentisk kebab enn noen andre steder i Oslo, sannsynligvis med ulovlig kjøtt, men den var bedre enn noe annet thousand-island-befengt skvip jeg har fått i denne byen. Og jeg ble ikke dårlig i magen heller (nå skal det sies at magen tåler det meste).

Nedsiden var at jeg som nordmann ble diskriminert. Jeg ble øyet med et skeptisk øye, og fortalt “dette er egententlig klubb, men du kan få kjøpe noe” (underforstått: ikke kom tilbake). Han laget en rull til meg, uten å gi meg noen valgmuligheter (underforstått: ta den og gå, siden du har “forvillet” deg inn hit, sett deg for all del ikke ned og spis). Alle de andre spiste mat fra tallerken. Rullen kostet 25 spenn. Sannsynligvis skattefritt. Bortsett fra påstanden om at dette er en klubb, var det ikke noe som tydet på at det virkelig var det. Det så ut som en falleferdig (så falleferdig at ingen norske ville tørre å gå inn) kebabsjappe med inngangsdør fra gata og skilt som ikke var skrevet med det greske alfabetet. En “makeshift operation”, kanskje.

For å snu dette på hodet: skal nordmenn få lov å nekte utlendinger bare ved å kalle seg “klubb” ? Jeg husker Terningen Matkafe, de prøvde seg jo på diskriminering mot utlendiger. Det ble det skandale av, og det ble stoppet. Dette her blir bare oversett.

Jeg skal la tvilen komme klubbene tilgode: mange trenger å møte sine egne og knytte nettverk i et nytt land. Og nordmenn er ikke de morsomste å ha med å gjøre, mange er lite høflige, lite livlige, selvgode, fremmedfiendtlige og stive. Utlendinger oppfatter oss ofte som usiviliserte, med en lite utviklet bondekultur. Jeg skjønner dem.

Allikevel synes jeg dette er en uheldig situasjon for begge parter. Jeg burde ikke ha blitt øyet og fortalt at jeg ikke var velkommen, men heller ønsket velkommen. Skal man ha brobygging mellom kulturer, må nordmenn som først finner veien inn i disse stedene få lov til det. Det bør ses på som positivt.

Enten det, eller de må følge gjeldende lovgivning for klubber, og ha medlemsregister og medlemskort. De kan ikke bare kalle seg “klubb” og drive omvendt diskriminering. Og også som ekte klubb vil det være ulovlig å nekte medlemskap basert på etnisitet, nordmenn må få tilbud om å melde seg inn hvis de oppsøker stedet. Jeg oppfordrer derfor klubbene til å slippe inn nordmenn som tør å dra dit. Innvandrerungdom burde ta med de norske kompisene dit for å prøve maten der, o.l.

En annen side av saken er vel at “klubbene” kan slippe unna en del avgifter og skatter ved å operere under nevnte definisjon. Det har jeg dog ikke noe særlig imot, jeg anser det ikke som umoralsk. Men at de burde være mindre hemmelige og at man ikke burde se mellom fingrene mellom eller lukke øynene for alt som foregår der, er helt klart. Noen av klubbene er jo også kjent for å ikke tillate kvinner, enten indirekte (pga. tradisjon vil kvinner ikke gå dit) eller direkte (nekter kvinner). Men det er det jo også noen norske “herreklubber” som gjør, og kvinneklubber, muligens. Men forutsetningene for å nekte kvinner i etniske klubber virker mer kritikkverdige. Det er snakk om klubber som ikke er så private at denslags er akseptabelt.

Når det gjelder narkotikaomsetningen har den strengt talt ikke noe å gjøre i slike klubber. Rent bortsett fra bruk av khat blandt somalere, noe som er lovlig i England, og som kanskje også burde vært det i Norge. Det er en vanlig del av kulturen der nede, og man burde kanskje la dem få ta med seg det hit uten å kriminalisere det. Undertegnede har hørt rykter om at en somalisk klubb der det ble omsatt og tygget khat lenge flyttet rundt i forskjellige leiligheter like ved Grønland politikammer.

Ulovlig kjøtt finner man jo på de fleste kebabsjappene i Norge, det er et problem som må løses et annet sted. Man kan ikke regne med at det er mer trygt å spise andre steder enn i disse klubbene.

Siden omvendt diskriminering ikke er noen prioritet for myndighetene og fordi de fleste nordmenn er uinteressert i å være på disse stedene – og også siden mange av dem er illegale, regner jeg ikke med at noe forandrer seg. Men de største og de legale klubbene bør ta ansvar, og oppfordre barna deres til å ta med norske kompiser dit, for eksempel. Eller invitere egne voksne norske venner med dit. Situasjonen i dag er ikke akseptabel, og media bør rette fokus på det. Og det bør gjøres uten å komme med pekefingeren eller fremstille alle som illegale narkotikasentraler, men heller som en reportasje med brobygging mellom kulturer som formål.

Steve Jobs – former CEO Pixar, CEO và đồng sáng lập Apple.

Ta có:

IT + Tài năng + Ko có bằng ĐH = Bill Gates

Nhưng:

IT + Tài năng + Ko có bằng ĐH + Đẹp trai = Steve Jobs.

[ Bao giờ tên m` mới đc đặt sau dấu bằng danh giá ấy? Bao giờ?]

Vì tình iu Apple và nỗi ám ảnh Pixar, ổng là 1 trong những ng bản thân cảm thấy rất rất ngưỡng mộ.

20 tuổi làm ra Macintosh. 30 tuổi Apple lớn mạnh. Bị tống cổ ra khỏi công ty ông đặt cục đất đầu tiên.

[m` mà bị đuổi dị là đâm đầu zô cầu tiu ngồi khóc gòi]

Trong tg đó, ông làm nên tên nên tuổi Pixar rồi NeXT [nhờ zậy mà nhân loại mới có Cars và Finding Nemo.]

Quay về Apple.

Mặc dù mềnh ko phải đì-zai-nờ và hoàn toàn ko có mộng tưởng trở thành đi-zai-nờ nhưng ổng vẫn mãi mãi chói lọi trong bụng với câu nói Stay hungry, stay foolish.

[Thiệt là đúng, hiện giờ đang đói và cũng đang ngu]

 *Biểu tượng của Apple:

 Ngày qua ngày, tháng qua tháng, vẫn tự hỏi tại sao lại là trái bom cắn 1 miếng?

Phải chăng ổng thiết kế tới đói và khát. Lúc đó thèm ăn bom? Tại sao ko thèm hủ tíu, bún riu, mì gói mà lại là bom?

Và vẫn luôn tự hỏi, trái bom đó liệu có thuốc xịt sâu ko? có gọt vỏ chưa?  quan trọng nhất là nó chín chưa?

Assalamualaikum everybody.
As for today and so on I’am to start learning about calligraphy and khat. May Allah help me with this cause I have a target. I wanted to write my favourite Al-Quran surah with my own hand. Wish and pray for me to succeed. Insya’allah.

Minggu lepas saya dikunjungi oleh Saudara Muhammed Ali “Aerosol Arabic” dari UK, seorang artis graffiti yang begitu dikenali di sana . Beliau ke Malaysia  atas jemputan Kumpulan Young Muslim Project bagi  tujuan  mengadakan demo melukis graffiti di sini dengan menggunakan huruf-huruf Arab dan memberi  syarahan berkaitan seni berkenaan dibeberapa tempat.

Sebelum memulakan demo, beliau datang berjumpa saya untuk mendapatkan beberapa design tulisan khat yang ditulis menggunakan huruf-huruf Arab dalam bahasa Melayu. Ada beberapa design yang sempat saya tulis dan yang dipilih untuk demonya di Universiti Multimedia ialah perkataan Kebenaran dan Haq.

Boleh kunjungi website ini : http://www.junkonline.net/articles/1938-Graffiti-artist-Mohammed-Ali-spreads-some-truth

More picture here

The effect of cannabis on mental health and the potential spread of swine flu on commercial flights were among the issues raised with Health ministers yesterday.

Tory MP Ann Winterton said studies show that heavy users of skunk, a strong form of cannabis, are more liable to develop schizophrenia.

“In fact, the risk to them is 40 per cent. greater. How can the Government combat that, because there are serious long-term effects? In fact, the problem could be described as a mental health time bomb,” she said.

Gillian Merron, the new Minister of State at the Department of Health, said there is not enough research evidence to be clear about any extra risks posed to mental health resulting from skunk cannabis use.

“Because of public concern and the kind of issues that have been raised, that despite the fact that what we know so far is that there is a probable but weak causal link, we have promoted the FRANK campaign, which has the slogan, “cannabis can mess with your mind”, and we will continue to do that,” she said.

Ms Merron told MPs that cannabis use is declining but the use of more potent cannabis such as skunk is increasing.

Fiona Mactaggart, Labour MP for Slough, asked for research into the impact of khat, “which is a legal drug, but which causes real concern in the Somali community, where its use is widespread.”

Her colleague Paul Flynn condemned the “hysterical, evidence-free hyperbole, an example of which we heard this afternoon,” over skunk and urged MPs to heed the “scientific, evidence-based advice” from the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs.

Brian Iddon asked why patients who have contracted the hepatitis C virus from contaminated blood are not getting the same compensation as those who contracted HIV from contaminated blood.

Ms Merron said: “It is the different circumstances of patients that are reflected in the different financial arrangements.

“We will review the Skipton fund, which was set up for those infected with hepatitis C, in 2014, 10 years after its commencement.”

The swine flu pandemic was discussed at length.

Health Secretary Andy Burnham said the total laboratory-confirmed UK cases as of 22 June is 2,905.

Worldwide there are more than 52,000 cases.

“An interim national pandemic flu service has been tested and could be mobilised within a week,” he told MPs.

“Primary care trusts have put in place a support structure for this service.

“Discussions with manufacturers about our purchase of vaccine are at an advanced stage.”

Tory MP Andrew Mackay said the national flu hotline is not operational and asked if the NHS will be able to cope.

“An interim flu line service is available and could be up and running within a week,” Mr Burnham told MPs.

“We have also made preparations to ensure that the full national pandemic flu service will be available to be switched on in the autumn if it is needed.

“Our preparations are good and we remain in a position to ensure that patients are not put at risk.”

Shadow Health Secretary Andrew Lansley said the national pandemic flu line was supposed to be ready by April or May 2009 and asked why it had been delayed.

Mr Burnham said it is “absolutely right” that the service was tested in detail.

“There have been examples in other areas where national telephone lines or internet services have not been able to cope at the point that they went live. That cannot be the case here.”

Mr Lansley said that in March the Department of Health said that the service would be ready in April or May.

“Clearly the Department must have felt that it was close to implementation,” he said.

“Was it because the Treasury refused to sign the contract? Was it because BT was holding the Department to ransom on the NHS IT programme?

“Why precisely was there a delay of several months that had not been expected in March?”

Mr Burnham said that because of the outbreak, “the full solution was put on hold while interim solutions were developed. When the service goes live, it will have to be able to cope with demand.”

Lib Dem MP John Hemming was worried about the risks from air travel, “which is almost a mechanism for cross-infection.”

“What reviews have the Government carried out on what should be done on planes, not necessarily for this virus, whose symptoms are not so severe, but for future more serious infections?” he asked.

Mr Burnham said only that “we take advice at all times from the Government’s scientific advisory group,” and “we keep all scenarios under consideration.”

Brent North MP Barry Gardiner called for isolation units around the country, “particularly close to major centres where there is immigration, such as Heathrow,” ahead of the expected outbreak in the autumn.

Mr Burnham said he is acting to ensure that the NHS is able to cope with the “extra demand that it will face over the coming months, and particularly over the coming winter period.”

“Obviously, the availability of isolation facilities and critical care facilities is important, but it is also important to say, for the avoidance of doubt, that for the vast majority of people this has been a mild condition from which they have been able to make a speedy recovery.

“In a small minority of cases—I stress that it is a small minority of cases—the symptoms have been more severe.

“Obviously, we will take advice from the scientific advisers as we know more about this particular disease.”

Here’s a fantastic, in-depth study on Khat (Catha edulis).

Khat (Catha edulis): Botany, Distribution, Cultivation, Usage and Economics in Ethiopia

By Dechassa Lemessa (Agriculturalist), UN-Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia

Addis Ababa, June 2001

Introduction, objectives and methodology
Despite the daily use and consumption of khat by millions of people in Ethiopia and other countries, very little is known of the cultivation or economics of what is viewed as cash-crop of growing importance. It is evident that most users’ knowledge is limited to only the mildly narcotic effects of the plant. This also applies to a large number of agricultural experts and researchers not only due to lack of reference material on the subject but also due to classification of the plant as a drug by most international and national institutions. Consequently, the crop has received little attention from researchers or, for obvious reasons, the agricultural extension services.

This study was therefore initiated and conducted by the UN-Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia (UN-EUE) to gather and document comprehensive information on the husbandry, economic, social and ecological importance of the crop and to disseminate this information to relevant and interested stakeholders.

Though officially discouraged, khat stands among the most important cash crops in Ethiopia, with strong markets domestically as well as in neighboring Somalia, Djibouti, Yemen and the Gulf State. As a cash crop commonly grown in otherwise food insecure parts of the country, the need to understand better the cultivation, botanical characteristics and economics of the plant has been highlighted.

The study was initially conducted in Haromaya (Alemaya) wereda of East Hararghe Zone in Oromia Region which was selected for its extensive khat production, huge dependence of the people on the crop and the well-developed khat culture due to the development of basic infrastructure, mainly roads and the proximity to market centres, vital for the commodity. However, to investigate ranges of production conditions across different ecosystems in Ethiopia the study also covers other main khat growing areas of the country. Key informants include khat growers, zonal and wereda Agriculture officials, khat brokers and traders, students, teachers and toll-gate workers in the eastern corridor of Ethiopia. Available secondary information sources were reviewed in which case the Alemaya University of Agriculture (AUA) library was visited.

Various Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) techniques including semi-structured interviews, field and market visits, pictures, proportional piling, transect walks and observations were used during the study.

The socio-economic aspect of the crop, which is a more sensitive issue, mainly as khat growers and those involved in trading khat fear the imposition of heavy taxes, will be taken as the second phase of the study. Information presented in this paper are dominantly concerning khat husbandry and is aimed at developing an understanding of the subject, paving the way for future research and development by development agencies, researchers, extension agents, policy makers and other interested stakeholders. This synopsis is based on the main study and
is meant for the general reader and those who might be interested to know more about the crop and its cultivation.

Plant origin, history and geographic distribution
Much of the lore of khat has been passed on orally from generation to generation, leaving inadequate written records largely due to lack of interest in the crop by institutions, policy makers and researchers. Hence, the history of its importance as a crop is neither clear nor certain.

Some oral traditions claim that khat originated from Yemen, however the literature indicates that khat originated from Ethiopia, specifically in Hararghe with a gradual expansion to different parts of Ethiopia, Yemen and other parts of the world (Huffnagel, 1961).

Legend has it that the use of khat was first discovered by a herder who noticed the effect of the plant on his goats and who tried it and experienced wakefulness and added strength.

The distribution of khat in tropical Africa extends from north Arabia to South Africa. In Africa it is well established in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, despite efforts of the respective governments to discourage its cultivation.

In East Africa it grows in the range of 1500-2500 metres above sea level (masl). Outside Africa it is planted in the Arabian Peninsula, Yemen, Afghanistan, India and Sri Lanka for consumption and in the USA, UK and France for experimental purposes.

The plant
Khat is an evergreen perennial shrub plant that belongs to the Celastraceae family. The plant is known with different vernacular names: Khat in English and in Arabic, Jimaa in Oromiffaa (language of Oromo people growing the plant extensively in Ethiopia) and chat in Amharic.
Khat usually grows up to 7 meters but occasionally reaches as high as 15 to 25 meters.

Leaves are simple, elliptic, oblong and are glossy green above but lighter below, leathery and stiff tapering to both ends. The buds and leaves
contain an alkaloid and are chewed in a fresh or dried condition as a stimulant. Flowers are small and white. The fruit is smooth and narrow splitting to release narrowly winged reddish seeds when matured. The stem is straight and slender; the bark has different colours depending on the variety and age of the stem and branches. The young branches are smooth and green to pinkish but grey and sometimes rougher and darker on older branches and stems. The root system can grow as deep and as long as 3-5 m.

Uses
Economic use: In Ethiopia khat is an important and potentially lucrative cash crop. The employment opportunity created through the cultivation of khat is very high in that large number of people are involved in growing, harvesting, sorting, packing, transporting, loading and unloading the commodity.

The wood of the plant is commonly used for fuel and due to its resistance to termite is used in the construction of houses and fencing. It is also used for making rafters, handles of farm tools (hammers and chisels) and handles of household articles such as pots and pans, rolling pins, and to make forks, combs, spoons and for rulers.

Medicinal use: Processed leaves and roots are used to treat influenza, cough, gonorrhea, asthma and other chest problems. The root is also used for stomach ache and an infusion is taken orally to treat boils.

Social value: Khat has considerable social value. It is served to welcome and entertain guests, in mourning, weddings and circumcision ceremonies and collective labour works. Khat chewing has its own associated ceremonies like smoking of incense, cigarettes and use of drinks (soft drinks, tea and milk).

Khat chewing is addictive and has negative physical, economical and social connotations. Although non-users both in rural and urban areas condemn the practice of chewing, the number of people chewing is increasing particularly among the youth. In urban areas, chewing khat is a common leisure activity which, combined with the consumption of it, followed by alcohol is having an adverse effect on family life. Students and a number of staff in higher education institutions and high schools are using khat to “increase” their concentration levels and attention span.

Some of the farmers consulted said that khat gives them energy and strength to accomplish a great deal of agricultural and other hard work, which they say, would otherwise be impossible. According to farmers in Hararghe where hand cultivation is extensively used in seedbed preparation and cultivation, khat chewing enables them to accomplish the work without fatigue. They also cited the additional “advantage” of a reduced appetite in food shortage periods. The crop also has prestige value for people who grow large quantities.

Farmers in eastern Ethiopia often start chewing khat right after breakfast and work for about 3 hours without any feeling of fatigue. After lunch, they resume chewing and work through the remaining afternoon with intermittent chewing. It is evident that khat chewing competes for
active working time in that the actual working hours do not exceed 6-8 hours a day. Furthermore, in areas where khat chewing is common, such as in Afar, Somali regions and Hararghe zones of Oromia Region, punctuality of business appointments is a frequent problem, as the time after lunch is usually spent in chewing Khat.

Environmental value: In Hararghe khat is grown in an intensive production system. It is planted in rows on hillsides along terraces in association with different food crops, mainly annuals, and oriented against slopes. As such, khat cultivation plays key role in controlling soil
erosion, which is a major threat in the area due to the undulated topography and intensive deforestation for farmland expansion and hence khat culture is considered to be the best agro-forestry system practiced by farmers. Had it not been for the cultivation of khat, the erosion of topsoil would have been severe and possibly disastrous in midland areas of East and West Hararghe zones.

Distribution in Ethiopia
The total area of land under khat cultivation in Ethiopia in the year 1997/98 was estimated at 78,570 hectare (Central Statistics Authority, 1997/98). Oromia, mainly East and West Hararghe zones, is the most important centre of khat production (East Hararghe zone alone contributes 53.4% of the total production area) in Ethiopia. Hararghe is considered to be the most important producer of quality khat in the world (Peter, 1952).

Despite silent support and objection against the crop by development institutions, khat is cultivated and expanding in different parts of Ethiopia (Map 1). It can be grown rain fed and/or irrigated, though the later covers less than 20% of the total khat area. The crop could be planted both in home garden or in the field.

Soils and topography
Soil with high clay content is not suitable for khat production. The crop requires well drained dark red-brown, sandy loam with a low percentage of clay and medium to high amounts of total nitrogen, organic matter, available phosphorus, calcium, potassium and magnesium (Murphy,
1959). Khat performs best on soils with a pH of 6.0-8.2. Nevertheless, once established, khat grows well under a wide range of soil types and climatic conditions. The optimal altitude for growing khat ranges from 1500-2100 masl. In Ethiopia khat is extensively grown and thrives
best in mid-land (1500 -2500 masl), but it can also be grown with irrigation down to 1000 masl if the area is free of frost. At the early development stage of the plant, water supply is more critical than soil type. The field should be well manured and drained for good crop
performance.

Rainfall
Khat is tolerant of a wide range of rainfall patterns, the distribution of rains in one season is more critical than the total amount of annual rainfall received. Annual rainfall ranging from 1,000-1,500 mm is considered as ideal for good performance and productivity of the crop. In
Hararghe both the short rains (March- May) and the long rains (June/July-September) are essential for rain fed khat producers but for optimum production farmers also hand-water their khat fields once or twice during the dry season.

Site selection, land preparation and planting
An ideal site for khat growing should have well-drained fertile soil, free of rocks and frost. Khat fields are usually prepared during the dry season, before the rains start.

The propagation method of Khat is by cuttings or suckers having root (s). These planting materials are the only means of propagating, as seeds are not used for propagation due to poor germination rate of the seeds. Planting materials are selected and planted directly in the prepared planting pit. The suckers or cuttings should have circumference of 8-10cm at the base and 50cm long. Suckers are preferable compared with cuttings as the former establishes the plant faster and will be ready for harvest sooner.

Planting pits should be 1m long, at least 50cm deep and 50cm wide and should be prepared at least 2 to 4 weeks before planting. At a planting time two suckers are planted in each pit and selected later on the basis of their performance and vigour. No single period is determined for planting khat, it all depends on the availability of water. In general the spacing between rows ranges 1-5m and 0.4-1m between plants.

In Hararghe khat is often grown in association with different food crops and is highly compatible when intercropped. The practice of row planting and intercropping simplifies agricultural operations besides easing up the existing land shortage. In marginal and steep sloping areas, where other crops can not be grown, pure stands of khat are planted.

Manure
Continuous harvesting of khat exhausts and debilitates the mother plant unless fertiliser is used to maintain soil fertility. Manure is applied on khat every year based on the availability of manure or compost. Farmers prefer organic fertilizers (manure and compost) as compared to inorganic (chemical) fertilisers. The volume of manure available is limited and too scarce to satisfy the needs of farmers. Thus, farmers in Hararghe prepare their own compost and use this to improve soil fertility.

Weeding
Farmers in Hararghe have a good reputation in terms of managing and keeping their crop fields weed free and clean. Khat fields are weeded and harrowed/cultivated at least 3-4 times a year. Cultivation is the means of controlling weeds and farmers make sure that no weeds grow under the crop. Mulching khat plots with different available materials is another cultural practice used to control weeds and conserve soil moisture.

Thinning, pruning and stumping
Despite the lack of extension support and advice, farmers in Hararghe are well versed in khat management. Among the management practices thinning or removing poorly performing damaged and infected branches is an important one. Khat reacts very well to pruning and stumping, producing long, straight stems in a few years though frequent harvesting done in a proper manner tends to make pruning unnecessary. When khat attains about half of its life the stand will be pruned to about a meter heigh. Stumping initiates new shoots regenerating from the rootstock.

Harvesting
From planting a stand of khat to regular harvesting normally takes 2 to 3 years though Amare & Krikorian (1965) state five to eight years. In the first year, farmers prune/harvest a small amount mainly to train and control the growth habit, to initiate more shoots with better twigs and to reduce wind damage. This harvest, locally known as Kolasa, is mostly used for self-consumption rather than for sale. From the second to third year, however, the harvest volume steadily increases over all 8-10 years period, but afterwards the plant becomes old and needs to be renewed by stumping at soil level or at the middle of the stem.

Khat is harvested by breaking off the young branches from the main branches and trimming it to about 40-cm. Depending on growth stage of the harvestable products there are different types of khat products. Young and soft shoots are detached with the bare hands, while hardy shoots are cut off by hand tools. Each harvestable product is locally given name (s).

Khat can be harvested year round at any time of the day, but is often harvested in early morning or late afternoon. Generally, harvesting is possible 2-3 times a year from a well-established rain-fed matured khat stand depending on the age, management practice and the fertility of the soil.

If a matured plant is harvested in August, as is mostly the case, the second harvest will be followed in November. However, with sufficient rains in March well-managed and established stands can give an early harvest in May. If such is the case, harvesting is followed by a grace period from June to August for the plant to maintain itself for the second and third harvesting in September and November. Often, even in one field there are khat plants planted at different times and hence harvest is available year round.

Khat has short shelf-life and cannot be kept for longer than 2-3 days. Mature khat should be harvested and marketed without delay; otherwise the quality deteriorates and loses market value.

Although farmers found it difficult to quantify their annual income from the commodity, farmers in Haromaya wereda said that khat is bringing them a much higher income per year than any other crop they grow.

Varieties and kinds of marketable khat products
Oromo people in Hararghe recognise three types/traditional “varieties” of khat plants classified physically based on the colour of the young shoots of the plant. These identified types are: dimaa/red, dalota (dalacha)/whitish and hamarcot the later being in between dimaa and dalota in color according to most farmers. There are people who also say that dalota and hamarcot are one and the same but could have slight differences based on the level of care and management practices provided. The red/dimaa type has a reddish tinge, withstands harsh conditions, tolerates poor management, extensive harvest (exhaustion) and gives reasonable
harvest even with less care compared with the other varieties. However, it is of inferior quality and is less preferred by consumers and has low market value as compared to the other two varieties. Hamarcot has broad leaves and is less branched out, it is superior in quality and hence has better market value. Dalota is white or light in colour, has narrow leaves and more branches compared to hamarcot. Unlike the other two varieties, hamarcot does not have clear distinguishing characteristics for easy identification. But through experience it is possible to distinguish it fairly easily. It is not clear whether the said types of khat are true or scientific
varieties or just traditionally categorised as types of the plant.

Some of the criteria farmers’ use to grade the quality of khat are; exciting rate or narcotic effect, taste, physical appearance, demand and market value. According to farmers and khat users in Hararghe hamarcot, dalacha and dimaa khat are ranked as first, second and third, respectively, using the above criteria.

The harvestable part of khat has consumable and non-consumable portions. The chewable portion is succulent and tender while leathery part is unfit for consumption. Based on the growth stage of the shoots and proportion of chewable parts four major grades/ kinds of products are identified by local people (farmers, traders and consumers), namely; urata, qudaa, qartii and faaqa/chira/tacharo. Each khat type (dimaa, dalota and hamarcot) could have these three qualities. Distinguishing the different products requires well-experienced person to be sure of the specific types.

Forms of consumption
Khat is grown for its tender leaves and twigs/stems, which are chewed for their mild stimulating effect. They taste sweet to bitter when fresh, based on the type of khat consumed. Although the most common way of obtaining the stimulating effect of khat is by chewing fresh leaves and
soft twigs, consuming dried and pounded materials, in the form of tea, infusion and smoking is also seen.

As with most other addictions, when a regular khat chewer is not getting khat he/she feels uncomfortable, becomes restless and aggressive. In Hararghe a person in such a state is locally known as jazba (literally meaning inactive or dull) and the condition of an extraordinary desire for khat is called harara. During this period one cannot be expected to behave well or to respond positively to any query. However, when a regular chewer gets khat, after about one and half to two hours she/he will become calm as the narcotic effect begins to work. This state of quenching the chewing desire is locally known as mirqaana. According to key informants, the time taken to get the stimulating effect varies based on the body weight of the person, room temperature and type and quality of the material. It is said that a heavy person will sense the feeling late as compared to a person with less body weight while warm room temperature will hasten the narcotic effect or the excitement.

In Ethiopia, khat consumers include both sexes (at varying level), farmers, traders, teachers, students, health and military people, drivers (mostly for night driving), government officials and foreigners.

The increasing use and consumption of khat has become a major concern to many countries especially to Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia who have found it necessary to prohibit its cultivation at different times. Nevertheless, past efforts to ban the crop in these countries and to replace it with coffee in Ethiopia and uprooting the crop after paying compensation in Somalia did not last long. The failure was largely due to the exclusion of the farmers from the decision-making process and more importantly, due to an absence of any viable substitute that could fully compensate the merits (traditional, economic, social, environmental benefits) obtained from the cultivation of khat. Khat sparked a commission of inquiry, under the auspices of the League of Nations while in more recent years the UN Commission on Narcotics and Drugs (UNCND) found the issue of khat consumption and its effects quite controversial often postponing several meetings as the plant’s narcotic effect was insufficiently understood due to lack of viable clinical research information.

Pests and other constraints
Khat is subject to a wide range of insect pests, diseases, weeds and animals that damage its leaves, newly growing shoots, stems and roots. At worst, the result could be a total destruction of the plant but mostly the damage is to the quality of the harvested material, which affects the
economic gains from the crop. In most cases, traditional pest control practices like hand picking, spraying a solution of hyena faeces (against deer and antelopes), botanical or plant origin solutions such as an infusion of crushed garlic, tobacco and soap are commonly used.
Nevertheless, the occurrence and severity of pest damage has increased and therefore synthetic insecticides are becoming increasingly common.

Other potential threats that might limit production and marketing of khat include frost, hailstorm and drought.

Inaccessibility of markets and extreme fluctuation of market prices are additional problems that impact on khat growers. Effective Khat marketing depends on the availability of basic infrastructure like roads and the proximity to market centres. Important constraints to production are shortages of manure, irrigation water and lack of small credit facilities for purchase of water pumps and other accessories for irrigation.

Processing methods
There are a number of procedures and processes employed to ensure the marketable value of the harvested material of khat. The consumable part is harvested and put in shawls or plastic sacks at farm level and taken home for sorting and grading by plucking off the leathery leaves and trimming the long stems. The selected material and the unfit/ unmarketable portion, locally called garaaba, are separated. The unfit part is set aside for animal feed and as compost material for later use as manure. The selected and marketable part is tied into haqara/bundle
(40-60 selected slender twigs) and splashed with water to keep the product wet and fresh.  The bundles of the commodity will finally be placed in burlap or plastic bag, sack or shawl ready for transport to
market for sale. The way the commodity is packed varies depending on the distance to the final destination and the purpose it is sent for (local consumption or export).

Marketing: volume and earnings
In Ethiopia khat is used for direct consumption, local sale and for export. It is estimated that 85 to 90% of khat production is sold, the rest is used for local consumption.

Information obtained from one of the khat exporting enterprises in Dire Dawa showed that out of 99,432 kg of bulky khat purchased in December 2000, 71% of the material was qualified and presented for export to Djibouti. The quality, prices and taxation rate of export khat are quite
high as compared to that used for local consumption. For example, the tax for locally used khat is Birr 2 per kg while the levy for exportable khat is Birr 5 per kg. Khat appears to make a significant contribution to the foreign currency earnings of Ethiopia. It is exported to various parts of the world including: Djibouti, UK (London), Somalia, and a number of Arab Countries. Since the formal export to Aden in 1942 markets were developed (when exports totalling 1,485.8 mt valued over Birr 6.4 million were recorded), exports have increased dramatically. In 1999/2000 Birr 0.464 billion worth of khat was exported to different countries and ranked second replacing hides and skins in export revenue (The Reporter, 2000). The above figures do not, however, include the huge volume of khat smuggled to different countries.

Currently, there are 5 registered and official khat exporting enterprises in Ethiopia. Despite the economic benefits drawn from khat, some countries, including the Ethiopian government, have repeatedly attempted to limit the production and export of khat and forced replacement of the crop with coffee, in accordance with proposals made by the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs (Huffnagel, 1961).

Neither locally nor internationally khat producers do not have much control over market prices. Prices often increase by over 900% between the farm and market because of the virtual monopoly held by just a few traders who effectively control supply and dictate price to both producers and consumers.

Farmers generally sell their khat to buyers who directly come to the field and negotiate a price with the producer. When farmers take the commodity to local whole sale markets they mostly do not sell it directly to traders, rather they sell through regular brokers (locally known as qabqabii) who negotiate on the price on behalf of the farmer/owner. Each trader has a number of brokers and operates through them. After negotiation on the price with the buyer, if the farmer agrees to the offer by the buyer, the broker sells the material to the buyer and receives a 10% commission from the farmer/seller but allegedly not from the buyer.

Once harvested, khat is a perishable commodity. There is no affordable means of storing khat for a longer period of time other than the local and traditional way of sprinkling with water and wrapping it airtight with transparent plastic sheets. Thus, proximity to market centres and efficient transportation are the blood stream of khat marketing.

In Ethiopia, the full range of means to transport khat are employed including: headload, human shoulder, packing animals, small automobiles, trucks, trains and aeroplanes, progressing from the farm level through to regional and international markets.

According to informants contacted in Awaday market, prices are generally low in September, October, April and August but high in November, December, January, February, March, May, June and July as harvest is scarce in the later case.

Composition of khat
Despite efforts by scientists to illuminate the chemical and pharmacological aspects of khat, little is known. Stockman (1912) reported that leaves and twigs of young khat contain different groups of alkaloid (cathine, cathinine and cathidine). Alkaloid is the ingredient that affects the central nervous system (WHO Document, 1964). The alkaloid content has been found to be higher in Ethiopian and Tanzanian varieties than those grown in other countries khat (Paris & Moyse, 1958), which is why the former varieties are preferred.

A study revealed that fresh leaf and tender twigs of khat can contain and contribute an important amount of nutrients to the diet of consumers (Darby et al, 1959). According to this study per 100 gm of fresh consumable parts the following contents are found.

Item Amount
Ash 1.6 gm
Protein (Nx6.25) 5.2 gm
Fiber 2.7 gm
Ascorbic Acid 161.0  mg*
Thiamin <0.05 mg
Niacin 14.8 mg
Riboflavin <0.05 mg
Beta-carotene 1.8 mg*
Calcium 290 mg*
Iron 18.5 mg*
* Important amounts to user’s diet.

Gender issues
Most of the labour required for the cultivation of khat is undertaken by men and boys. Women are traditionally prevented from land preparation for the work is difficult to them if not physically impossible. Conversely, household chores are exclusively left for women and girls. Nevertheless, the role of women in khat production is immense and includes: transporting manure to near by khat fields (men and children transport the manure to distant sites using donkey), harvesting and marketing of khat for local sale, sorting and grading of marketable parts and preparing and taking food to the family members working in field. In khat production night-guarding, largely due to the problem of theft a most demanding and expensive task in terms of labour and time is undertaken by men.

Effects of khat on human health
Khat is a stimulant with a mild narcotic effect when taken in moderate quantities. However, little is known of the plant’s health effects (Hill, 1996). Hill states that khat is not clearly addictive, as it has been observed that abrupt withdrawal of khat from the habitual consumer does not necessarily lead to withdrawal symptoms. The plant stimulates or charges human bodies for action due to its alkaloid content. Excessive consumption of khat is said to induce symptoms of hallucination or illusion, intoxication and short energy boosting effect. Extended use is also reported to cause emaciation, may be as a result of suppressed appetite, and impotence. Generally, chewing khat causes constipation though some also report that it reduces constipation. It is not clear what is considered to be moderate consumption and what would
amount to an over dose leading to health related problems. In this case further research and investigation is needed.

Conclusion and recommendations
Khat is clearly an important cash crop in Ethiopia well-known for its foreign currency earnings. Nonetheless, it is little understood and given no development and research attention as yet. Millions of people both in Ethiopia and other countries are making a living from the crop. Nevertheless, it is mostly viewed as a socially undesirable “drug plant”.

Different countries have attempted to impose restrictions (by substitution or compensation) against the crop at different times considering it socially undesirable apparently because the economic and sociological aspects of the crop are not well understood.

This study has helped underline the considerable level of sophistication that characterises the cultivation and marketing of khat in eastern Ethiopia. Farmers posses considerable knowledge of the crop and appear to be the best experts of khat production than any body else so far.
They also appear to drive a substantial cash income from the sale of the khat despite the absence of technical support and massive differences that exists between producer and retail prices. Estimating the actual economic and agricultural importance of the crop, however, is difficult due to the dearth of credible data relating to the area under cultivation, yields and
market volumes.

It is recommended that a better understanding of the economic benefits and disbenefits of khat be developed through a multidisciplinary approach with the full involvement of khat growers and traders. The findings derived from such an approach should then be considered against an
understanding of the negative physical and social effects of khat use/abuse before considering possible strategies to assist khat growing communities through the substitution of alternative crops, such as coffee. Only through a balanced analysis, taking into consideration all factors
(economics, social, cultural and environmental), can the cultivation, use and economics of khat be understood in a proper context.

In Summary, any desire to find substitutes for khat should fulfil desirable parameters and need to compensate for most if not all benefits obtained from this crop by many communities that would otherwise face severe economic difficulties.

Acknowledgements
The author would like to express his sincere thanks and gratitude to those farmers who generously provided him their life-long knowledge and experience in khat production. Without their support, unreserved contributions and friendship this study would not have been possible.

Special thanks go to Obbo Musa Yusuf and Obbo Musa Ahimed both very skilled in Khat husbandry and who shared with me their extensive knowledge on the subject. I am equally indebted to Khat traders who provided me with market information on the commodity.

I am also grateful to all employees of Department of Agriculture in Hararghe Zones and weredas who accorded me generous assistance in the course of the study. Ato Seyifu W/Kidane is thanked for the views and personal notes he shared.

I am especially thankful to Obbo Abdul Latif Ahimed who is doing his M.Sc. studies at Alemaya University of Agriculture, for his unfailing co-operation in arranging interviews with farmers and khat merchants besides sharing his own experience in the subject.

Finally, I would like to thank Mr. Gromo Alex and Mr. Mark Bidder for their support, encouragement and constructive ideas they furnished me through out the study.

DISCLAIMER

The designations employed and the presentation of material in this document do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever of the UN concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area of its
authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

June 2001

UN-EUE       Tel.: (251) (1) 51-10-28/29
PO Box 60252        Fax: (251) (1) 51-12-92
Addis Ababa       e-mail: un-eue@un.org
Ethiopia                            www.telecom.net.et/~undp-eue/

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