Kenya’s Ancentus Akuku aka. ‘Danger’ Married 130 wives and still going strong. ‘Danger’ is from the Luo tribe in Kenya which practices polygamy.

“I’m called Danger because I defeated so many men,” Akuku says. “I was very handsome and so I could get many wives.” “When I passed, people would point at me and call me Danger.”

He has outlived his first wife and many of his children. At 90, the grand old man justifies his long life to a diet of traditional foodstuffs such as dek, osuga, mitoo, apoth (traditional vegetables) and fermented milk that have kept him going. And of course… his many wives.

By the time he was 22, Akuku was already a polygamist. “Little did I know that I would marry many more women later,” he says. He then became an expert at managing a polygamous family.

He has led a very ’successful and productive’ polygamous family. He sired 110 sons and 305 daughters. Of the children 150 are married and also blessed with their own children. He says 35 of his sons have died. Despite his age, Akuku still knows each of his children by name. And which child belongs to which mother.

Despite his having a large family, many people today see him as a role model and are learning from him how to keep stable marriages. He has so many wives and children they need a new building to be able to worship together. The family has built a church for itself.

http://www.politicalarticles.net/blog/2008/11/22/kenyas-ancentus-akuku-danger-married-130-wives-and-still-going-strong/

A hilarious joke about Kisumu City “When Kisumu became a city” , Luo style!

This is typically a small shrub, but can grow up to 10 m in height.

A decoction from boiled roots is drunken as a remedy for tuberculosis and insomnia. Extracts from the whole plant are used as a remedy for stomach aches and abdominal pain.

Synadenium grantii is a small succulent shrub in the Euphorbiaceae family, native to central and east Africa. A tradition Luo plant medicine, S. grantii is used as follows:

Dried leaves are inserted into small incisions made in the back to relieve backache or swelling in the joints.

The ash of the leaves is licked by humans to relieve sore throat.

Like many members of the Euphorbiaceae family, the milky latex sap of S. grantii is corrosive and can cause contact dermatitis. However, the latex is traditionally applied to cattle in order to  soften skin and release puss.

This plant is highly toxic. ingestion will cause immediate or delayed severe irritation of the lips, tongue, mouth and throat, possibly leading to convulsions and/or death.

Makharmia lute is used by the Luo to treat measles.

Albizia cori (Ober) is a traditional Luo medicinal tree. A few of its more common applications are as follows:

- Steam used in the treatment of sore eyes.

- Roots used to treat venereal diseases.

- Bark used for the treatment of threatened abortion.

The other day, I was coming from my usual errands, when I saw these Kenyans dancing there heads and bodies in the streets of Nairobi, whistling and making merry. The first thing that hit my head was we are doomed, yet again!

Since 2007, after the disputed Presidential elections, Kenyans have been wary… on the lookout, with eyes wide open lest we get hit by the baton carrying cops. Nairobi is quiet an unprecedented place, especially if you sleep with both your eyes. For one to survive here, don’t blink with two eyes!

So these dancing people, I came to realize, were AFC Leopards fans supporting their club’s win 2-1 against Mathare United in the Kenya Premier League. Then my heart rested.

But before long, I heard passengers in the matatu I was in in utter disgust saying: ‘Hawa Waluhya kazi yao ni kushinda wakiimba. Wavivu!(These Luhyas are always singing and dancing. Lazy people!)

It didn’t occur to him that the Luhyas were doing what is patriotic to them and at the right moment. So I thought whether they were causing unending traffic jams or just lazy as the observer in the matatu opined.

So how many of us are patriotice enough to sweat for the sake of their cultures? And what is not patriotic to warrant negative attributes?

Sine independence, Kenyans have been urged to be patriotic for the sake of national development and reconciliation, yet with our Nyayo Philosophy of Peace, Love and Unity, we’ve tended to hide our patriotism under our armpits for fear of being branded tribalist!

Sometimes it beats logic in trying to unralvel what is really meant by traibalism and nationhood. I also fail to understand how we can synchoronise our culture and live as a nation of thinkers, actors and developers, instead of seeing each other as Kikuyu, Luos, Luhya, Kalenjin?

As far as I know, being a Kikuyu does not make me a thief, or a Luhya does not warrant me to be considered a lzy bone. All these are thoughts edged deep in our minds that have belitted Kenyans to the level of lowering our integrity.

Let us go out in the open, shout, dance and make merry for the sake of our patriotism and let the world know we are not that naive, after all!

Deep ideological differences between Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Agriculture Minister William Ruto are responsible for the split in the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).

In their eagerness, or perhaps desperation, to win power in the 2007 General Elections, Raila and Ruto disguised their personal differences to unite under the ODM party. Both men knew that they could not get into government by themselves. This was more the case when Kalonzo Musyoka left ODM in mid 2007.

Immediately after Kalonzo’s exit, Raila and Ruto got into a very strong alliance that helped bring the Luo and Kalenjin votes directly to Raila’s presidential candidacy. Come the elections, the Luo and Kalenjin voted for Raila en-masse. When President Mwai Kibaki was declared the winner, the Luo and Kalenjin were at the forefront in protesting the election results. The Prime Minister himself has acknowledged the role of Kalenjin warriors in forcing Kibaki to the negotiating table.

Today, that alliance lies in tatters. Raila and Ruto have inevitably parted ways and are both seeking alternative allies in readiness for the 2012 elections. While Raila is an obvious candidate, Ruto sees himself as presidential material for Kenya’s future. He will either run for the office or support somebody else in exchange for the Vice Presidency or the Premiership. Those mentioned as Ruto’s possible allies in 2012 are current Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka and Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta. Meanwhile, Raila is talking to politicians from Central Kenya in a bid to woo Kikuyu, Embu and Meru votes.

Raila and Ruto come from opposing schools of political thought. Raila is a socialist who learnt politics from his father, former Vice President Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Due to Communist leanings, Jaramogi fell out with President Jomo Kenyatta in 1966 and became a perpetual opposition to the Kenyatta and Moi administrations until his death in 1994. Jaramogi inculcated socialism in Raila by sending him to study Engineering in the former East Germany which was a Communist state. In the 1980s, Raila was tortured for involvement in the 1982 coup attempt. It was almost as though President Daniel arap Moi was deliberately targeting Raila in order to cause psychological anguish to Jaramogi.

Ruto, on the other hand, was an ardent student of the Moi brand of politics. Picked from obscurity before the 1992 General Elections, Ruto was appointed second in command of a new organization called “Youth for KANU 1992” or YK92 in short. YK92 had only one goal: to use any means necessary to ensure the victory of Moi and the KANU party. YK92 received an unlimited amount of funds to buy support for KANU. The source of the cash was a mystery but it is believed that the government engaged in massive printing of money. The Goldenberg scandal could have provided more slush funds.

Moi and KANU managed to win the 1992 elections but, needless to say, the operations of YK92 had flooded the economy with paper money. The years 1993 – 1994 witnessed the highest inflation in Kenya’s history as prices of basic commodities doubled and trebled. This was when the Shs500 currency note was introduced.

Come the 1997 elections, Moi supported William Ruto’s candidacy in Eldoret North constituency against the late Reuben Chesire. The interesting angle is that Reuben Chesire was related to Moi. However, friendship counts for little in politics and Moi is the master of use-and-dump strategies. With Moi’s backing, Ruto won the elections and was appointed to the cabinet. By 2002, Ruto was a powerful Minister for Internal Security and an ardent defender of Moi.

In a sense, Ruto symbolized the arrogance and corruption of Moi’s last years of office. He displayed a great deal of single-mindedness when defending Moi’s choice of Uhuru Kenyatta as successor in the 2002 elections. Ruto virulently opposed the constitutional review process led by Professor Yash Pal Ghai and which culminated in the Bomas conference. Often, Ruto appeared on national television frothing at the mouth as he dismissed constitutional reforms as an attack on the Moi presidency. To Ruto’s credit, Kibaki ally John Michuki confirmed in 2003 that constitutional reforms were meant to remove Moi and KANU from power.

Ruto has never subscribed to Raila’s populist approach to politics. Ruto is a hardcore conservative more comfortable with Mwai Kibaki than with Raila Odinga. It was naked opportunism that brought Raila and Ruto together. Raila needed the Kalenjin vote and Ruto wanted to get back into government after KANU’s loss in 2002.

Ruto is among politicians who believe that Raila is a reckless activist who cannot be trusted with leading Kenya. Ruto is certainly not a socialist. He is an extremely wealth man who made lots of money through his connections to Moi. Apart from unlimited access to YK92 funds, Ruto was allocated government land which he afterwards sold to state-owned corporations at a huge profit. For instance, Ruto made hundreds of millions of shillings selling land to the National Social Security Fund (NSSF). Ruto’s companies won tenders to supply government departments and state corporations.

In 2007, Moi decided to support President Mwai Kibaki’s candidacy and told Ruto to follow suit. Ruto was convinced that Raila had the best chance of winning and refused to heed Moi’s calling. Now, it looks like Ruto is going back home to Moi and Uhuru Kenyatta as Raila’s political fortunes dwindle by the day.

One final point to consider: Did Ruto really fall out with Moi in 2007 or was it part of Moi’s political strategy of ensuring he had a stake in government regardless of who won the election? The hard fact is that if Raila had won the presidency, Ruto would have taken care of Moi’s interests.

Today, with Moi firmly on Kibaki’s side, Ruto doesn’t seem to be doing badly either. Early this year, Ruto survived a no-confidence motion in Parliament thanks to support from pro-Kibaki legislators.

stumbled onto a video while twitter hopping and it really grabbed me and made me thnk about the phrase “pray for africa.”

about 2 years ago i was at an event in dallas where one of the merch tables was selling “pray for…” shirts and had an assortment of every imaginable country or place on them. they were a missionary group who decided to help fund their ops via shirt selling at big venue gigs like the one i was attending.

great idea.

i spent half an hour talking with a couple of them about their journies and projects and ended up diggin their whole approach and buying a shirt. the one i picked up said pray for africa and i wore it consistently for a long time.

as i look back tho i wonder how often i was actually on my knees praying for africa. prolly not very often. i mean i cared about it as much as the next guy and i harbored well intentioned thots toward the various situations threatening life and peace over there but i wasnt really affected by it. it didnt break my heart.

yet.

maybe its a timing thing and maybe i just needed a little fabric softener in my soul but i wasnt a minute into this video this morning before i was in tears over wot these people are going thru. and it breaks my heart to the point where i wonder wot i can do other than fall on my knees.

so i will.

but i wanted to share the vid with you first…

Dumplings mit Schweinefleisch

Knuspriges Rindfleisch

Hotel restaurants have a bad reputation, so the Luo which is part of the Sofitel (separate entrance) didn’t seem like a place of choice. The place was only sparsley filled during lunch, but a chirpy Mr. Luo, the owner welcomed me. After a lot of chit-chat I got a chance to look at the menu. Obviously a Szechuan influence is predominant here and an interesting selection of dishes was listed. Starting of with some pork dumplings, one must pay attention to eat these correctly. Bite off a corner, leat the steam escape, then nibble the rest slowly while ensuring that you taste the sauce inside the dumpling. Stuffing the complete dumpling in your mouth will scorch it, I had a blister and Mr. Luo came running with a napkin… A perfect tasting dish, the dumplings are fried on the bottom giving it a nice crunch at the end. Moving on to the next speciality, crunchy spicy beef. The szechuan influence cleary showed, this dish got fiery. The spiciness took away from the crunchiness of the beef and it wasn’t as good or as refined as the dumplings. But a rather refreshing dish and a nice contrast to all the Suan Long or similar places. Funny thing was that when I told Mr. Luo that I had a day off, he was under the impression I was out of a job and looked at me with a combination of disbelief and shame. It did clear up a bit later and the relief that I was going to pay my bill could clearly be seen on his face. Prices for my a la carte lunch were a bit over the top:

Rechnung

This is my first mission trip. I got to thinking about something as we were driving around town moving and all. I started thinking about how different the culture is or how “bad” things are here. And I wasn’t saying this with a negative voice, it was just my initial reaction.

But what I began to realize was our deep similiarities. No matter the country there are still parents trying to do what is best for their kids. Teenagers who struggle with who they want to be. Young adults trying to find their place in the world. These are our similarities. These common life challenges are what connect us.

Left this morning around 8:30 to help move furniture and things to the new boys home. It is much bigger then the one they were living in before. More room for the kids to play and to house more boys when the needs arise. We got everything moved in a few hours.

Went to Pizza Hut to eat lunch. Great pizza as always. After lunch we went back to the new house and helped clean and organize furniture. Got a chance to play with the kids. Got in mock boxing match with Marcos, one of the boys at Casa Robles. The house mom and dad are amazing. They have no kids of their own, but have devoted their life to taking care of the boys.

Got back to the farm around 3:30. Roq Martin and I took a swim in the pool.
On the way to supper the monkey was climbing on me and trying to get in my pockets. I thought they were empty, but he pulled out my kleenex and ran up a tree with them. He attempted to eat them, decided they didn’t tast good, so he throws them on the ground. I like the monkey and all but I think he is a little disturbed.

Car ride to ATL went smooth. Had to wait awhile to check in At the airport. Flight to Managua was good watched Monsters Vs Aliens on the plane. Played a little Bookworm on the in seat monitor. Got smoked by Matt Johnson in electronic chess. Did you know he was like state chess champ in 6th grade? Who knew? Couldn’t tell by looking at him

The group hung out on one of the balconies and swung in hammock chairs. We chatted and then off to bed. Got up this morning around 5:30 to the sounds of birds singing.

There is a monkey on a chain here at the Buzbees farm. He got on my shoulders and nibbled my ear last night. This morning as I was walking by he stopped in front of me, laid down, and started slightly scratching his back. I saw it as an invitation, so I walked over and started scratching his back for him. He laid down and let me pet him for about 10 minutes. It’s kinda sad he is chained up. He has some running room and trees to climb, but still. {Secretly thinking about freeing him before I leave}.

UPDATE – 22nd July 2009:

The Standard has reliably learnt that the number of sub-provinces is now 22 after two were added, reportedly to accommodate interests of certain communities in Nyanza and Rift Valley.

Southern Nyanza, which was initially lumped together with Eastern Nyanza, will now have its headquarters in Homa Bay. Eastern Nyanza will be administered from Kisii town and cater for the Gusii and Kuria. Also added to the list is Western Rift, to be governed from Kericho town. It was originally part of Western Rift Valley, which will now be called Eastern Rift with offices in Eldoret.

Read more on this story from the Standard daily >>

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After he was warned against splitting Kenya’s provinces, President Mwai Kibaki has resorted to deceptive tactics to impose 20 new provinces through a bizarre concept of “sub-provinces.”

The new provincial units created by President Mwai Kibaki

In an unexpected political maneuver last week, the President made far reaching changes in the Provincial administration. Not only did he replace at least 6 Provincial Commissioners, but he also introduced 20 deputy provincial commissioners to be in charge of the 20 “sub-provinces.” Meanwhile, all 210 constituencies have been declared as districts but the final district tally is 254, meaning that some constituencies have more than one district!

The interesting fact is that the President’s Party of National Unity (PNU) had earlier proposed splitting the country into 20 provinces. The proposal was however rejected by majority of legislators. Even ex-President Daniel arap Moi, who lately supports Kibaki, rejected the proposal arguing that it will worsen ethnic tensions especially in the Rift Valley Province.

There are now fears of a resurgence of ethnic clashes as the new provincial borders appear aligned on ethnic lines. For instance, the larger Nyanza Province was split into Kisumu and Kisii sub-provinces. Western Province has been split into Bungoma and Kakamega sub-provinces to separate the Bukusu community from the rest of the Luhyas.

In the Rift Valley, the Maasai have been given Narok sub-province, the Kikuyu have Nakuru sub-province while the Kalenjin have been allocated Eldoret sub-province. The pastoral communities of the Pokot, Turkana and Samburu will be administered from Lodwar sub-province.

Central Province has been split into three: Thika, Nyandarua and Nyeri sub-provinces.

The Kamba ethnic group now have the Machakos sub-province.  Embu sub-province will administer the Embu, Meru, Tharaka and Nithi ethnic groups. The nomadic communities in the northern sector of Eastern Province now fall under the Marsabit sub-province. Likewise, the Somali dominated North Eastern province has been split into Wajir and Garissa sub-provinces.

At the coast, the Taita have a sub-province at Voi, while the Mijikenda will have Mombasa sub-province. The rest of the Coastal communities, including the Pokomo and the Bajuni have been clustered under the Malindi sub-province.

Districts with a mixed ethnic composition will experience ethnic tension as controversy emerges over which sub-province will administer those districts. For instance, will the Kalenjin prefer Nakuru sub-province or Eldoret sub-province? In Western Province, which Luhya sub-tribes will want themselves under Bungoma sub-province and which ones will prefer the Kakamega sub-province?

Some districts in Nyanza Province have a mixed Luo and Kisii ethnic composition. Will such districts be placed under the Kisumu sub-province or under the Kisii sub-province? Where will the Kuria ethnic group be placed? Will they demand a sub-province of their own?

In Eastern Province, there will be tension over Isiolo District. The Meru will want it placed under their Embu sub-province but the nomadic groups will want it under Marsabit sub-province. The presence of significant Somali and Samburu populations in Isiolo will complicate the equation.

North Eastern province is ethnically homogeneous but clan affiliation among the Somali is very strong. Which Somali clans will prefer the Wajir sub-province as opposed to the Garissa sub-province?

It appears that President Kibaki does not understand the danger of what he has just done. Everybody – including the international community – warned him against splitting provinces but he has thrown caution to the wind and implemented his diabolical plan. How can a leader get things so wrong?

Should clashes arise from the creation of sub-provinces, Kibaki must bear full responsibility for deaths, injuries and the destruction of property. The beneficiaries of this sinister political strategy should likewise share the blame.

One and a half years after the devastating violence that followed the December 2007 elections, not a single person has been prosecuted and jailed for the deaths of at least 1,500 people during a three month orgy of killing, looting and rape.

Lack of political will among Kenya’s ruling elite has bogged down the prosecution process, meaning that those behind the killing and destruction will not stand trial any time soon. Meanwhile, the desire among western powers for stability in Kenya explains why the International Criminal Court at The Hague gave one more year for Kenya to establish a tribunal to prosecute those who planned, financed and participated in the clashes.

Kenya’s ruling elite were behind the violence whose victims were mostly slum dwellers and impoverished peasants. There is clear evidence of top politicians making hate speeches, administering oaths and paying youths for the mayhem. The two leading presidential candidates in 2007 – President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga – kept silent as fighting raged in their names.

Even today, inter-ethnic relations in Kenya are fraught with tensions, as politicians are not eager to unite the people. Politicians have boycotted peace meetings called to reconcile warring tribes because it is easier to campaign on a platform of ethnic nationalism rather than a campaign of unity. Indeed, majority of Kenyan leaders are mere ethnic warlords with no interest in national unity. They want to isolate their tribes in order to enhance their own power and eventually pass the baton of leadership to their children. In effect, what we are seeing in Kenya is the rise of a feudal class that wants to monopolize political and economic power for generations to come.

For sure there is more-than-enough evidence to begin criminal prosecutions against those involved in the political and ethnic clashes. Thanks to the media, there are acres of tapes showing looting and actual killings taking place. Politicians were recorded preaching ethnic incitement to their followers. Others were taped threatening those ethnic groups that they thought would vote for rival candidates.

The Majimbo (federalism) debate stoked ethnic tension prior to the 2007 elections. Anyone with a political knowledge of Kenya would have known how the concept of Majimbo was used to perpetrate ethnic killings in the 1990s at the Rift Valley and Coast Provinces. To bring up the same debate in an election year was not only naive but extremely reckless. The consequences were easily predictable, especially with millions of unemployed youths eager to take over the properties of people perceived as “outsiders.”

Kenya’s politicians are split among themselves over whether to establish a local tribunal or to let the International Criminal Court do the work. And it all has to do with the 2012 Presidential elections when President Mwai Kibaki will be stepping down.

On the one hand, Kibaki and Raila want a local tribunal because they think that they can manipulate judges and intimidate witnesses, resulting in acquittals and light sentences. On the other hand, a second group of politicians led by William Ruto and Uhuru Kenyatta fear that a local tribunal will turn them into sacrificial lambs. Ruto led fighting in Eldoret on behalf of Raila while Uhuru organized retaliatory attacks by the Kikuyu ethnic group on behalf of Kibaki.

Ruto is loudly complaining that Raila has abandoned the youth who fought for his premiership. Ruto says that both Kibaki and Raila should face trial as everybody else was fighting for either of the two men. Ruto believes that Raila has a soft spot for Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi, and having Ruto in jail would automatically clear the path for Mudavadi to succeed Raila sometime in future.

On his part, Uhuru believes that his political rivals want him jailed. His rivals in the Kibaki camp for the 2012 presidential elections are Internal Security Minister George Saitoti and former Justice Minister Martha Karua. It should be noted that Karua and Uhuru’s rivalry grew because Uhuru thought that Karua as Justice Minister was going to ensure that Uhuru was knocked out of the presidential succession race.

Uhuru and Ruto want the International Criminal Court (ICC) to take over the cases for several reasons:

1. They perceive that the ICC will be much more fairer as it does not have a vested interest in the 2012 elections in Kenya.
2. Court cases at the ICC take years to conclude. By 2012, the cases will not even have began and when they do, it is possible that either Uhuru and Ruto will be president and will therefore use state resources to escape prosecution.
3. It will not be possible to take the thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to The Hague to testify whereas a local tribunal will easily be accessible to IDPs.
4. If the worst comes to the worst, Ruto and Uhuru can implicate both Kibaki and Raila at the ICC. Should we have a local tribunal, it will be very difficult to bring charges against the President and Prime Minister but the ICC is not intimidated by titles. After all, the ICC currently has a warrant of arrest for President Omar al Bashir of Sudan.

As for the Kenyan people, what do they want?

Kenyans want the entire political class to be taken to The Hague as this will ensure justice for the hundreds of thousands still suffering the effects of post-election violence. There are fears that, unless something is done stop to ethnic warlords, the next General Elections of 2012 will be the end of Kenya as we know it.

Just to show that Kenyans want The Hague Option, the Standard daily reports that the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) is questioning how a Parliament housing the perpetrators of the 2008 violence can agree on a law to incriminate itself. Many in the House have been named as purveyors of ethnic strife.

The NCCK’s Secretary General, Peter Karanja, has scoffed at the one year extension given to the Kenyan government by the ICC saying the repreive is a delaying tactic against justice.

Despite contributing to the mess in Kenya, former President Daniel arap Moi has wormed his way into the public confidence by carving a niche as the only sober politician around.

Former President Daniel arap Moi (right) with his ministers in this 1999 photo. William Ntimama can be seen at the centre pointing something out to Moi.

He is not called the Professor of Politics for nothing: Moi has an amazing ability to revive his political fortunes long after everybody has written him off. During the 2007 elections, it appeared that Moi’s Kalenjin ethnic group ignored his advice and followed his former protege William Ruto into Raila Odinga’s ODM party. Political analysts talked of the end of an era in Kalenjin politics, where youthful personalities led by William Ruto had forcibly snatched the mantle of leadership from the old order.

For sure, Kalenjin politics – and that of the Rift Valley at large – has irredeemably changed. Moi is no longer the only voice but, as the younger politicians are beginning to realize, it would be foolish to dismiss him entirely. Moi has been in politics longer than most of the current leaders have been alive. Indeed, most – if not all – Kalenjin political leaders owe everything they have to Moi.

As Kenya’s second president for 24 years, Moi molded and transformed politicians into his own image. The fact that the same personalities now claim to have rebelled against their Grand Master is laughable. They simply do not know any other political ideology other than Moism. The likes of William Ruto, Isaac Ruto, Franklin Bett, Margaret Kamar, Zakayo Cheruiyot, Hellen Sambili, the late Kipkalya Kones plus many others are Moi stooges.

What is Moism? Moism is a political system characterized by a permanent state of intrigues that involve shifting alliances that never result into anything tangible. The behaviour of Moi’s proteges best illustrates the lasting effects of Moism on the political landscape. Political bigwigs and greenhorns alike are constantly forming alliances with each other but nothing ever comes out of those moves.

You will hear of a Ruto – Uhuru alliance, then an Uhuru – Kalonzo movement, followed by Raila – Karua talks. Within a matter of weeks, these alignments cease to exist and you hear of Kibaki – Uhuru alliance, Ruto – Mudavadi ticket and so forth. None of these alliances succeed in the long-term.

Since the violence of 2008, ex-President Moi has traversed his Rift Valley region preaching peace. The Rift Valley was worst affected, with hundreds killed and thousands of homes destroyed. Entire trading centres were razed to the ground in an orgy of looting, killing and rape. Tit for tat ethnic killings sparked worldwide fears of a Rwanda like scenario forcing the international community to intervene.

However, Moi is largely responsible for ethnic clashes in Kenya and especially in the Rift Valley and Coast provinces.

For thirty years after independence, Kenya’s people had lived peacefully with each other. Migration within the country was so common it was taken for granted. The fertile lands of the Rift Valley attracted settlers from all over Kenya. People from different ethnic groups intermarried and did business with each other. All this came to an end with the return of multi-party politics in 1990.

As Moi had predicted while opposing multi-partyism, every ethnic group supported a candidate from its own party. Naturally, Moi had the full support of the Kalenjin ethnic group while the Kikuyu, Luo, Luhya and Kisii had their other preferences. Political differences among ethnic groups in the Rift Valley turned into violent clashes that worsened in the period before and after the 1992 General Elections.

Moi supporters, led by William Ntimama, the late Kipkalya Kones, late Paul Chepkok and late Francis Lotodo demanded that non-Kalenjin ethnic groups in the Rift Valley either vote for Moi or leave. Militias intimidated non-Kalenjins by burning homes, looting and killing. The Luo, Luhya, Kikuyu, Kisii and Kamba were attacked mercilessly.

Because the violence was largely state-driven, there was little that the victims could do. Security forces were accused of shielding the perpetrators instead of stopping the clashes. In one notorious case, trucks of the Kenya Police forcibly removed families from a conflict zone and took them to their “ancestral homes.” The families were dumped at a football stadium in Kiambu. Eyewitnesses reported seeing government helicopters assisting the raiders. There were reports that the militias had received specialized training in North Korea.

Ethnic clashes in the Rift Valley and Coast raged for much of the time between 1992 and 1999. There is no way that Moi could fail to know what was going on. Moi was a micro-manager of government affairs who used to call Provincial and District Commissioners in the middle of the night for security updates. During the Moi era, cabinet ministers used to rubber stamp Moi’s decisions. Therefore, Moi is responsible for the ethnic clashes of the 1990s

Nobody was ever prosecuted for participating in the Moi era ethnic clashes. This impunity largely contributed to the 2008 post election violence. Many of the people implicated in the Waki Inquiry into Post Election Violence had also been mentioned in previous inquiries into tribal clashes, including the Akiwumi Commission.

Moi corrupted Kenya’s political system through patron-client relationships that ensured that his loyalists got state funds, government contracts and top jobs. As an entire generation of leaders matured under Moi, these corruption networks came to be seen as normal in politics.

Kenyans are famous for short memories. It is less than seven years since Moi left office but most people have forgotten the kind of person he was. These days, Moi gets cheers whenever he attends public gatherings. Moi has become a celebrity speaker at university graduations, weddings, funerals and state functions. As a keen manipulator of human emotions, Moi knows the right things to say to leave the crowd roaring in applause.

Kenya’s current politicians, led by President Mwai Kibaki are to blame for Moi’s growing popularity. The coalition of President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga is so inept that it makes the Moi years look like the “good, old days.” Kibaki and Raila can hardly give a coherent speech without tearing into each other.

This is why Moi seems like a much better alternative.

Gavin and Lindsay founded LUO, Inc in the spring of 2007 based on a combined passion to see justice brought to children all over the world. Lindsay graduated from the University of Georgia with a degree in Speech Communication and through various trips to Africa has developed a deep desire to show the love of Jesus to His people. Gavin graduated from Georgia Tech with a finance and economics degree. Following graduation, Gavin was signed with the Atlanta Falcons and played in the 2006 season. After an injury in 2006 he felt a call from God to pursue mission work and hang up his athletic career. Gavin and Lindsay met in 2007 and through a specific calling on their lives, decided to passionately pursue the vision of LUO to set children free form poverty.

Sam Leccima and Shani Leccima are the founders of Marriedmillions.com – The essential business website for married couples.

I awoke once again to the dogs barking maniacally, killer bees, monkeys screaming like they were being attacked by killer bees, a bird that sounded like it was saying “Cocoa for Cocoapuffs”, and Jim cursing the dog that peed on his tent.  Ali came back from the bathroom warning of a giant black bug, and I thought okay, I haven’t yet seen any of the legendary African insect life, bring it on. I entered the bathroom, looked around cautiously, and began putting in my contact lenses.  I had one in my eye and the other on my finger tip when all of a sudden the ground shook from the thud as said bug crashed to the floor.  It was a giant black hornet. AYAYAYAY I ran out of the bathroom and started swaying back and forth.  Alarmed, Patrick came over and I indicated the source of my agitation. He gave me one of those African eyebrow raises, grabbed a stick and proceeded to challenge this fist-sized UFO as my lens slowly desiccated on my finger.  My hero took care of the intruder with grace, and we left Kisumu.

Driving in Kenya was usually quite riveting.  Sure, there were colossal bumps in the road that for the most part our superb driver, Sambau, avoided with great skill, but the dust and roughness were compensated by the diverse countryside, many peoples and imaginative use of English. Every school had a motto, such as Scaling New Heights, In God We Trust Knowledge is Power, Labour to

Why Kenyans are such good runners?

Success – I was continually inspired, as I was charmed by business names like “Dirtfoe Laundry.” But even more unique was the way unusual industries were combined. My favourite was the sporting goods and laboratory equipment shop, explaining why Kenyans are such fast runners, hmmm.

The road to Homa Bay was arduous and included a visit to a Japanese dam project. I didn’t know why. As we continued our travels it became clear that as fascinated as we were by the animals and peoples of Kenya, it didn’t compare to the level of interest we generated driving through rural Western Kenya. Not a single child, woman or man failed to stare as we drove past.  Happily they were responsive to our waves and for the most part broke into enthusiastic, sunshiney smiles.

Once we settled into the Hotel Hippo Buck in Homa Bay (after lunching at the Red Rose restaurant where I had to walk gingerly past an angrily boiling pot of french fries, highly stressful for a klutz like me), we went to Lake Victoria to visit the fishing village. This is when we closed the door to Kansas and entered Kenya, and started to learn how unfair and wondrous the world is.

We wandered into a co-operative fish processing open-air “plant”, overseen by the Shauriyako Fishmongers Self-Help Organization. At first it looked like the community’s bountiful catch was being smoked communally, but then we really

Harvesting fish garbage

Would you eat this?

saw the fish.  They were ostensibly skeletons, with remnants of flesh hopefully clinging by the roots – waste by-product of the fish factory next door. Rather than give away this aqua crap, the fish plant next door sells it to the fishmongers and has doubled the price within the last year. Membership in the Organization provides a collective voice for the smoked fish skeleton sellers, as well as orphan support.  Currently there are 51 children, mostly orphaned by AIDS, age two to eighteen. Needless to say we took up a collection; it wasn’t much, at least not by our standards, but you do what you can, and they weren’t expecting it.  We were only starting to learn that around every corner in Kenya there’s a worthwhile cause.

Orphans

En route to our homestay we visited the Magina (does not rhyme with a body part) Village Primary School, the very school attended by Oti, the dazzling

Dazzling Oti

young Luo owner of the local tour group used by our Canadian company.  Imagine — 500 children from nursery to grade eight and 13 teachers housed in semi-permanent structures made of mud and tin with no library, no electricity, and one pit latrine. The nursery class, for example, holds 70 children and three teachers in a cramped, hot room.  Now imagine ten seats lined up in a row, like thrones under a tree, filled with wide-eyed mzungu, and hundreds of children emptying out of their classes to greet us – wow. Then the children began to perform for us. First came the girls who sang a song complete with “leeleeleelee” sound effects and gentle Luo dancing. Then came the boys.  A young thespian came charging out of the group and quite menacingly pointed his spear directly at me, making threatening Luo noises. I threw up my hands and cowered in fear, much to the audible delight of 500 children.  Afterwards we presented our gifts to the school.  Jim and Merilee’s soccer ball was very well received!  Even better received was the instant gratification of digital photography — something no one in this part of Kenya had evidently seen.  As we toured the school, I noticed Ali was missing. Looking behind me I saw a swarm of children encircling a spec of red hair in a green hat — like a candle in a chocolate cake. Occasionally she’d come up for air before being swallowed again.  When it was time to leave I threw her a life preserver and towed her in.

Gifts for the Magina Village School

Welcome performance

Inside the classroom

Magina school

After the school visit we went to what would be our home for the next two days: the household compound of Oti’s father, “Big Daddy”, where our immersion into Luo life began. We would be hosted by Oti’s mother, a teacher at the school and Big Daddy’s first wife, and Janet, the second wife, the Small Wife. To the

Big Daddy

right of Big Wife’s house was the kitchen quarters; it was a bloody inferno in there. The blackened tin ceiling spoke to that. Beyond that was something of which they were very proud: the brand new latrines they had built for us just before arriving.  We were thrilled!

New latrine!

While getting settled we were served a delicious chinese noodle-type snack made from oranges and sweet potato, as well as the best ground nuts (peanuts) I’ve ever had. We were visited by the curious neighbour, an older women whose only word of English was “Hallelujah.”  When Hallelujah came to greet me I

Hallelujah

said “Shikamoo“, which is the respectful greeting in Swahili for an elder.  She was thrilled, regarding me like a long-lost friend, grabbing my hands and excitedly bleating on and on in Luo and looking at me for responses.  Deciding actions would be more effective, I took out my camera and took a picture of her, and what excitement when I showed her! I then had her take one of me, and then I one of us together.  My new BFF, Hallelujah.

Zacheus, another neighbour, took us on the tour of the village, showing us how the less affluent Luo lived. The typical dwelling was a one-room hut with a divider in the middle – living room/kitchen/dining room/storage/chicken coop on the right, and bedroom/stove on the left.  The latter was very, very dark, and usually crowded with the family’s meagre belongings. Zacheus took us to his own home, and with his beautiful smile and gentle manner, proudly introduced us to his young wife and eight-month old daughter. As they emerged from the dark we could hear a wheezing, laboured sound.  As Zacheus reached for his daughter from his wife’s arms, he said simply with a soft voice, “This is my daughter. She is sick.”  And then we saw her.  The child’s head was swollen like an overripe cantaloupe, her tiny features pinched together in an unnatural excess of skin. I saw a father, desperately in love with his only child, a child who, if born in Ontario, would not be in this situation, a child who would have been operated on and covered by OHIP, but not in Africa, because here fathers have children who get sick and die, because that’s life in Africa. I had to quickly excuse myself from the home.

Our return to the school was warmly greeted, and as we entered the playing area we were accompanied by a number of children. We tried to get them to sing the songs from earlier, but they were too shy. To break the ice we started singing a song we thought they’d know — happy birthday — and a few of the children responded tentatively.  Encouraged, we tried Row x 3 Your Boat, and that’s when the dam broke. So we started doing rounds. It worked! When we stopped I got very ambitious — a three-part round with different voicings, the one and only “One Bottle of Pop…” etc. Ali, Sherry, Merilee and I each conducted a different section and the shining throng sang merrily.  Once again we tried to get them to sing Luo songs, but their appetite for our Canadian musical revue was insatiable. Searching our collective singing mind we retrieved Old MacDonald, complete with authentic animal noises.  They particularly enjoyed my chicken impression, complete with signature wing flap.

Nanopod and Ali took to the field to play net ball, so the rest of us (and many, many children) stood along the lines. Seeing this, Emilio said jokingly, “we should do the wave.” “Great idea!” I agreed enthusiastically, and much to his horror engaged him and Sherry into helping me teach the Kenyan kids the sporting fan’s rite of passage. Picture 100 school children in a line with two mzungu in 32C+ cloudless sunshine. Now add to that me running sprints back and forth along the line, arms flapping up and down in demonstration, cheering my head off, hunched over with my backpack looking like an over-excited, spastic, crazed camel. The kids loved it, but after about thirty sprints Emilio and Sherry became alarmed by my complexion and suggested I slow down.

Finally I got the kids to sing the song I’d heard earlier in Luo. The lyrics, “suna kayo ngeya, suna gi maugo“, sung as a call and response, mean a mosquito bites my back, a mosquito and tsetse fly. At the time I didn’t have the benefit of the translation, let alone a written transcription, so my attempts at Luo (that, and my singing) were greeted with uproarious hilarity. But eventually I could fake it passably, and like the Pied Piper led a gaggle of gigglers around the pitch singing my Luo heart out. Their appetite was insatiable. Recalling the ghosts of New Orleans past I belted out When the Saints Go Marching In, and it was one of the most beautiful renditions I’ve ever heard, my singing aside, of course.  They kept repeating the “Oh When the Saints” part of the song and I went through it, which worked magically. I took the saints right up to Merilee where I pleaded for her help — I was out of songs. Lovely Merilee broke into I’ve Been Working on the Railroad, which we ended with an Eddie Van Halen-worthy electric air banjo finale.

Unsurprisingly, seeing us mzungu (well, this mzungu at least) shed all vestiges of self respect, the kids began to lose their inhibitions. First I felt some of the bolder children gently tugging my ponytail (crunch crunch), and then they began to touch my skin.  Soon everyone wanted to shake my hand. I started jokingly pretending to grab their heads; before you knew it the children were screaming with glee as I chased them with my claws. Ali, meanwhile, was explaining to her net ballers the utterly foreign concept of “sunburn.” Why are you a different colour than the others? my celtic friend was asked by children and adults alike. When it was time to go we left the field singing the mosquito song.

That night we enjoyed an authentic African dinner of nyama choma (bbq’d meat), brown ugali, kale, shredded tea bag, and for the vegetarians, a whole chicken, avec beak and legs. I was naively hoping we’d have a demonstration of Luo traditional costume, song and dance, and we did… sort of.  Oti put in a DVD so I got to watch it on television. We had a more interactive opportunity to learn about Luo culture with Big Daddy, and luckily Lilah had lots of questions because the rest of us were expending our energy just to stay awake.

Visiting the neighbours

After enjoying a spectacular African sunrise, we ate a traditional breakfast of corn porridge drink and a salty and delicious green banana stew. We walked to Big Daddy’s father’s second wife’s home where we learned that mothers are the same everywhere. She spoke in Luo, but the message was clear: she was delighted we were there, but wished she had been warned in advance so that she could have prepared for her guests!!! She fed us delicious peanuts.

That afternoon we became the Starship Enterprise. We visited the animal market, where hundreds of men, cows and goats gather together. We were warned in advance that this was the first time a group of mzungu had visited the market, and from the reaction we received I have no doubt. It was quite eerie to be eyed by so many men in the trading mode — I was worried I was going to be sold for a couple of cows (the going rate for a wife, if you were wondering.) One little 8-yr old sobbed hysterically when he saw us. Further along was the women’s market (they were the sellers, not the product) and they warmed up to us immediately when they experienced the instant gratification of digital photography. Before you could say “Choma” I had become the official photographer of the market butchers.  I was grateful the meat was fresh. We then walked the three km home. I learned how to say good evening and how are you in Luo, so naturally tested it out on every unsuspecting pedestrian and cyclist, nearly causing the surprised riders to have accidents and nearly killing Oti with laughter when I said a mangled version to one cyclist. From the look on the man’s face I must’ve insulted his mother. Rather than going for the African sound Ali preferred to look African as she successfully walked down the road balancing our 1.5 L water bottle on her head.

Luo Marketwoman

Kinda Engwech, Sorta Swaheelee

Butcher series #1

Butcher series #2

Butcher series #3

Pride