I was greeted, off the matatu from Nairobi, by most of the 50 members of Vision Gardens, the Community Based Organisation I would be working with in Mukurwe-ini.  Some had travelled many miles on foot to welcome me with their hugs and warm smiles. The Mzungu has arrived!

After a short heated debate amongst the senior women, it was announced that my name would be ‘Nyambura’. This seemed to please everyone. Nyambura is Kikuyu for ‘Born of the Rains’, and as they had not received much rain in the past two years they hoped that my Irish heritage would bless them with some.

I was presented with my lesso, a wrap-a-round cloth worn by Kikuyu women, and felt both embarrassed and honoured, as my new friends sang, clapped and danced around me in true Kikuyu style.

Photographed by daveblume

Carrying grass for livestock, in the rural highlands of Kenya’s Central Province, 1989.

– License

By Muli wa Kyendo

It is interesting to see that in these days of internet, Africa’s literary giants, Chinua Achebe of Nigeria and Ngugi wa Thiong’o of Kenya, are still asking the old question: Should African writers write in English? Chinua Achebe thinks we should – and goes ahead to write his novels in English, believing as he has often stated, that, if his books are useful, they will be translated into whichever languages become important in future.

Ngugi on the other hand believes that it is important to write in ones mother tongue because of one Tanzanian writer long wrote, “Whoever abandons his culture is a slave.” And Ngugi, like Chinua has proceeded to write in Kikuyu, his mother tongue, in which I understand, he lectures with the help of a translator, in an American University.

Language is important for us, journalists, writers, poets and even musicians who must use language to earn their living. And that’s why this debate is of interest us.

Why Writers Write

The underlying question of the debate is: Why do writers write? Naturally they writes because they have ideas or information they want to communicate. If follows then that the wider the relevant audience they can communicate with, the better. The key word here is the “relevant audience.” If what you want to communicate is of relevance only to Kikuyus, then obviously you should follow the Ngugi way and write in Kikuyu. If however, you want to reach a wider East African audience, then you must become fluent in Kiswahili and write in it.

Again, it follows that if your audience is even wider than that, you must write in English.

You Are Not Slave

It doesn’t mean you are a slave. You will in fact, be doing what has been done the world over throughout the ages. And what it means is that the language you are using has achieved ascendancy over the others that you could use at this point in time. At another point in time, another language will achieve the high point and all books and important thoughts of earlier periods will be translated into that language as Chinua Achebe says.

When Greek was the language of the day, all important thoughts were expressed in the Greek. And so it was when Latin was the language. And I assume it was the same when Egyptian language was on the top.

Why Language Become Important

Languages do not become important because of colonization as Ngugi seems to assume. Germany had colonies and German language didn’t become international. The Dutch, the French, the Spaniard, the Portuguese and many more, all had colonies, and their languages have not become more significant than our Kiswahili.

Languages become important because of the economic power of its speakers. Unlike what Ngugi thinks, it is the US which is now the reason for the increased use of English. Its economic, cultural, technological and military might ensures the dominance of English as many people look forward to doing business with them or to gaining some experience from them. That is why both Ngugi and Chinua Achebe are lecturing in US universities, earning a decent, comfortable living. Without writing in English, they wouldn’t be literature professors in the US.

Africa’s Desperate Need

Africa is in desperate need to explain its position to the world. To explain to the world the beauty of its cultures, the abundance of its wealth, the intellectual prowess of its people and the role its people have played to advance world cultures and history.

And we, who are writing from the continent, are excited that at last, the internet is giving us an opportunity to explain Africa to world. Our expectation is that with increased knowledge of the continent, its intellectual and natural resources, its role in world cultures and history, the continent will take its place as an equal partner in world development. In deed that it will take the lead, as it should, in world leadership

And when that happens, Kiswahili will take the position of English. Then all great ideas and thoughts will be expressed in Kiswahili. And the rest of the world, including the English, will be the ones complaining and finding importance in the statement, “Those who abandon their cultures are slaves.”

I just read this on the BBC and can’t stop wishing that it is all hype. The report quotes a number of Kenyans – mostly from the Rift Valley – who seem to be acknowledging that segments of the Kenyan population are arming ahead of the 2012 elections. And this time round instead of machetes and bows and arrows they are getting guns, machine guns. A Kenyan working for an NGO in Eldoret confirmed the BBC report.

I am assuming, or rather hoping that the Kenyan intelligence community is not sleeping on the job like they did in the run-up to the 2007 elections. If people are buying machine guns it can only mean one thing. If Kenya is ever to have a civil war it will be fought in the Rift Valley. Other political conflicts in Kenya have always been over the sharing of divisible goods – mainly payoffs in terms of good jobs and chances for sleaze among the many ethnic entrepreneurs that populate the Kenyan political landscape. But the conflict in the Rift Valley will be about a somewhat indivisible good – LAND. Those that own the land will not let go or share it easily, more so if they have machine guns. And those that think that the land was taken from them wrongly will perhaps  also be willing to fight for the land, more so if they also have machine guns.

The contest in 2012 just seems to get messier and messier. Kibaki should consider calling a snap election and then stepping down. That may catch the plotters unawares and bring a decisive victory to one party or the other. May be then the government will be able to deal with all these issues – land, judicial reforms, security etc – without the many distractions that the current government faces.

And in other news, Jaindi Kisero (one of my favorite columnists) has a piece on the slightly positive signs the Kenyan economy has shown so far. If only the nation’s political class would get its act togehter…

I also found this discussion on the IMF and WB interesting.

One, more thing.  Last week I attended a talk by Paul Romer on Charter cities. The idea is as exciting as it is provocative. I still don’t know what to make of it though. Read more about it here.

The other day, I was coming from my usual errands, when I saw these Kenyans dancing there heads and bodies in the streets of Nairobi, whistling and making merry. The first thing that hit my head was we are doomed, yet again!

Since 2007, after the disputed Presidential elections, Kenyans have been wary… on the lookout, with eyes wide open lest we get hit by the baton carrying cops. Nairobi is quiet an unprecedented place, especially if you sleep with both your eyes. For one to survive here, don’t blink with two eyes!

So these dancing people, I came to realize, were AFC Leopards fans supporting their club’s win 2-1 against Mathare United in the Kenya Premier League. Then my heart rested.

But before long, I heard passengers in the matatu I was in in utter disgust saying: ‘Hawa Waluhya kazi yao ni kushinda wakiimba. Wavivu!(These Luhyas are always singing and dancing. Lazy people!)

It didn’t occur to him that the Luhyas were doing what is patriotic to them and at the right moment. So I thought whether they were causing unending traffic jams or just lazy as the observer in the matatu opined.

So how many of us are patriotice enough to sweat for the sake of their cultures? And what is not patriotic to warrant negative attributes?

Sine independence, Kenyans have been urged to be patriotic for the sake of national development and reconciliation, yet with our Nyayo Philosophy of Peace, Love and Unity, we’ve tended to hide our patriotism under our armpits for fear of being branded tribalist!

Sometimes it beats logic in trying to unralvel what is really meant by traibalism and nationhood. I also fail to understand how we can synchoronise our culture and live as a nation of thinkers, actors and developers, instead of seeing each other as Kikuyu, Luos, Luhya, Kalenjin?

As far as I know, being a Kikuyu does not make me a thief, or a Luhya does not warrant me to be considered a lzy bone. All these are thoughts edged deep in our minds that have belitted Kenyans to the level of lowering our integrity.

Let us go out in the open, shout, dance and make merry for the sake of our patriotism and let the world know we are not that naive, after all!

stumbled onto a video while twitter hopping and it really grabbed me and made me thnk about the phrase “pray for africa.”

about 2 years ago i was at an event in dallas where one of the merch tables was selling “pray for…” shirts and had an assortment of every imaginable country or place on them. they were a missionary group who decided to help fund their ops via shirt selling at big venue gigs like the one i was attending.

great idea.

i spent half an hour talking with a couple of them about their journies and projects and ended up diggin their whole approach and buying a shirt. the one i picked up said pray for africa and i wore it consistently for a long time.

as i look back tho i wonder how often i was actually on my knees praying for africa. prolly not very often. i mean i cared about it as much as the next guy and i harbored well intentioned thots toward the various situations threatening life and peace over there but i wasnt really affected by it. it didnt break my heart.

yet.

maybe its a timing thing and maybe i just needed a little fabric softener in my soul but i wasnt a minute into this video this morning before i was in tears over wot these people are going thru. and it breaks my heart to the point where i wonder wot i can do other than fall on my knees.

so i will.

but i wanted to share the vid with you first…

UPDATE – 22nd July 2009:

The Standard has reliably learnt that the number of sub-provinces is now 22 after two were added, reportedly to accommodate interests of certain communities in Nyanza and Rift Valley.

Southern Nyanza, which was initially lumped together with Eastern Nyanza, will now have its headquarters in Homa Bay. Eastern Nyanza will be administered from Kisii town and cater for the Gusii and Kuria. Also added to the list is Western Rift, to be governed from Kericho town. It was originally part of Western Rift Valley, which will now be called Eastern Rift with offices in Eldoret.

Read more on this story from the Standard daily >>

*********************************************

After he was warned against splitting Kenya’s provinces, President Mwai Kibaki has resorted to deceptive tactics to impose 20 new provinces through a bizarre concept of “sub-provinces.”

The new provincial units created by President Mwai Kibaki

In an unexpected political maneuver last week, the President made far reaching changes in the Provincial administration. Not only did he replace at least 6 Provincial Commissioners, but he also introduced 20 deputy provincial commissioners to be in charge of the 20 “sub-provinces.” Meanwhile, all 210 constituencies have been declared as districts but the final district tally is 254, meaning that some constituencies have more than one district!

The interesting fact is that the President’s Party of National Unity (PNU) had earlier proposed splitting the country into 20 provinces. The proposal was however rejected by majority of legislators. Even ex-President Daniel arap Moi, who lately supports Kibaki, rejected the proposal arguing that it will worsen ethnic tensions especially in the Rift Valley Province.

There are now fears of a resurgence of ethnic clashes as the new provincial borders appear aligned on ethnic lines. For instance, the larger Nyanza Province was split into Kisumu and Kisii sub-provinces. Western Province has been split into Bungoma and Kakamega sub-provinces to separate the Bukusu community from the rest of the Luhyas.

In the Rift Valley, the Maasai have been given Narok sub-province, the Kikuyu have Nakuru sub-province while the Kalenjin have been allocated Eldoret sub-province. The pastoral communities of the Pokot, Turkana and Samburu will be administered from Lodwar sub-province.

Central Province has been split into three: Thika, Nyandarua and Nyeri sub-provinces.

The Kamba ethnic group now have the Machakos sub-province.  Embu sub-province will administer the Embu, Meru, Tharaka and Nithi ethnic groups. The nomadic communities in the northern sector of Eastern Province now fall under the Marsabit sub-province. Likewise, the Somali dominated North Eastern province has been split into Wajir and Garissa sub-provinces.

At the coast, the Taita have a sub-province at Voi, while the Mijikenda will have Mombasa sub-province. The rest of the Coastal communities, including the Pokomo and the Bajuni have been clustered under the Malindi sub-province.

Districts with a mixed ethnic composition will experience ethnic tension as controversy emerges over which sub-province will administer those districts. For instance, will the Kalenjin prefer Nakuru sub-province or Eldoret sub-province? In Western Province, which Luhya sub-tribes will want themselves under Bungoma sub-province and which ones will prefer the Kakamega sub-province?

Some districts in Nyanza Province have a mixed Luo and Kisii ethnic composition. Will such districts be placed under the Kisumu sub-province or under the Kisii sub-province? Where will the Kuria ethnic group be placed? Will they demand a sub-province of their own?

In Eastern Province, there will be tension over Isiolo District. The Meru will want it placed under their Embu sub-province but the nomadic groups will want it under Marsabit sub-province. The presence of significant Somali and Samburu populations in Isiolo will complicate the equation.

North Eastern province is ethnically homogeneous but clan affiliation among the Somali is very strong. Which Somali clans will prefer the Wajir sub-province as opposed to the Garissa sub-province?

It appears that President Kibaki does not understand the danger of what he has just done. Everybody – including the international community – warned him against splitting provinces but he has thrown caution to the wind and implemented his diabolical plan. How can a leader get things so wrong?

Should clashes arise from the creation of sub-provinces, Kibaki must bear full responsibility for deaths, injuries and the destruction of property. The beneficiaries of this sinister political strategy should likewise share the blame.

“Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conlict, and the west has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner.  But the west is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children ae enlisted as combatants.  In my fathers life, it was partly tribalism and patronage in an independent Kenya that for along stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is a daily fact of life for far too many”

- Obama in Ghana

I was finally able to get my hands on a copy of Obama’s speech in Ghana and one of the things that resonated the most for me was his critique of tribalism.  I think that tribalism is one of the biggest, if not THE biggest problem in Kenya right now.  It was tribalism that led to the post election violence, and it is tribalism that has hindered efforts at recovery and progress.

I was talking to angie, our program coordinator, who has been in kakamega since before the election violence.  She described how there used to be good restaurants in town but they were primarily run by kikuyus and most of the kikuyus that survived left western Kenya.  While the scarcity of good food in town may not seem like a major developmental problem, I think it is illustrative of the destruction that tribalism can create on the economy. 

People are promoted to jobs not because of their personal merit, but because of connections and their tribal affiliation.  Voters choose politicians because of their tribal identities, and expect the politicians to support their own. As a result the people in positions of power are not the most capable, are not the leaders necessary to guide Africa into the future.

The colonial legacy has certainly had a role in shaping these tribal divisions.  The rebel forces, the mau mau, were predominately kikuyu, and upon independence many kikuyus took positions of power.  To this day the kikuyus are seen as the wealthiest, most politically powerful group.  However I think at some point the colonial legacy can no longer be an excuse for the tensions between the ethnic groups.  At some point, Kenyans need to move past this.  They need to start voting for politicians because of their policies, not their tribal affiliations, and without the expectation of direct support in return for votes. They need to abandon the traditional tribal stereotypes, and work to see their diversity as a strength, not a weakness.

In the US we have don’t exactly have an unblemished record of accepting out diversity, but I think that Kenya may be able to learn from our progress. It’s hard to imagine the silicon valley without the engineers from India and china.  My mouth waters thinking about the amazing thai food and Mexican taquerias back home in California.   Our economy is stonger and our culture more vibrant as a result of the contributions of all the different ethnic groups.

One and a half years after the devastating violence that followed the December 2007 elections, not a single person has been prosecuted and jailed for the deaths of at least 1,500 people during a three month orgy of killing, looting and rape.

Lack of political will among Kenya’s ruling elite has bogged down the prosecution process, meaning that those behind the killing and destruction will not stand trial any time soon. Meanwhile, the desire among western powers for stability in Kenya explains why the International Criminal Court at The Hague gave one more year for Kenya to establish a tribunal to prosecute those who planned, financed and participated in the clashes.

Kenya’s ruling elite were behind the violence whose victims were mostly slum dwellers and impoverished peasants. There is clear evidence of top politicians making hate speeches, administering oaths and paying youths for the mayhem. The two leading presidential candidates in 2007 – President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga – kept silent as fighting raged in their names.

Even today, inter-ethnic relations in Kenya are fraught with tensions, as politicians are not eager to unite the people. Politicians have boycotted peace meetings called to reconcile warring tribes because it is easier to campaign on a platform of ethnic nationalism rather than a campaign of unity. Indeed, majority of Kenyan leaders are mere ethnic warlords with no interest in national unity. They want to isolate their tribes in order to enhance their own power and eventually pass the baton of leadership to their children. In effect, what we are seeing in Kenya is the rise of a feudal class that wants to monopolize political and economic power for generations to come.

For sure there is more-than-enough evidence to begin criminal prosecutions against those involved in the political and ethnic clashes. Thanks to the media, there are acres of tapes showing looting and actual killings taking place. Politicians were recorded preaching ethnic incitement to their followers. Others were taped threatening those ethnic groups that they thought would vote for rival candidates.

The Majimbo (federalism) debate stoked ethnic tension prior to the 2007 elections. Anyone with a political knowledge of Kenya would have known how the concept of Majimbo was used to perpetrate ethnic killings in the 1990s at the Rift Valley and Coast Provinces. To bring up the same debate in an election year was not only naive but extremely reckless. The consequences were easily predictable, especially with millions of unemployed youths eager to take over the properties of people perceived as “outsiders.”

Kenya’s politicians are split among themselves over whether to establish a local tribunal or to let the International Criminal Court do the work. And it all has to do with the 2012 Presidential elections when President Mwai Kibaki will be stepping down.

On the one hand, Kibaki and Raila want a local tribunal because they think that they can manipulate judges and intimidate witnesses, resulting in acquittals and light sentences. On the other hand, a second group of politicians led by William Ruto and Uhuru Kenyatta fear that a local tribunal will turn them into sacrificial lambs. Ruto led fighting in Eldoret on behalf of Raila while Uhuru organized retaliatory attacks by the Kikuyu ethnic group on behalf of Kibaki.

Ruto is loudly complaining that Raila has abandoned the youth who fought for his premiership. Ruto says that both Kibaki and Raila should face trial as everybody else was fighting for either of the two men. Ruto believes that Raila has a soft spot for Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi, and having Ruto in jail would automatically clear the path for Mudavadi to succeed Raila sometime in future.

On his part, Uhuru believes that his political rivals want him jailed. His rivals in the Kibaki camp for the 2012 presidential elections are Internal Security Minister George Saitoti and former Justice Minister Martha Karua. It should be noted that Karua and Uhuru’s rivalry grew because Uhuru thought that Karua as Justice Minister was going to ensure that Uhuru was knocked out of the presidential succession race.

Uhuru and Ruto want the International Criminal Court (ICC) to take over the cases for several reasons:

1. They perceive that the ICC will be much more fairer as it does not have a vested interest in the 2012 elections in Kenya.
2. Court cases at the ICC take years to conclude. By 2012, the cases will not even have began and when they do, it is possible that either Uhuru and Ruto will be president and will therefore use state resources to escape prosecution.
3. It will not be possible to take the thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to The Hague to testify whereas a local tribunal will easily be accessible to IDPs.
4. If the worst comes to the worst, Ruto and Uhuru can implicate both Kibaki and Raila at the ICC. Should we have a local tribunal, it will be very difficult to bring charges against the President and Prime Minister but the ICC is not intimidated by titles. After all, the ICC currently has a warrant of arrest for President Omar al Bashir of Sudan.

As for the Kenyan people, what do they want?

Kenyans want the entire political class to be taken to The Hague as this will ensure justice for the hundreds of thousands still suffering the effects of post-election violence. There are fears that, unless something is done stop to ethnic warlords, the next General Elections of 2012 will be the end of Kenya as we know it.

Just to show that Kenyans want The Hague Option, the Standard daily reports that the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) is questioning how a Parliament housing the perpetrators of the 2008 violence can agree on a law to incriminate itself. Many in the House have been named as purveyors of ethnic strife.

The NCCK’s Secretary General, Peter Karanja, has scoffed at the one year extension given to the Kenyan government by the ICC saying the repreive is a delaying tactic against justice.

Despite contributing to the mess in Kenya, former President Daniel arap Moi has wormed his way into the public confidence by carving a niche as the only sober politician around.

Former President Daniel arap Moi (right) with his ministers in this 1999 photo. William Ntimama can be seen at the centre pointing something out to Moi.

He is not called the Professor of Politics for nothing: Moi has an amazing ability to revive his political fortunes long after everybody has written him off. During the 2007 elections, it appeared that Moi’s Kalenjin ethnic group ignored his advice and followed his former protege William Ruto into Raila Odinga’s ODM party. Political analysts talked of the end of an era in Kalenjin politics, where youthful personalities led by William Ruto had forcibly snatched the mantle of leadership from the old order.

For sure, Kalenjin politics – and that of the Rift Valley at large – has irredeemably changed. Moi is no longer the only voice but, as the younger politicians are beginning to realize, it would be foolish to dismiss him entirely. Moi has been in politics longer than most of the current leaders have been alive. Indeed, most – if not all – Kalenjin political leaders owe everything they have to Moi.

As Kenya’s second president for 24 years, Moi molded and transformed politicians into his own image. The fact that the same personalities now claim to have rebelled against their Grand Master is laughable. They simply do not know any other political ideology other than Moism. The likes of William Ruto, Isaac Ruto, Franklin Bett, Margaret Kamar, Zakayo Cheruiyot, Hellen Sambili, the late Kipkalya Kones plus many others are Moi stooges.

What is Moism? Moism is a political system characterized by a permanent state of intrigues that involve shifting alliances that never result into anything tangible. The behaviour of Moi’s proteges best illustrates the lasting effects of Moism on the political landscape. Political bigwigs and greenhorns alike are constantly forming alliances with each other but nothing ever comes out of those moves.

You will hear of a Ruto – Uhuru alliance, then an Uhuru – Kalonzo movement, followed by Raila – Karua talks. Within a matter of weeks, these alignments cease to exist and you hear of Kibaki – Uhuru alliance, Ruto – Mudavadi ticket and so forth. None of these alliances succeed in the long-term.

Since the violence of 2008, ex-President Moi has traversed his Rift Valley region preaching peace. The Rift Valley was worst affected, with hundreds killed and thousands of homes destroyed. Entire trading centres were razed to the ground in an orgy of looting, killing and rape. Tit for tat ethnic killings sparked worldwide fears of a Rwanda like scenario forcing the international community to intervene.

However, Moi is largely responsible for ethnic clashes in Kenya and especially in the Rift Valley and Coast provinces.

For thirty years after independence, Kenya’s people had lived peacefully with each other. Migration within the country was so common it was taken for granted. The fertile lands of the Rift Valley attracted settlers from all over Kenya. People from different ethnic groups intermarried and did business with each other. All this came to an end with the return of multi-party politics in 1990.

As Moi had predicted while opposing multi-partyism, every ethnic group supported a candidate from its own party. Naturally, Moi had the full support of the Kalenjin ethnic group while the Kikuyu, Luo, Luhya and Kisii had their other preferences. Political differences among ethnic groups in the Rift Valley turned into violent clashes that worsened in the period before and after the 1992 General Elections.

Moi supporters, led by William Ntimama, the late Kipkalya Kones, late Paul Chepkok and late Francis Lotodo demanded that non-Kalenjin ethnic groups in the Rift Valley either vote for Moi or leave. Militias intimidated non-Kalenjins by burning homes, looting and killing. The Luo, Luhya, Kikuyu, Kisii and Kamba were attacked mercilessly.

Because the violence was largely state-driven, there was little that the victims could do. Security forces were accused of shielding the perpetrators instead of stopping the clashes. In one notorious case, trucks of the Kenya Police forcibly removed families from a conflict zone and took them to their “ancestral homes.” The families were dumped at a football stadium in Kiambu. Eyewitnesses reported seeing government helicopters assisting the raiders. There were reports that the militias had received specialized training in North Korea.

Ethnic clashes in the Rift Valley and Coast raged for much of the time between 1992 and 1999. There is no way that Moi could fail to know what was going on. Moi was a micro-manager of government affairs who used to call Provincial and District Commissioners in the middle of the night for security updates. During the Moi era, cabinet ministers used to rubber stamp Moi’s decisions. Therefore, Moi is responsible for the ethnic clashes of the 1990s

Nobody was ever prosecuted for participating in the Moi era ethnic clashes. This impunity largely contributed to the 2008 post election violence. Many of the people implicated in the Waki Inquiry into Post Election Violence had also been mentioned in previous inquiries into tribal clashes, including the Akiwumi Commission.

Moi corrupted Kenya’s political system through patron-client relationships that ensured that his loyalists got state funds, government contracts and top jobs. As an entire generation of leaders matured under Moi, these corruption networks came to be seen as normal in politics.

Kenyans are famous for short memories. It is less than seven years since Moi left office but most people have forgotten the kind of person he was. These days, Moi gets cheers whenever he attends public gatherings. Moi has become a celebrity speaker at university graduations, weddings, funerals and state functions. As a keen manipulator of human emotions, Moi knows the right things to say to leave the crowd roaring in applause.

Kenya’s current politicians, led by President Mwai Kibaki are to blame for Moi’s growing popularity. The coalition of President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga is so inept that it makes the Moi years look like the “good, old days.” Kibaki and Raila can hardly give a coherent speech without tearing into each other.

This is why Moi seems like a much better alternative.

With land just jumping in value this is a more long term investment but still a lovely lovely one and in Laikipia home of glamorous conservationists and the lovely Samburu people, lodges like Borana and, of course, home to that famous Kenya girl Jecca Craig Prince William’s friend.

Well Ryden International are selling a mini ranch of 124 acres, bordering Ol Pejeta Conservancy

14 million Ksh its a plan, tented camp very low key to begin with deposit on client bookings stock the kitchen ad infintum x

All I am thinking is I could swop my home for all that wonderful space.

Views to The Aberdares and Mt.Kenya to, mains power…

Laikipia ” Mini “Ranch

One day it may be worth as much as this one;

Still, Ryden;

Nairobi, Rosslyn

A developers dream ( gosh sounds so horrible when the write that; like armies of bulldozers ) 6.6 acres red soil. Rosslyn Lone Tree 188 MILLION folks.

Ryden have some interesting escape from it all properties have a look.

Tigoni looks amazing, I have always loved this place since my late teens waking up very hungover definitely not in Nairobi, but in this beautiful colonial cottage and walking outside to fields of lush flowers and a ton of ozone.

Ryden whom are fast becoming my favorites have lovely 3-4 bedroom homes coming up just next to the beautiful Kentmere Club each with private gardens and I think this again only 20 kms from Nairobi would be a viable investment option;

Tigoni with Ryden

Now for Uber Modern you can’t help liking State of the “Art” lol this is what their ad has as copy but never mind; JADE VALLEY; heated indoor swimming pool, squash and mini golf course and the homes are cute as buttons. They are thoughtful with Jade meaning;

Although they could do with some help with their copy its a lovely home setting and great website. Pretty pretty finally hits!

Pretty Family Rental that really stood out Sema Estate Agents 0725 545527 ( Seamus Burns until 5 pm ), Rosslyn Lone Tree Gated Community, eight five bedroom double story homes on a 7 acre compound;

So cute.

Kiragu & Mwangi Limited deal in super classic well finished homes, I love this one where I used to go to Kindegarten , in a peaceful little road behind Bomas Of Kenya, as enchanting as the name Forest Edge.

Family Homes for rent with a swimming pool, generator and bore hole.

Kiragu & Mwangi Ltd Bandari Plaza, Woodvale Grove P. O. Box: 10169 - 00100 GPO Nairobi Tel: +254-20-4452581 Fax: +254-20-4452584 Cell: +254-727111444, +254-733618504

Veteran independence fighters from Kenya launched a compensation claim today against the British government for alleged human rights abuses in the 1950s and ’60s.   The claim is based off of the Mau Mau uprising against British colonists which ultimately sped the independence process for Kenya.

The five association members will be seeking general compensation of $81,900 each, Muthoni Wanyeki, the executive director of the independent Kenya Human Rights Commission, said. 

In 2006, the veterans asked Britain for compensation and an apology for the Mau Mau atrocities, in which Britain rejected citing that the length of time that had passed was too long.  This is the same argument the government now restates in response to the court filing.

During colonial rule in Kenya, the British forceably took land from the Kikuyu cultural group who inhabited the most arable land in the country.  Eventually, all of the Kikuyu were driven off of their land and into the city of Nairobi which caused escalated numbers of poverty and starvation.  By 1948, 1.25 million Kikuyu were restricted to 2000 square miles, while 30,000 British settlers occupied 12,000 square miles.

In 1952, the Kikuyu fought back against the British while a state of emergency was declared which brought in British military troops.  It is during this time the alleged human rights abuses occurred.  According to the veterans, summary executions, torture, rape, beatings, forced labour and evictions, as the British suppressed the rebellion were commonplace.

The Kenya Human Rights Commission has said 90,000 Kenyans were executed, tortured or maimed during the crackdown, and 160,000 were detained in appalling conditions.

A lot of controversy has arisen over the use of Kikuyu lawns being used in Australia over recent years. Kikuyu has been a favourite for such a long time and has been part of the natural landscapes of our Australian homes, so the question arises as to why Kikuyu is now a problem.

Let’s not be mistaken, as far as lawns go, Kikuyu is a very good choice in and of itself, it can survive in shaded areas where other lawns die, it is quick to repair from almost any damage, and it can be kept at a greater height than other warm season lawn types, which makes for a great soft lawn for families and children. In fact, Kikuyu is so robust it is used for government school grounds, and shire ovals all across the country as the first and usually only choice, not just for it’s great wear resistance, and quick repair capabilities, but for the fact that it is also highly resistant to drought. To be honest, if kept at a good height, Kikuyu can survive and repair from drought very easily, and more easily than almost any other lawn variety.

So with all of these great advantages, why is Kikuyu a problem?

Kikuyu is a problem lawn in Australia for many reasons. It’s strengths are also it’s weaknesses. It’s ability to survive and thrive under almost any conditions cause Kikuyu to work it’s way into garden beds and other parts of our properties where we don’t want it. It also escapes into the natural Australian environment where it quickly overtakes native vegetation, especially in creeks and waterways where it thrives and destroys the natural habitat, killing entire ecosystems in march toward conquest. There really is no natural solution to this problem, governments need to enable large scale poisoning programs to control it, all with minimal success, It’s a control measure and not a elimination of the problem.

So with Kikuyu being such a problem in Australia, can we still use it as a lawn?

Well there’s some very good news on this front, as well as a caution.

New Kikuyu roll on lawn sold today is Male Sterile, this means that while the lawn is still aggressive and has all the same benefits and detriments of normal Kikuyu, there is one massive advantage, it cannot re-produce itself from seeds. This is great news for the natural environment because while it can still escape from our properties, once it’s killed it can never re-grow from its seeds. This is a major step forward and a partial elimination of the problem of Kikuyu escaping into nature.

Lawn care routines remain the same for Male Sterile as for any the old Kikuyu.

As promised, there is one last warning about this lawn variety, which is the problem that we can still buy the old Kikuyu in seeds and from turf farms, another cause of concern is when we plant Kikuyu runners from a friend or neighbours property to grow as a lawn for ourselves. All three of these options should be strongly discouraged and avoided at all costs.

So keep your Kikuyu, enjoy its benefits and choose wisely for the sake of the future of the beautiful Australian Wilderness.

Thanks to the intense rivalry between President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, small tribes in Kenya feel left out as government and private companies fill their ranks with Kikuyus and Luos in a bid to have a “diversified workforce.”

President Mwai Kibaki

With politics and resource allocation in Kenya defined along tribal lines, it is generally assumed that the tribe of whoever is at the top will enjoy priviledges in terms of jobs and development projects.

It is these perceptions that largely contributed to the violence that erupted after the December 2007 Presidential elections that pitted President Kibaki, a Kikuyu, against Prime Minister Raila Odinga who is Luo.

After 1,500 people died in the violence, there has been an effort by government and the private sector to have a tribally diverse work force. However, this has not quite worked out.

The reason is simple. Majority of government ministries, churches and private companies think that diversity is merely putting a Kikuyu and a Luo to work together. Which would be fine if Kenya only had the two tribes. But then, it is lost on those implementing “diversity” that Kenya has at least 42 tribes. Therefore, if only Kikuyus and Luos are getting jobs in the spirit of “diversity,” what happens to the other 40 tribes?

A case in point is the recent elections for the Students Organization of Nairobi University (SONU). The elected Chairman is a Luo, while his deputy is a Kikuyu. But then, is it a coincidence that a similar pattern is repeated across all elective positions in SONU? Is it also a coincidence that the outgoing team had a reverse composition, that is, the Chairman was Kikuyu deputized by a Luo?

Within the military, diplomatic corps and state corporations, the Luo – Kikuyu dichotomy is taking shape. In trying to appear fair, top positions are allocated to people from the two tribes. The same pattern is reflected in corporate circles. Companies are appointing Kikuyus and Luos to boards and management so as to appear neutral. A Kikuyu CEO will be assisted by a Luo, or vice versa.

Similar trends are emerging in social circles, as Kikuyus and Luos embrace each other in a show of “tolerance.” Much is made of weddings between Luo and Kikuyu families, as though Kikuyus and Luos cannot marry people from other tribes.

The ethnic dichotomy reached ridiculous proportions in a national radio game show held by one FM station. Out of six winners, three were Kikuyu and three were Luo. Does it mean that only people from the two tribes participated in this NATIONAL game show?

Consequently, the Kalenjin, Kamba, Mijikenda, Turkana, Taita, Somali, Maasai, Samburu, Kisii, Luhya, Pokot, Ogiek, and other communities are feeling left out in this new power dispensation. The sad reality is that if you are not a Kikuyu or a Luo in today’s Kenya, you stand little chance of making it in government and the private sector.

This is the exact situation that led to the formation of the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) back in 1960. KADU was led by the late Ronald Ngala. Other members included the late Masinde Muliro, former President Daniel arap Moi, and the late Sharif Nassir.

KADU was formed because the Kenya African National Union (KANU) was dominated by the Kikuyu and Luo. KANU’s leadership included the late Jomo Kenyatta and the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Raila’s father.KADU’s aim was to defend the interests of smaller tribes whose voices were ignored in KANU. In KADU was Ronald Ngala’s Mijikenda tribe, Moi’s Kalenjin and Masinde Muliro’s Luhya. Other tribes that shifted to KADU included the Maasai, Turkana, Samburu, Pokomo, Taita, Somali, among others. KADU wanted federalism, or Majimbo, to ensure that the Kikuyu and Luo did not eclipse the smaller tribes.

KANU won the independence elections and Jomo Kenyatta became Prime Minister. Kenyatta became convinced that KADU had a valid argument and negotiations began that brought the party into government. In 1964, KADU was satisfied with the talks, dissolved itself and joined KANU. It was a fortuitous move for Daniel arap Moi. He became Minister for Home Affairs and was later appointed Vice President by Kenyatta. In 1978, Kenyatta died and Moi took over in accordance with the constitution.

Back to the issue at hand.

The attempt to create diversity by favouring only Kikuyus and Luos is generating a lot of resentment among other tribes. Unless measures are taken to bring on board all communities, inter-ethnic relations in Kenya are likely to remain fraught with tension.