Woot! Aunt arctic and a new postcard is out. We have some tips to tracking aunt arctic!

*CREDIT TO MONCHOCHO.*

Credit to monchocho!

Aunt Arctic is the news reporter and editor-in chief for the well-known newspaper on Club Penguin Island, the Penguin Times. She is responsible for keeping all penguins around the island informed about the daily news.
Tips On Tracking Aunt Arctic:

* Aunt Arctic is a green penguin with a pink hat, and a black pair of glasses.
* Aunt Arctic is usually found in : The Dance Lounge, Sleigh Ride, Beach, Ship, Town and Dock.
* Aunt Arctic goes to different servers every 15 minutes.
* If you see a crowd of penguins make sure to look well cuz she might be there!
* If you do find Aunt Arctic, click on the free gift button on the right so you can get Aunt Arctic’s autographed background.

More credit to monchocho! I have his pictures because club penguin wasn’t working for me…. And he’s the best blogger around

~Main owner, Monty~

And, now that coins for change is over, you recieve this postcard! More credit to monchocho!

Ye — A village headman was accused of supporting a Mon splinter group and was severely beaten about the head by the Burmese troops on December 10. A column of SPDC soldiers accused him for not reporting about the activities of the small Mon guerrilla group.

The SPDC’s Light Infantry Battalion No. 31 based in southern Mon State arrested Nai Aung Tin Nyunt, the village headman of Ma-Kyi (Mang Glon in Mon), charging him for failing to report the whereabouts of the Mon guerrillas.

Ma-Kyi village, in southern Ye, is comprised of about 100 households. “Most of the village headmen in this area (black area) don’t want to be in the position of reporting about the activities of the Mon splinter group or being one of the SPDC’s stooges. They have seen what happens to their predecessors,” said a Mon political observer to Kaowao requesting anonymity for fear of reprisals.
“The more experienced person is called on to work as the village chairmen to take care of their villagers despite facing the hazards,” the political observer added. Most of the villagers are unwilling to take part in village administration. Most of villagers in this part of southern Mon State cannot read and write Burmese, the official language of the country. Since 1997 the on-off again civil war has created instability in this area since the New Mon State Party and SPDC reached a ceasefire agreement in 1995. The SPDC’s military unit under general Maung Bo intensified the conflict after a speech he made in 2003 promising to “root out” the splinter groups. He accused the Mon villagers as being sympathizers for the Mon guerrillas and warned them that they would suffer the consequences if they continued to support the guerrillas for he knew they couldn’t survive without their (Mon villagers) help.

Villagers in southern Ye have regularly left the villages choosing to live as internally displaced persons in the jungle while some go to the border and apply to the UNHCR for resettlement. The New Mon State Party withdrew its troops from this area according to their agreement with the SPDC which is now designated as the black area. The published report Catwalk To The Barracks highlights the sexual abuse of the SPDC’s soldiers committed against the Mon village women. The report claims that the SPDC soldiers use women as a weapon of war.

December 15, 2009
WCRP: The Mon National Education Committee (MNEC), and the Mon National Health Care Committee (MNHC), will be facilitating a health program for children ages 5-12 from Mon National schools. The program, called the School Health Program, will provide Mon National schools with Vitamin A, deworming medicine, and a special curriculum designed to explain the importance of basic body care.
The aid will be distributed at all Mon National schools and the curriculum, taught for one hour a week, will cover healthy eating habits, disease (malaria, polio, dengue, etc.) prevention, and basic body care. Initial preparations and trainings for the program will happen in 2 phases leading up to the start of the new school year in June.
Nai Aie Com, MNEC’s committee member, explained, “In the second week of January, we [MNEC staff] will start Training for Trainers (TOT), a training about healthcare. 20 MNEC teachers, from 11 townships in southern Burma, will be trained by World Education about healthcare issues.” In June, teachers who received TOT training will train teachers who could not attend the January workshop. According to MNHC’s officer, Nai Aue Chan, “We plan to start distributing Vitamin A and the deworming medicine…in March and we will provide it to all the Mon National schools and children in resettlement sites [Bee Ree, Three Pagodas Pass and Tavoy areas] for the first time.” MNHC is not certain at this time how frequently they will distribute the aid, but they will make it available for children, with in the age range, who cannot attend school.
The School Health Program is scheduled to operate for 3 years and is sponsored by Global Health Access Program (GHAP) and World Education. World Education also provides some of curriculum and several other teacher trainings for the Mon National schools.
MNEC runs 156 Mon National Schools with 17,500 students. Most of the schools are in the New Mon State Party (NMSP) controlled area of Mon state, although a few are in the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) controlled areas of southern Burma. The program will not initially be operating at schools run by the SPDC and MNEC, but in the future MNEC and MNHC hope to extend the program to those schools.
This is the second time MNEC has organized a health program for students at Mon National Schools. In 1999 MNEC set up a health program, but for various reasons and budget restraints they had to cut the project in 2002. At that time, the program was run by MNEC, the facilitators were from MNHC. For the 2010 project year, the facilitators are the teachers from MNEC.

Roubei as fotos do blog da Fer!!!

http://ninaelili.wordpress.com/

Wuhuuuu!! I throw my money for a new “moon boot”…  feel so nice with my pantyhose…

Burma's Military regime (http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/ffximage/burma_street_wideweb__470x310,2.jpg)

Tomorrow marks the anniversary of the Deceleration of Human Rights. In this light it is important to remember the terrible oppression of the people of Myanmar under General Thein Sein’s military regime.

General Thein Sein seized power in 1990 after the elections, that were won by  Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). They won 82 per cent of the parliamentary seats, yet the military rejected the results, imprisoned the victors and intensified its grip on power.

Since then the Burmese people, primarily the ethnic minorities have been terrorized by a overwhelmingly brutal regime. Ethinc groups such as the Chin who are predominantly Christian, Karen, Karenni, Shan and Mon, face religious and cultural persecution under a regime that will do anything to stay in power.

“They face cultural genocide, and there may even be a case of attempted genocide to investigate.”

The Chin have been forced to abandon their religion, and their children have been lured away and trained as Buddhist monks.

“The Chin people, like other ethnic groups, endure widespread and systematic forced labour and rape. Over the past two years, their suffering has been compounded by a chronic food shortage, caused by a natural phenomenon.”

It is important that other nations put pressure on the Myanmar government to stop committing human rights abuses against it’s own people in the face of the up and coming elections next year. Caroline Cox and Benedict Rogers report

A exposição do Vik Miniz fica no MON até o final de fevereiro

Domingo de manhã o Pedro estava brincando de fazer desenhos com uma corrente e lembrei da exposiçnao do Vik Muniz no MON. Fomos todos para lá e no caminho ligamos para a Nina que já estava chegando lá. Aos domingo a entrada do MON é gratuita. Encontramos vários outros pais com seus filhos passeando no museu no domingo de manhã.

A exposição é o máximo (eu sempre fui fã) e foi muito bacana para as crianças também. Este ano, na escola, eles conheceram um artista chamado Giuseppe Arcimboldo, que faz artes com legumes. As obras do Vic Muniz pareciam uma continuação do que eles haviam aprendido. A reutilizaçnao de materiais também está super presente nas suas imagens, o que também foi tema das aulas deles.

Giuseppe Arcimboldo fazia arte com legumes

]]> http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2009/12/04/ceasefire-signing-brings-detention-for-rehmonya-splinter-group/ Fri, 04 Dec 2009 16:55:41 +0000 peacerunning http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2009/12/04/ceasefire-signing-brings-detention-for-rehmonya-splinter-group/

Fri 04 Dec 2009, Ar Kar
A Mon splinter group that recently signed a ceasefire with the Burmese military government has spent the first two weeks of its new status detained in a Burmese military base. The group will be used to fight other splinter groups.

As reported on October 20th by IMNA, the Mon splinter group Rehmonya, led by Colonel Nai Shaung, signed a ceasefire with the Burmese military State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) at a ceremony on October 16th. Nai Shaung met with senior military officials at the SPDC’s Southeast Command.

While IMNA had reported that Nai Shaung and his family then returned to Ye township, in fact reporters have now confirmed that on October 17th Nai Saung and his Rehmonya splinter group were escorted to, and then confined inside, the SPDC Military Operations Management Command (MOMC) No. 19 base.

A retired member of the NMSP’s Central Committee (CC) who had been close to Nai Shoung, explained, “Nai Shoung wants to see Nai Aung Naing and also Nai Aung Naing wants to see Nai Shoung. However [now] they do not have any opportunity to see each other.” The source explained that as Nai Aung Naing had previously signed a ceasefire, Nai shoung expected to meet the commander of another splinter group that had allied itself with the SPDC. However, the ex-CC member speculated that the SPDC does not need the two groups to combined or interact, saying, “The military does not need them to be combined. That’s why the military detained him.”

While free from arrest, Nai Shaung and his forces have been effectively confined to MOMC No. 19 for the last two weeks. According to family members, if they hope to meet with the Rehmonya colonel, he must speak with the senior officer in charge who then questions the applying visitor about the purpose of their visit. Only then can the guests speak to Nai Shaung, and only in the presence of an SPDC officer. They were only able to meet after multiple requests were made to visit Nai Shaung.

“We heard that the government’s trusted servant Nai Shoung [has been] ordered to fight armed groups who are around south Ye township,” a senior NMSP official explained. “We don’t think it is because they [SPDC] didn’t want him [to work with] militia’s which he likes. We think Nai Shaung [is detained] because he wants to set up his group some place, with military help, North of ye township.”

The NMSP official stated that Nai Shoung left the NMSP after he exhibited poor discipline when following orders. Nai Shoung formed the Remonnya group in May this year, prior to which he split from the NMSP in February. Nai Shoung left the NMSP with only 10 men under his command, according to NMSP sources. Since Rehmonya has been active along the Thai-border and Tanintharyi division.

According to sources close to Nai Shaung, the Rehmonya group has neither received weapons from the SPDC or training at MOMC No. 19.

According to previous reports on Rehmonya’s troop strength, the group suffers from both low membership and limited firepower. During September, the Remonnya group surrendered weapons to the Mon splitter group Nai Chan Dein, (a faction opposed to the SPDC).

According to the retired CC member, “The latest news we’ve heard is that two days ago the military sent Nai Shoung back to Southeast Command [without Rehmonya soldiers].”

Thu 03 Dec 2009, Janu
Starting late November in to early December, residents and students in Moulmein, the capital city of Mon State, have reported little to no electricity coverage – disrupting daily chores and university student’s studies.

“Moulmein has a big electricity station in Ngan Tay, and it has two lines [a government line and resident line],” A monk from the city explained. “These are not the same lines. For a person who is close with the government, they are getting access to government lines since [most] residents have no electricity.” He continued, explaining that residents with the right contacts are able to bribe authorities that will allow them access to the government electricity line 24 hours a day.

The lack of continuous electricity has disrupted even the most basic activities. “Our line and the government electricity line are not the same,” said one resident from Myiang-tha-yar quarter. “If we do get [electricity], it is a very weak wattage. We can only cook curry – we can’t pull water for showers or cooking.”

For students the lack of electricity has been a problem. A source from Moulmein University explained, “Electricity hasn’t been on very often. Now it has been off for 2 days. It has been a problem for students who have to retake their exam [a supplemental exam]. We have to buy candles to study at night time.”

According to the warden of a hostel who hosted 9th and 10th standard students in Moulmein. We have to pay for generator electricity for getting light and conducting lessons in our hostel.”

Last year we had no light during time when the University was closed,” another student recalled. “We only got electricity while university was open.” Students who remained at the university to study, or who were unable to return home, for the summer holiday, were without electricity for 3 months. At this time students who barely passed their final exams have the opportunity to take a supplemental exam to demonstrate improvement. Students who have remained behind to study for this makeup exam, have been hampered by having no electricity for 2 days, explained a student preparing for the supplemental exam.

Electricity for students has been a catalyst issue in the city. Moulmein University students took the street on March 6th of this year, after two weeks of power outages in the Mon State’s capital city wich rendered studying for university exams nearly impossible. Regular supplies of electricity were eventually returned to the city.

Regardless of electricity flow, even in outages like this last week’s, residents are still charged a flat rate. A Moulmein resident says, “we can’t get electricity [but if] it come or not we still have to pay a monthly electricity bill. It costs 25 to 50 kyat per watt. However every single family has to pay 1,500 kyat for each month.”

The actual reason for intermittent electricity is unclear, thou rumors abound. One resident speculated, “The department of electricity has two electricity lines, but they just release one to the airport, the army [Burmese military] base and offices, and the railway station… Because of that we have less electricity.”

Wed 02 Dec 2009, Jaloon Htaw
Villagers in Lamine Sub Township are forced to carry stones for construction project on a Burmese army battalion head quarters.

Last week villagers from Taung Bone village and Taung Pyin village, Lamine Sub Township, Ye Township, Mon State, have been ordered to load and carry stones to Burmese army Infantry Battalion IB No. 61 out of Ye town.

According to one villager from Taung Pyin who was forced to load small stones, Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) No.587, ordered the two villages to collect small stones at a rope bridge, from a nearly dry riverbed 3 miles away at near Aru-Taung village.

Each village was forced to provide a truck to then carry the cargo from Aru-Taung, 12 miles to Ye town. According to villagers forced to work, they were not compensated for the time they spent loading stones.

According to the truck driver Taung Bone village, 1 truck was only be able to make 2 trips a day. The first day 2 trucks were available, so only one trip was made, but the next, only 1 could be loaded with stones, which required it to make 2 trips in 1 day.

“They said they want to repair their base,” a man who was forced to gather stones explained. “But they didn’t pay for the cost of car oil. We had to buy it ourselves. We don’t want to do this but we are because they have ordered [us to].”

“LIB No. 587 ordered the headman and villagers that this had to be done,” the owner of the Taung Bone truck explained. “We carried stones for 2 days. I don’t know who will carry for the next days. [We had to pay] all our costs.” According to the coordinator from the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), LIB No. 587 has been forcing villagers to work as unpaid manual labor collecting stones and bringing them to IB No. 61, since summer season of 2006.

It is unclear to observers or villagers what exactly the base is constructing with all the stones.

This latest instance of forced labor in Taung Pyin and Taung Bone is part of a larger system of continued human rights violations. HURFOM’s coordinator explained, “This has already happened before. Not only that, between 2004 to 2007, LIB No. 587 confiscated 250 to 300 acers of rubber plantations villagers in Lamine Sub Township. The military then cut the old of rubber trees down to make firewood and forced [farmers] to grow them again.”

Tue 01 Dec 2009, IMNA, Rai Maraoh
Hundreds of people in Mon state continue to suffer from HIV-AIDS in Mon State, but go untreated.

According to organizations that have worked to help treat and prevent HIV-AIDS in Mon state, many victims continue to go untreated or cannot access the limited supply of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs normally used to treat HIV-AIDS.

In July when IMNA initially reported on the subject, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) had doubled the number of people it was able to treat with ARV’s. However, the supply available to IOM has dwindled. One member of the IOM explained to IMNA, “Many people needed ARV [medicine] but we don’t have any more – we can only give [them] to patients who are in extreme emergency situations.”

According to IOM staff, many people who suffered HIV-AIDS in Mon state often remain unaware until their conditions dramatically worsen.

Many people are reported to have the opportunity and means to get themselves tested, but many do no want to check. Victims often find out only when an emergency situation arises, though injury or when HIV-AIDS begin to significantly manifest themselves, such as Kaposi’s sarcoma (a skin tumor often associated with AIDS victims). “Many patients they come to our group [only] when they begin to suffer more. We didn’t have enough medicine and some [patients] are nearly dead [when they arrive],” explained a staff member of IOM. “The patients like that we need to check [for] carefully and if they really need the medicine we decide to give it to them.”

In 2006 IOM began working in Mon State to help HIV-AIDS patients. At the time they were only able to supply vitamins and extra food. It wasn’t until 2008 that they were able to begin distributing ARV medication. Yet despite success, many who suffer will not receive medication, as the program cannot widely distribute its small supply.

The IOM operates in 6 townships of Moulmein, Thanbyuzayat, Mudon, Kyaik-ma-yaw, Bee-lin, and Ye, in Mon State. IOM believes that there are close to 500 people diagnosed with HIV-AIDS in Mon State.

Many of the victims of HIV-AIDS have contracted the illness through the increasing volumes of unprotected sex, dug using or tainted hypodermic needles.

To address the epidemic before people contract it, IOM and Burma based NGO health organizations, like Zay Thana Foundation, are attempting to educate at risk persons and young people. The free workshops explain about HIV-AIDS, how people can be protected against becoming exposed, and how a person can live with the condition if they already have it.

A 2008 report form the UNAIDS/World Health Organization estimated that Burma had 240,000 people living with AIDS in 2007, but speculated the number could be as high as 370,000.

The 3 Diseases Fund (3DF) estimates that in 2008 approximately 75,000 of those who suffer with the disease need ARV medication, however just about 11,000 patients actually receive ARV treatment.

With the assistance of partner organizations, 3DF was able to treat approximately 6,800 people living with HIV with ARV drugs in 2008. 3DF is a Rangoon based international health organization that treats HIV, Miliaria and Teberculosis.

According to the international health organization Doctors Without Borders, this lack of available treatment leads to the deaths of nearly 25,000 HIV-AIDS patients a year in Burma.

En els darrers tres dies hem vist com la premsa catalana i estatal liderava el debat sobre el pas de l’Estatut pel Tribunal Constitucional. Als rotatius internacionals, però, només ha existit Catalunya en la secció d’Esports. Els partits del Barça contra l’Inter i el Reial Madrid han eclipsat per complet a l’Estatut.

28.11.2009 – 18:11 – Món

‘Catalonia’ amb prou feines ha aparegut als diaris internacionals, a no sé que algun periodista esportiu fes esment que el FC Barcelona és, certament, el primer equip català. A banda dels partits del Barça, la tensió i el debat sobre el pas de l’Estatut d’Autonomia pel Tribunal Constitucional (TC) gairebé no ha aparegut a les pàgines estrangeres i els rars articles que ha protagonitzat són més aviat discrets.

El diari suís Le Temps, que també publica per a les zones francòfones de França i Alemanya, va publicar el passat dijous un article sobre la carta magna catalana. Titulat “El nou Estatut de Catalunya és quasi mort” aborda el debat estatutari com una qüestió espanyola, centrant-se en els efectes que tindrà sobre Zapatero la sentència del TC. Afirma que “per als catalans el text és en efecte sacrosant” i que per al president espanyol, sigui quina sigui la sentència, li serà perjudicial. Recull declaracions del PSC, CiU i ERC i fa també referència a ICV. Al PP ni el cita ni s’hi refereix.

La ràdio alemana Deutschlandsfunk també s’ha fet ressò de la polèmica i hi ha dedicat l’article Disputa sobre l’Estatut d’Autonomia català, amb el subtítol Es tem que el Tribunal Constitucional el repel·leixi. L’article explica amb força encert l’estat i les motivacions del nacionalisme català, en paraules del president del Parlament Ernest Benach. Les contraposa amb dues veus no institucionals, pro i anti independència, les de Josep Ximénez, impulsor de la consulta d’Arenys de Munt, i la Lluís Maria Todó, professor universitari i escriptor, tot i que conegut sobretot com a traductor al català. Un article si més no interessant i divulgador, tot i que poc ancorat a l’actualitat.

La nota simpàtica del recull d’aquesta setmana és al diari britànic Times. Dedica un article a l’honor per a la reina Isabel II de tenir a la venda un caganer fet a la seva semblança. Tot i que explica en detall la simbologia catalana dels caganers als pessebres i l’atribueix a Catalunya, al titular l’anuncia com una tradició nadalenca espanyola.

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El politòleg i corresponsal de crònica.cat als països nòrdics, Adrià Alcoverro, radiografia avui el gir progressiu de l’estat del benestar de Finlàndia, un dels més consolidats al món, cap a la competitivitat del liberalisme econònim. La primera víctima d’aquest gir podria ser l’equilibri territorial.

30.11.2009 – 18:11 – Europa

Des de principis dels 90, un nou discurs polític ha anat prenent forma a Finlàndia. A grans trets, pot ser definit per la necessitat d’implementar reformes a l’estat del benestar i permetre maximitzar la competitivitat de Finlàndia en un món basat en el principi de competència entre els estats per atreure capital cap a les seves fronteres. La competitivitat de Finlàndia en l’era de la globalització és, per tant, essencial per a l’interès nacional. Els poders públics tenen l’obligació de facilitar reformes per crear ‘l’estat competitiu’ (competition state, en anglès), el terme emprat per definir aquest model d’estat. L’estat competitiu no és un discurs nou ni propi de Finlàndia, existeix i serveix com a discurs dels poders públics de molts estats des dels inicis de la Revolució Conservadora de Reagan i Thatcher.

L’èxit i el suport que encara gaudeix l’estat del benestar finès, però, ha allunyat qualsevol aplicació ortodoxa dels principis neoliberals. Cap partit polític finlandès ha defensat el desmantellament de l’estat del benestar. Finlàndia té avui un dels estats del benestar més desenvolupats del planeta amb resultats molt positius tal i com es reflecteix en l’Índex de Desenvolupament Humà (IDH), un índex creat per Nacions Unides, constituït per variables com ara educació, igualtat, grau de llibertat, etc.

Tot i així, i com he esmentat anteriorment, també a Finlàndia s’han fet reformes. Ja es van iniciar a finals dels 80, quan una part important de la classe política finesa considerà que els principals objectius de l’estat del benestar ja havien estat assolits i que calia avançar cap a la competitivitat. Les inversions en I+D i l’avenç cap a l’anomenada ’societat de la informació’ dutes a terme des de l’estat del benestar tenien com a objectiu fer de Finlàndia un estat altament competitiu. L’èxit de la primera fase d’aquestes reformes fou evident, ja durant la segona meitat dels anys 90 les empreses transnacionals fineses de telecomunicacions, com ara Nokia, van ser les grans beneficiades d’aquest procés. Alhora, la igualtat característica de qualsevol estat del benestar nòrdic no es va veure afectada per les reformes. La societat de la informació ha estat accessible a tothom, fins i tot en les regions més remotes de l’estat. No obstant això, i ja en el nou mil·lenni, aquest procés de canvi ha anat minant gradualment un dels principis fundacionals de l’estat del benestar finès: la igualtat territorial.

La igualtat territorial ha estat i és un element clau en la política finlandesa. El sud de Finlàndia concentrava el poder econòmic mentre que el centre, l’est i el nord del país eren fonamentalment zones agrícoles lluny dels serveis socials i del sector terciari. La política de l’estat del benestar finès al llarg de les dècades 60, 70, 80 i part del 90 fou la de fer arribar a tots els racons de Finlàndia universitats, centres d’investigació, oficines de l’estat, algunes indústries i donar facilitat al sector privat per instal·lar-se en aquestes zones creant així altres pols econòmics. Aquesta descentralització del poder econòmic ha estat clau per desenvolupar totes les regions.

La tendència, però, ha canviat en els darrers anys. Amb el discurs de la necessitat d’assolir més competitivitat, l’estat ha iniciat un procés de “metropolització”, afavorint la inversió pública a la regió d’Hèlsinki per aconseguir crear un marc idoni per a l’establiment de companyies de sectors punters en telecomunicacions i I+D entre d’altres. Aquest fet ha provocat un moviment considerable d’empreses cap a la regió de la capital, provocant així una creixent desigualtat entre el Nord i el Sud. La regió del Sud-Oest de Finlàndia, econòmicament forta per raons històriques, també s’ha vist afectada per aquest procés amb una evident reducció de llocs de treball qualificats.

Tot i no estar en procés de desmantellament, un dels pilars més importants de l’estat del benestar finès pot perillar. La coalició de centre-dreta que actualment governa a Finlàndia no sembla interessada a canviar aquesta tendència. De moment la legitimitat del govern i del model no s’han vist afectats tot i la creixent desigualtat entre regions, en part gràcies a la confiança històrica de la societat finesa en la seva classe política. Serà interessant, però, veure si aquesta confiança es mantindrà tenint en compte la importància cabdal que ha tingut en un estat caracteritzat, des de després de la Segona Guerra Mundial, per un nivell de conflictivitat social molt baix.

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November 30, 2009
WCRP: Several schools throughout Mon state are forcing Standard 9 and 10 students to study for additional hours and pay extra fees. Most schools in Mon state hold class from 9am to 3pm, although several students have reported mandatory review sessions that go well beyond regular school hours.
In Anan village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State, standard 9 students are being forced to study for 3 additional hours or more. The adjustment began in June when school hours were extended until 6pm or later. Each student must pay 1,500 kyat per month for the extra classes until their final exams.
“We have no time to relax, we are so tired. We go to school at 9 am and do not arrive home till late at night…We have to spend a lot of time and money to study. One of our friends is so poor, she cannot afford to pay, so she had to leave school [stop attending],” said a female student from Anan village.
Students that cannot afford the additional classes are not allowed to attend regular school.
For standard 9 and 10 students in Kawdut village, Ye Township, Mon State, teachers hold mandatory review sessions from 6pm until 11pm. Students sleep at the school from 11pm till 4am, review till 6am and then head home. At 8am they return to school for new lessons. The new schedule has been in effect since July.
The students paid 60,000 kyat for this year’s registration fee and review sessions. In past years the registration fee was 20,000 kyat. Middle school students study for an extra 45 minutes each day and pay 1,000 kyat per month. Students from Kalawthut and Mawkanin village, Mon State, are required to attend daily 1 hour review sessions, but they are not charged additional fees. The change occurred in June.
Teachers think, because of the elections, the government is mandating extra hours to compensate for a possible shortened school year. They speculate that final exams will be held in December and classes will not resume until after the elections. Schools normally finish in March and recommence in June.
“Our teacher said in December we have to take an exam, they think it’s because of the 2010 election. So they are forcing us to study a lot, at some schools the teachers are also teaching during the night,” said the female student from Anan.
There have also been reports of extended school hours in the Three Pagodas Pass area, Karen State.

Sat 28 Nov 2009, INMA, Rai Maraoh
Security has tightened around the site of a November 15th explosion in the Kanbuak to Miang-Kalay gas pipeline, near a rural settlement between the villages of That Kaw and Wei Win Kara in Thanphyuzayart Township.

Artillery Regiment (AR) 318, the battalion that that has thus far led the security measures enacted at the site, has unofficially blamed the explosion on Mon splinter group activity in the area, and a new security checkpoint has been created on the central highway running through the region. IMNA’s field reporter also learned that as of this week, the Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) in Thanphyuzayart Township has ordered all villages in the Township to take responsibility for reburying exposed sections of the pipeline, as a precaution against rebel activity.

“Yesterday, the soldiers checked the people who passed through on the Thanphyuzayart to Kyaikkhami main road. The checkpoint is at the rain road pass” said a source who passed through the check point.

Locals report that the explosion resulted in an 18- inch horizontal crack in the pipeline itself and a 3-foot-deep crater at the site of the blast.

IMNA reported on the pipeline explosion on November 18th; at the time, the cause of the explosion was still up for debate. However, the recently tightened security in the area indicates that the Burmese Army has attributed the blast to a rebel group-laid bomb, rather than to a structural problem in the pipeline.

“The gas explosion was not normal, the explosion was like a bomb exploding, not through gas or a fire accident. One possible [explanation] is, maybe they [Burmese soldiers] caused the explosion, so that after it happened they could accuse Mon splinter groups [of setting a bomb on the pipeline],” a New Mon State Party (NMSP) member living in the area told IMNA. Villagers informed IMNA that after the explosion, the Burmese soldiers and policemen who arrived at the scene reportedly told the villagers that “Mon people” (meaning Mon splinter groups) had cause the incident. The Burmese army’s knee-jerk accusations against Mon groups has many residents in the area worried that the battalion will eventually use the incident as an excuse to move against the NMSP itself.

“We know they want to accuse the NMSP, but the NMSP never did this [caused the explosion] like they are thinking,” the local NMSP member informed IMNA.

According to IMNA’s field reporter, villagers in the area have been paying pipeline security fees since 2006, after a pipeline explosion between Kwan-hlar village and Young Doung village in Mudon Township. The blast resulted in Burmese authorities imposing a 3000 kyat per-household monthly security tax on all villagers in both Mudon and Thanphyuzayart Township.

An election campaign has been launched by Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) throughout parts of Mon state, a source from the Mon community told Kaowao.

“General Aung San fought for Burma’s independence with 30 comrades. We have over a million members and we can do more for our nation if you vote for us,” said one participant quoting one of the campaigners. “We will focus on local development, health care, and education if you vote for us (USDA).”

The USDA campaign group is led by Minn Lun Aung, USDA secretary of Kyaikmaraw (Kyaikmayaw) Township, followed by U Aung Myo, the former township educational department in charge and U Sein Hlaing.

“On November 20, the USDA’s election campaign kicked off with a tour through Kaw Palaing, Kaw Soi, Kaw Sak, Tarana and Dhamasa Mon villages in Kyaikmaraw, Mon state and Kawkareik township in Karen State. These areas were first priority for the USDA because the Burmese candidates from the NLD and other parties were defeated by the Mon political party (MNDF) in the last 1990 election. The Mon political party won the most seats without much campaigning,” said a political observer in Moulmein.

A New Mon State Party officer of Thaton District based in this area told Kaowao that the local civilians are disappointed because the Burmese government has yet to announce its election rules. “The USDA said they can do more than other political organization and asked the voters to vote for them. We also want to hear from other parties too,” he added.
The USDA, founded by the SPDC as a GONGO (government organized non-governmental organization) in 1993, is notorious for its brutal crackdown on opposition forces along with security forces. It claims they have 22 million members as of 2005.

In June, a Mon working committee, comprised of NMSP veterans, Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) members and retired civil servants, was formed to prepare for the upcoming 2010 election in Moulmein, capital city of Mon State.

“We are waiting for the SPDC’s regulation and rules so we can prepare for the upcoming election; we can do nothing until then,” said a spoke person from the Mon working committee.

However, the main political parties, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) oppose the upcoming general election and Burma’s 2008 constitution.

Kaowao news

Villagers taxed to provide for people’s militia in Kawzar Sub-Township.
November 26, 2009
HURFOM, Ye: Infantry Battalion (IB) no. 31, based in Khawza Sub-township, held a meeting in Khawza Sub-town regarding the establishment of a people’s militia for the region, in the second week of November 2009.
According to HURFOM’s field reporter, IB no. 31 informed the sub-township chairman that roughly 30 people were required to enlist in the new people’s militia and attend the yet-be-held Khawzar Sub-town training. The remaining Khawazar residents have been given the responsibility of providing for the militia’s needs, including guns and uniforms for the new recruits.
Reportedly, IB no. 31 divided Khawaza sub-town residents into three different tax brackets, based on their household incomes. The first, wealthiest bracket of villagers has been required to pay 50,000 kyat to the new militia’s fund, while the other two brackets must pay 30,000 kyat or 20,000 kyat respectively, depending on their households’ standard of living.
According to residents, event though Khawzar Sub-Township contains around 800 households in total, only 500 households are being required to pay the taxes; the remaining 300 household are connected to the Burmese Army or are employed by the Burmese government.
“We villagers don’t want to be involved in the militia, most of us prefer to give money to them instead; but some villagers, such as daily workers, have no choice. So, some of them prefer to join the militia because they have no money to offer [instead],” claimed a female Khawza resident.
According to HURFOM’s field reporter, roughly ten villagers villages near Khawzar Sub-town have also been required to send residents to the militia training in Khawzar Sub-town. It has yet to be confirmed if these villages are also being taxed to provide for militia members’ needs.
According to a resident of Toe Tat Ywa Thit village near Khawszar Sub-town, IB no. 31 has made repeated attempts over the past two or three years to establish similar people’s militias in the region, including in Toe Tat Ywa Thit village and in Hangan village; such attempts have always failed due to residents’ lack of participation.

November 26, 2009
WCRP: An Underground Mon Migrant Union, which operates in southern Thailand, has freed several migrant women.
According to the Union’s advisor, the organization was established in 2002 to protect Mon migrant workers, although recently it has been focusing efforts on rescuing endangered Mon women.
On November 17, the Union went to 7 of the 30 brothels in Phang-nga, Kuraburi, Thailand, and purchased 19 Mon prostitutes’ freedoms.
The Union had been contacted by a man who was missing his sister. The man suspected that she was working as a prostitute in Phang-nga, but the Union could not locate her. During the search, members met numerous desperate and trapped women, which inspired them to organize the rescue mission.
Before liberating the women, members of the Union held secret meetings with Mon prostitutes. Members then separately negotiated costs and release terms with brothel owners. In total, the Union paid 1.4 million baht, to various brothels, for the 19 women.
The President of the Union said, “Over the past 7 years we have only helped 12 women, this is the first time we have saved so many troubled women.”
The Union currently has 400 members and each pays a 500 baht monthly fee, which goes towards rescue missions and management costs. Over the past 7 years, over 70 of its members have died during excursions.
The Union plans to continue rescuing female migrant workers as well as protecting them from being unknowingly sold to brokers Laos.

Un informe d’un grup d’experts assenyala que la manresana Inshuti i la balear S’Olivar han aportat fons als rebels hutus refugiats al Congo.

25/11/2009

Les Nacions Unides han denunciat que diverses ONG estrangeres, entre les quals n’hi ha una de Barcelona i una altra de Mallorca, estarien finançant el Front Democràtic per a l’Alliberament de Ruanda, un grup armat ruandès refugiat al Congo des de fa 13 anys. Els membres d’aquest grup hi van fugir després de participar en les matances entre hutus i tutsis, l’any 1994, que van provocar 800.000 morts. La notícia s’ha conegut a través d’un informe d’un grup d’experts del més alt nivell de l’ONU.

El document denuncia que els rebels ruandesos hutus que operen a l’est del Congo continuen rebent armes i reclutant soldats. Alguns d’aquests rebels van participar en el genocidi ruandès del 1994. Es financen de dues maneres: controlant el tràfic il·legal de minerals i mitjançant les donacions d’ONG estrangeres. En el tràfic de minerals també hi estan implicats membres de l’exèrcit congolès i les milícies tutsis locals que lluiten contra els guerrillers hutus i es realitza sota la mirada de les tropes de pacificació de l’ONU.

Entre les ONG presumptament implicades en el finançament hi hauria Inshuti, que rep subvencions de l’Ajuntament de Manresa, i la mallorquina S’Olivar, que rep finançament públic del Fons Mallorquí de Solidaritat. El president d’Inshuti, Joan Casòliva, viatja cada estiu al Congo, però ha negat qualsevol implicació amb els rebels.

Casòliva assegura que se’ls acusa perquè van donar suport a la querella presentada a l’Audiència espanyola que ha servit per processar 40 militars ruandesos. Estan acusats de genocidi i crims contra la humanitat i tots són tutsis, les principals víctimes del genocidi del 1994. Sigui com vulgui, els rebels hutus encara reben diners i armes saltant-se l’embargament de les Nacions Unides, que, curiosament, són les que surten més malparades pel seu propi informe.

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From Thoughts During Her Last Days

All parent-child relationships are special but there is something about the mother and son kind that defies description.  Mother-daughter relationships are the most complex.  Father-daughter relationships are also special but seem not as consistent. I could be the most contemptible scoundrel in the world but only my mother would    would come to see me on visiting day. This is not arrogance. Mothers do those things.

In past times I had occasionally and arrogantly believed that I must be my mother’s only bright spot in her tough world.  However, as I grew older and left home I mostly felt remorse for not being more helpful and caring and available to her as she grew older.

Was my mom the very best mom in the world? There were worse moms and there were better moms. She made choices that made life harder for herself,  her six children, and her husband. She also did great with what she had.  As the time increases  since her death I find her less culpable for anything I thought was her mistake. As I think about it, she didn’t make any mistakes at all  as defined by my myiopic view. My eyesight has  improved with time but I can’t release my past because I haven’t understood it yet.

This Letters from Mom post is an effort to know her better.  She was Eleanor T. Larson who always did her dead level best.   If I stop doing my very best in this life she dies. I cannot let that happen.

Monday  September 4, 1973

Dear Ones – How in the world are you – it has been so long now since we heard . I’m sure that busy, busy is the word. Doc- you’ve been our intern over two nearly three months in fact. I trust that all is going well & try to think positive. I’m sorry to say I was ill for a week. Dr thought food poisoning, but I feel certain I had a virus.  It acted that way and a lot of students have been sick with it. Pat and R. were here for the weekend. They seem to be pretty well situated at Ft. L. Wood – Have 3  bedroom house for $121 per month. Pat is proud to have Dishwasher and garbage disposal.

Celia has everything about ready for school at Ft Lauderdale in Dec; Her grant is there now.  She doesn’t know(the tuition) as this is 1st year for it. – and at lunch she went to get some papers notarized relative to her loans. She’ll have so much to take that I’ll probably go down there with her for a couple of days. We’ll probably take the train from Fulton or Paris. Will have to plan further and she continues to work @ Begleys. Freya called Celia this A.M. She’s really all mixed up. Is taking a course at Ill. and doesn’t like her teacher. She’s losing 9 hours from Murray. — Bought a car for $200 to get to Gary. She’s trying to get a job as a teacher’s aid in Gary. Says she doesn’t like restaurant work. Celia and I wish that you could talk with her. Celia said, “Mom, Buddy can see right through me. I wish she could talk to him.” Susan got her tonsils out. Diane said that she is really fine. Her voice is different; sounds like a little bell. No congestion in chest, no snoring or difficult breathing! Wonderful Her tonsils were very large and the Dr removed a large amount of adenoid tissue . John was in Murray this A.M. to get a record from the house. He came in library & talked a few minutes. Kathy is working as a teachers aid at Jackson School in Pad. They have a cute 4 room apt. Must go to P.O.  This place is Grand Central Station —–more later

Love mom

Every so often I’ve updated the list of films that I have already seen with brief reviews.  Call it the complete-ist in me, but when I’m done with reviewing each of the films in the book, I’d like to have reviewed every single film in the book.

Anyhow, here’s another batch for you to read.

Enjoy!

Shichinin No Samurai AKA Seven Samurai (1954)

The Seven Samurai is the first movie that I had the pleasure of seeing from the master director Akira Kurosawa, and it is also one of his most praised works. Without a wasted frame, the story takes place over the course of almost 3 hours. Kurosawa, as he does in each of his movies, explores more than just the action and injustice featured in the plot. He is a humanist first and foremost, training his lens on the interpersonal relationships of the characters, tracking growth across this epic. As good as this film is, I would have to say that Kurosawa has numerous films that are even better, check out Stray Dog, Rashomon, Yojimbo, Sanjuro, and my personal favorite High and Low.

The Ladykillers (1955)

Existing as a special combination of dark humor, and slapstick farce, The Ladykillers is exceptionally funny and unsettling. Alec Guinness stars as the leader of a group of criminals staying at the home of a hardy, vivacious older lady under the guise of being musicians. The plan is simple, rob a bank, and utilizing the trusting nature of the kindly old lady, and the remoteness of her home to their advantage, get away with it. Easily my favorite of Alec Guinness’ films (thanks in part to the Star Wars prequels that is), The Ladykillers features a solid cast of great actors, including a very young Peter Sellers.

Bob Le Flambeur AKA Bob the Gambler (1955)

My introduction to the fantastic Jean-Pierre Melville, I was captivated immediately by the cool as ice gangster come gambler Bob. This film is filled with signature Melville-isms. Glorious post war street scenes in Paris. Trench-coats. Honor among thieves. And who could forget the caper. To talk too much about this film is to give too much away, and to do that is to ruin it for those who haven’t seen it. Other classics by Melville: Le Cercle Rouge, Le Samourai, and the recently released in the U.S. Army of Shadows. All are fantastic, and deserve to be in this book! Incidentally, Bob le Flambeur was recently re-made into The Good Thief starring Nick Nolte and directed by Neil Jordan, and while I’m not generally a fan of re-makes, I really, really liked this film. Not quite as good as the original, but it was one of my favorite films of 2002.

Kiss Me Deadly (1955)

The ultimate in hardboiled private eye crime stories, Kiss Me Deadly is a full on assault on decency. Kiss Me Deadly proudly presents itself as a grimy PI story, littered with bodies and intrigue. If you even have a passing interest in film noir, this should be your first stop. Violent, misogynist, brutish, and glorious, Kiss Me Deadly begs to be watched and dares you to look away. I myself, loved it!

The Ten Commandments (1956)

Apparently based on a book, The Ten Commandments is an epic in every sense of the word. Colored in bright explosive candy hues, and featuring huge sets, as well as a cast that number in the thousands, The Ten Commandments is more spectacle than great movie. Certainly not a waste of time, but not my first choice when choosing something light to throw in.

Det Sjunde Inseglet AKA The Seventh Seal (1957)

A classic, and well-loved film by Swedish auteur Ingmar Bergman, The Seventh Seal stars an extremely young Max von Sydow as a knight who faces Death at a game of chess to decide his fate. This film is filled with themes that find their way into each of Bergman’s works, ranging from courage in the face of death, religion, and humanity. The Seventh Seal still holds up to this day, with luminous black and white photography that, thanks to Criterion’s Blu-ray edition, has never looked better.

Note: Don’t be fooled by the similarly themed, but much worse, “Bill and Ted’s Bogus Journey”

Kumonosu Jo AKA Throne of Blood (1957)

Kurosawa’s retelling of Macbeth set in feudal Japan. Shakespeare has never looked better as it does in the stark black and white, twisting shadows and swirling mists as seen through Kurosawa’s camera. Toshiro Mifune doesn’t disappoint in the lead role, but the real stand out is Isuzu Yamada in the as Mifune’s opportunistic, poisonous wife. The plotting and scheming starts right from the get go, all the way up till the frenzied end of the film.

Touch of Evil (1958)

One of the many trouble spots on Orson Welles’ resume due to studio interference, and financing issues, still Touch of Evil remains as possibly the best B-Movie ever made. Iconic (and sometimes hilarious) performances by Janet Leigh, Charlton Heston (as a Mexican) and Welles himself as the crooked cop willing to do almost anything to ensure justice prevails (just so long as it’s his justice). The movie is almost as famous for its long tracking shot opening as it is for any of the performances, featuring a nearly 4 minute shot done in one take which travels around cars, actors, and buildings. The film The Player, payed homage to it by mentioning it a few times during a similarly complex shot in that film.

Vertigo (1958)

Flopping on its initial release, Vertigo didn’t gain the acclaim it deserved until much later after it was released on video. Vertigo visits themes present in each of Hitchcock’s other works, including the obsession with blondes, innocence tainted with corruption, and the schlub who get in over his head. Jimmy Stewart plays the schlub, Kim Novak plays the blonde, and gloriously technicolored San Francisco plays the innocence and the corruption. Vertigo has a twisty convoluted story with elements of surrealism, an interesting watch.

Mon Oncle AKA My Uncle (1958)

My favorite of Jacques Tati’s Monsieur Hulot films, Mon Oncle was also the first of them that I had seen. Tati, playing Hulot, is a master of visual comedy, and not in the same way as the Three Stooges, or even Buster Keaton. Tati is an artist whose work is appreciated the longer you watch. The plot of the movie is not so much important to the film as it is simply a guide to get our characters into interesting situations so we can watch them get out. If you liked this film, check out other films featuring the bumbling Mr. Hulot, including Trafic, Playtime, and Les Vacances de Monsieur Hulot.

Les Quatre Cents Coups AKA The 400 Blows (1959)

My personal favorite of the French new wave movement was this small-scale film, personal piece from Francois Truffaut. Featuring the director’s alter ego, Antoine Doinel, The 400 Blows is the first in a series of movies, each about a different stage of life and the challenges that go along with them. The period from childhood to young adult is covered heart-breakingly here, following Antoine through the rough waters of his home life and his interaction with the outside world. Later chapters deal with finding love, getting married, having children, and growing old, but Les Quatres Cent Coups remains the directors most personal and his best.

North by Northwest (1959)

One of Hitchcock’s best, North by Northwest features Cary Grant, suave as ever, being mistaken for a government agent by a group of foreign spies. Just like in Hitchcock’s most famous works (of which this is one), the witty one-liners, suspense, and drama are heaped on generously. I can’t help but feel sad that a similarly themed, but better film featuring Cary Grant was left off this 1001 list. Charade, also featuring Audrey Hepburn, James Coburn, and Walter Matthau, is one of my favorite movies ever! Check out both Charade AND North by Northwest as a double feature! You won’t be sorry.

Some Like it Hot (1959)

Now this is an example of a classic, well-loved film, with actors that I really love (Jack Lemmon I’m looking at you), a premise that is more than suitable, yet the finished product never really caught me. It’s sort of like Hitchcock’s To Catch a Thief. I never really saw what all the hype was about. That being said, I didn’t hate it either. It never made fun of me when I had braces, or turned me down for a date, my affections and this film have just always been mutually exclusive. Perhaps it deserves another watch…then again maybe I should just watch The Last Boyscout again.

A Bout De Souffle AKA Breathless (1959)

Jean-Luc Godard is nothing if not a sacred cow of French cinema, and while I have loved some of his other films (Le Mepris, Bande A Part, and Masculin Femenine), Breathless or A Bout De Souffle never really did it for me. I can still rationalize why it was so revolutionary (use of jump cuts, editing, non-actors, and subscription to the aesthetic of the French new wave style), and see it’s importance, but I prefer other examples of New Wave cinema. If you are interested in seeing a Godard film, try Masculin Feminine, it is just as revolutionary and a bit more accessible.

Psycho (1960)

A prime example of Hitchcock in his prime. Psycho was so good, and so affecting that some of its actors were type cast just on the strength of this one film (Anthony Perkins, and Janet Leigh), so much so that without a little research it’s hard to think of what other films either of them has been in. Psycho may not be as visually shocking and gory as horror films of today, but it still manages to hold up over time and be just as unsettling as it was back in its day. Hitchcock has always excelled at making the comfortable un-comfortable (motels, birds, tea, dreams, the list goes on…), and the subtle touches in this film work perfectly. Consider for a moment that Perkin’s Bates is an amateur taxidermist of birds, and then that Janet Leigh’s name is Marion Crane a type of bird, or the fact before the crime Marion is wearing a white bra and a white purse, while after it she is wearing a black bra and purse. His attention to detail, and knack for foreshadowing is demonstrated in full force in Psycho and remains one of his best films. Despite all the uproar over the Gus Van Sant remake, I thought it actually did some justice to the original film and if nothing else brought it a little more deserved attention.

Note: This film also has the distinction of being the first American film to ever show a toilet flushing on-screen.

Peeping Tom (1960)

Released the same year as Psycho, and dealing with similar subject matter, Peeping Tom wasn’t received with the same acclaim and attention that the former was. On the contrary, Peeping Tom was seen as subversive, perverted, and generally too shocking. The story revolves more around the killer than the victim in this one, whereas Psycho is presented more from the victim’s point of view. Either way, Peeping Tom is a fine film, one worth watching, however it is so similar to Psycho that I’m not sure it needs to be on the list of 1001 films.

The Apartment (1960)

As far as light-hearted, touching movies about someone recovering from a bout of depression, this one is my favorite. Billy Wilder directs Shirley MacLaine and Jack Lemmon in a sweet touching comedy without losing any of his trademark cynicism or the pointedness of his dialogue. The Apartment is another chance for me to champion the somewhat maligned talents of Mr. Fred MacMurray as Lemmon’s boss. MacMurray plays a fantastic creep who really defines the term “heel”.

Spartacus (1960)

Containing almost none of the trademark elements that make up a Stanley Kubrick movie as we know it (Kubrick apparently dis-owned the film before it’s release), Spartacus remains an interesting movie that isn’t great. It is, however, another example of a film that enabled an up and coming filmmaker to gain his voice, and define himself later on in his career. If only for that reason, Spartacus is a great film, but luckily for the studio, it has some other things going for it. Kirk Douglas plays the title role of Spartacus, and despite all the lavish set production, and concentration on spectacle, brings some heart to the slave who defied Rome.

Jules Et Jim AKA Jules and Jim (1962)

One of director, Francois Truffaut’s most well thought of films, Jules and Jim may be the Lost In Translation, or Juno of its time. Viewed from a certain angle, the plot is a completely moving and emotional story that you believe, so much so, that you can see yourself and those around you in the roles that these characters embody. Viewed from another perspective, it can seem a little precious or purposefully manipulative. Depending on what is happening in your life (I’m mostly thinking about whether or not you are in a relationship, and if you are happy), this movie can preach the glory of love and the pain of rejection. On the flipside, if you have shaken free the angsty, teenager-esque feelings everyone has had in their youth, you may feel like you’re being talked down to.

Cleo De 5 A 7 AKA Cleo from 5 to 7

Taking place, as the title suggests, from 5 to 7, we get a slice of the life of Cleo played out before us. Sometimes we, along with Cleo herself, are a voyeurs into the lives of people around her, and other times we are focused on her as she roams around Paris. By and large Cleo lives a carefree, spoiled life, yet we still sympathize with her when times are hard, and cheer for her when they are good. This is a small film in a lot of ways, but that doesn’t mean that it isn’t impacting and beautiful.

Lawrence of Arabia (1962)

I have to admit.  I didn’t like Lawrence of Arabia that much.  Perhaps I was too young to appreciate the aesthetic beauty of Lean’s desert panorama camerawork, or just maybe it was the epic length that decided it for me.  One way or another, I didn’t appreciate it as much as everyone else seems to think I should. 

The Manchurian Candidate (1962)

Overly reliant on gimmicks and quick editing techniques, The Manchurian Candidate doesn’t flesh out the story nearly…wait, no that was the terrible re-make that came out in 2004.  The original 1962 version, is just as taught, and well executed today as it was at its release.  While the story between the two versions remained virtually the same, the consistent building of tension and anxiety, combined with the pitch perfect acting of Lawrence Harvey, Frank Sinatra (yes…Frank Sinatra), and the devilish turn of Angela Lansbury as the Queen of Hearts, makes for a fantastic film.

Lolita (1962)

It took me forever to finally see Lolita.  I have known the basic story (older man, younger girl) but had just never gotten around to seeing it.  And while I’ve been told that the book is much better, I thought the film was pretty good.  Not great, mind you, but definitely solid.  The shocking and controversial nature of the relationship was toned down a bit for the screen, and maybe as a result doesn’t seem all that shocking in today’s day and age.  Memorable turns by Peter Sellers, and Shelley Winters, not to mention it’s an early film of Stanley Kubrick.

The Birds (1963)

Despite being one of Hitchcock’s most popular, I actually think that The Birds is one of his most over-rated.  I think I owe it to myself to give this one another look someday, but right now I feel that it was too heavily based on the gimmick that had to rely on special effects.  Though it is not necessarily the fault of the movie, but the special effects seemed particularly dated and old fashioned.  Worth a watch, but not my favorite by a long shot.

8 1/2 (1963)

Federico Fellini is, by most accounts, a master of cinema.  One, that I have always had a little trouble getting fired up over.  It’s not that I don’t like his films once I’ve seen them, the problem comes in when it comes to motivating myself to see them.  I couldn’t tell you why, but his films consistently get pushed off when they come up on my Netflix Queue or when I see the one or two I have on my shelf.  I shouldn’t feel this way, considering I really loved the moving poetry, and soul baring passion in 8 1/2, yet it still happens.  One very definite reason to watch this film is the man-crushable Marcello Mastroianni, swaggering through as the alter-ego of Fellini himself.  Dealing with all the reservations with women, making movies, childhood, and the future that the director very famously dealt with himself, Mastroianni embodies a certain cool, yet believable character that begs to be watched.  Combined with imagery that leaves the audience wanting more, 8 1/2 is a fantastic film.

Well, that’s it for this time.  Thanks for reading!

Protagonista Bella Swan implineste optsprezece ani iar Alice si Edward ,vampirul pe care il iubeste ii pregatesc o petrecere surpriza, doar ca la acesta petrecere are loc cel mai mare cosmar a lui Edward in timp ce acesta deschide un cadou se taie in hartie iar Jasper nu isi poate stapani instinctele si o ataca insa Edward o salveaza impingand-o din calea lui Jasper acesta cazand pe o masa de sticla unde se ranaste mai rau Carlise fiind nevoit sa ii coase ranile. Dupa acesta intamplare Edward vrea sa o protejeze pe aceasta asa ca pleaca din orasul Forks impreuna cu toata familia lui gandindu-se ca fiind om va putea trece peste iubirea care o purta pentru el ” va fi ca si cum nu as fi existat “. La aflarea vestii Bella este distrusa si intra intr-o depresie severa si nu isi poate reveni,avand serioase probleme de comportament la scoala si in relatia ei cu Charile. Astfel ca la patru luini de la plecare lui Edward isi gaseste sfarsit linistea langa Jacob Black un prieten de familie, dar si acesta are un secret la fel de mare ca al familiei Cullen.Bella se gandeste in continuare la Edward si cauta noi metode pentru al putea simiti mai aproape astfel ea descopera ca de cate ori isi risca viata ea putea sa ii auda voce vampirului pe care ea il iubea mai mult decat viata sa.La un moment dat Bella va trebui chiar sa il salveze pe Edward.
* DESCARCA
* Titlu: New Moon – New Moon – Twilight 2
* Data lansare (SUA): 20 Noiembrie 2009
* Data lansare (Romania): 27 Noiembrie 2009
* Perioda filmare: 23 Martie 2009 – 29 Mai 2009
* Buget: 50,000,000 $
* Incasari weekend: 142,839,137 $
* Incasari totale: 142,839,137 $

Sursa Cinemarx.com

Els blocs de gel, algun de 250 metres de llarg, es desplacen a uns dos quilòmetres per hora

24/11/2009 12.40 H Han sobrepassat les illes de Aukland

Despreniment d’icebergs a la badia de Vicennes, en el territori antàrtic australià, el febrer del 2008.

SIDNEY

Més d’un centenar d’icebergs, algun de fins a 250 metres de longitud, estan sent empesos pel corrent marí en direcció a Nova Zelanda. Les autoritats han donat l’alerta als vaixells que naveguen per la zona, ha informat avui la premsa local.

Les últimes fotografies per satèl·lit fetes per experts de la Divisió Antàrtica Australiana han indicat que els blocs de gel han sobrepassat les illes Auckland i es troben uns 450 quilòmetres al nord-est de l’illa del Sud, la més gran de Nova Zelanda.

La massa de gel, despresa de l’Antàrtida a causa de l’alça de la temperatura com a conseqüència de l’escalfament global, va ser vista per primera vegada fa unes dues setmanes pels científics de la base permanent d’investigació que Austràlia té a l’illa de Macquarie, a l’extrem sud-oest de l’oceà Pacífic.

Alerta als vaixells de la zona

Els icebergs es mouen a una velocitat mitjana d’entre un i dos quilòmetres per hora, segons el seguiment que està portant a terme l’Institut Neozelandès d’Investigació Atmosfèrica.

Rodney Russ, cap de l’equip de científics neozelandesos que viatgen a bord del vaixell Spirit of Enerby de la companyia Heritage Expeditions, ha manifestat que els blocs de gel es deterioren i fonen a mesura que s’allunyen de l’Antàrtida.

És aquesta la segona vegada que passa un fenomen similar en només tres anys. El 2006, diversos icebergs es van fondre quan eren a uns 25 quilòmetres de la costa de l’illa del Sud, cosa que no passava des del 1931, segons les dades de què disposa la Divisió Antàrtica Australiana.

Les autoritats marítimes de Nova Zelanda van emetre la setmana passada una alerta per als vaixells que naveguen per la zona on han estat vistos els icebergs.

]]> http://satorrajaume.wordpress.com/2009/11/23/entrevista-a-alejandro-cao-de-benos-si-els-eeuu-fan-atacs-preventius-corea-del-nord-entrara-en-guerra/ Mon, 23 Nov 2009 20:26:42 +0000 Jaume Satorra http://satorrajaume.wordpress.com/2009/11/23/entrevista-a-alejandro-cao-de-benos-si-els-eeuu-fan-atacs-preventius-corea-del-nord-entrara-en-guerra/

Crònica.cat entrevista el Delegat a Europa del govern de Corea del Nord, Alejandro Cao de Benós. Aquest tarragoní explica la postura del règim de Kim-Jong Il amb el llançament de missils de llarg abast. Segons Cao de Benós, asseguren la pau, de moment, a la península coreana.

23.11.2009 – 21:11 – Món

De Corea només n’hi ha una?

Sí. Corea ha sigut sempre una nació sense divisió. Els problemes sorgeixen després de la colonització japonesa. Durant la Segona Guerra Mundial, s’allibera Corea del colonialisme japonès, els aliats guanyen la guerra i els americans entren a la península coreana. En aquest cas, els soviètics també tenien una força molt important, perquè estaven lluitant a la zona del nord contra els japonesos, i per influència d’aquestes superpotències es crea una divisió. La diferència, però, rau en què els soviètics van marxar de la part del nord i els americans es van quedar al sud amb l’excusa de desarmar la part de l’imperi japonès que quedava.

La idea dels americans era prevenir que el comunisme continués cap al sud i s’expansionés. Aquesta va ser la justificació dels americans per establir-se allà, provocant la Guerra de Corea per intentar tenir control sobre les fronteres russes i xineses. La diferència és únicament política. Corea del Sud és un capitalisme globalitzat, mentre que al nord es manté d’una forma molt pura la tradició i la forma de ser coreana. Salvant aquestes diferències, som la mateixa cosa.

Li agradaria viure en persona la reunificació de les dues Corea?

Sí. És molt possible, i de fet, hem avançat moltíssim de l’any 2000 al 2008. Fa nou anys, el govern sud-coreà es va apropar per primera vegada a nosaltres i va entendre la posició lògica de Corea del Nord. La nostra idea és crear una confederació democràtica on convisquin els dos sistemes polítics, però on la gent pugui desplaçar-se lliurement. Llavors, el govern sud-coreà va acceptar aquesta reunificació del país, perquè les famílies estaven dividides. Hi va haver un desenvolupament molt ràpid de les relacions entre nord i sud. L’any passat, però, va entrar una administració molt conservadora, que va tirar enlaire tots els anys d’aproximació. El problema és que ara serveixen als interessos americans, i han destruït en poc temps tot el que s’havia construït. Hem anat endarrere per aquesta situació, però esperem que perdin les eleccions i entri l’oposició reconciliadora.

El govern de Kim Jong Il encara sent que està en conflicte, gairebé seixanta anys després de la guerra de Corea?

No és sentir, és oficial. Estem en guerra. La guerra va començar el 1950, i tres anys més tard es va signar un armistici. Però la guerra es pot renaudar en qualsevol moment. Els Estats Units es guarden aquesta carta sense necessitat de justificació davant les Nacions Unides. L’armistici és una treva temporal, amb la peculiaritat que continua vigent seixanta anys després. Per l’actitud americana, que hem vist amb l’ocupació d’Iraq i les amenaces a Iran, sabem que segons les posicions ideològiques que hi hagin es podria llançar aquest atac.

Durant l’època Clinton, existien plans d’atac per continuar la Guerra de Corea. William Jefferson Clinton va parlar d’un atac preventiu, i això és una cosa que no acceptarem mai. Si fan un atac preventiu, nosaltres entrarem en guerra, a diferència de països com Síria. El país assumirà la guerra, i hem estat apunt d’entrar-hi. El 1994, quan sabíem que la guerra estava tan aprop, vam retirar-nos del Tractat de No Proliferació Nuclear i vam continuar amb el sistema dissuassiu. Sabíem que si desenvolupàvem les armes nuclears, els Estats Units no farien aquest atac. Aquestes armes ja estan desenvolupades i asseguren la pau a la península coreana. Quan tens la primera superpotència que t’està amenaçant, fas el possible per sobreviure. Qui vol la pau, signa la pau, i els Estats Units s’han negat a signar-ho. Per tant, si no vols la pau, és perquè vols la guerra.

Les pluges torrencials del 1995 van sotmetre Corea a una profunda crisi alimentària, que va arribar al seu màxim exponent el 1997. Llavors, el govern de Pyongyang va admetre que 250.000 persones van morir per inanició, mentre que alguns mitjans de comunicació com la CNN situaven aquesta xifra al voltant dels 2 milions de persones. Com està la situació alimentària, actualment?

La situació està millorant dia a dia. La crisi va estar motivada per tres factors principals. El primer van ser els desastres naturals. Corea té un clima molt dur (amb temperatures de fins a 40º sota zero), i això provoca que importem molts aliments de fora. Els Estats Units, durant aquesta temporada, van incrementar el bloqueig, parant qualsevol vaixell i retornant-lo cap a port. Això va provocar una crisi terrible, amb el país sense divises internacionals, i molta gent va passar-ho malament. Els coreans van demanar ajut humanitari a la Xina, i la gent que vivia al nord van migrar temporalment a aquest país. Un cop els coreans es van recuperar, van tornar a Corea del Nord. A Pyong Yang, per exemple, no hi havia ni una botiga oberta. De fet, a les capitals és on hi havia més escassetat d’aliments, perquè depeníem directament del camp. Al nostre ministeri no teníem ni electricitat, i passàvem el dia amb un tomàquet i algun vegetal més.

L’any 2000, el sistema econòmic es comença a recuperar a un nivell del 15% anual fins ara. Ja no hi han problemes en l’alimentació bàsica, perquè tenim divisa internacional per comprar. Per exemple, l’arròs, el sucre i altres productes que no podem produir els importem de Tailàndia. A nivell vitamínic, és cert que hi ha alguns problemes, perquè per exemple no podem cultivar fruita. La llet que tenim és bàsicament de cabra, ja que no tenim llocs on les vaques pastin. Actualment, estem estandaritzant grans zones de terra a zones muntanyoses que fins ara eren inaccessibles, per poder introduir maquinària.

D’aquí a tres anys esperem arribar a l’autosuficiència alimentària. De fet, serà un any molt important per nosaltres perquè es farà un anunci especial a tot el món on explicarem els secrets que tenim per rellançar l’economia. De fet, esperem establir-nos com una potència econòmica. Ara som una potència política i militar, i ens falta la branca econòmica.

Les derives ideològiques que ha sofert la Xina s’han d’entendre com una renúncia ideològica o com un exemple a seguir?

Corea del Nord no segueix cap exemple. Sempre hem sigut independents, i mai ens hem aliat ni amb la URSS ni amb la Xina. Tampoc vam signar el Pacte de Varsòvia, sinó que hem seguit un comunisme diferent al de la resta de països. Aquesta és la política pel que fa a les relacions internacionals. Corea del Nord no es fica en assumptes interns d’altres països, i per això no ens agrada que els altres països es fiquin en els nostres assumptes. L’obertura de la Xina és una obertura cap al capitalisme de mercat, que és completament contrària als ideals socialistes. Per tant, no és un exemple a seguir. Nosaltres volem aplicar les nostres pròpies fórmules i no comprometrem mai els avanços socials que s’han produït a Corea del Nord.

Quin és la gran potència més propera a Corea del Nord en aquests moments?

La Xina ha sigut sempre el nostre gran aliat. En la part diplomàtica, encara mantenim relacions intenses, perquè som veïns. Som pobles agermanats en la lluita per la llibertat del país. Ara, però, la Xina ha signat les noves sancions contra Corea del Nord que han estat imposades pels Estats Units. Aquestes tenen la intenció de forçar a Corea del Nord a acceptar el capitalisme.

El govern de Rússia és un dels més propers a Corea del Nord, i tenim més projectes amb ells que amb la Xina. Encara que Rússia no sigui socialista, hi ha un nexe i un interès molt grans. Per exemple, hem desenvolupat el sistema de càrregues per tren des de Corea del Sud fins a Europa. Aquesta línia de tren donarà molts avantatges, perquè és molt més econòmic que fer-ho per vaixell, i inclou a Corea del Nord, perquè sense nosaltres no es pot passar cap a Àsia i Europa. A nivell estratègic, la gent ha de comptar amb Corea del Nord, encara que no els hi agradem ideològicament.

Com analitza el govern nord-coreà la crisi econòmica mundial que ha afectat a moltes potències?

És una conseqüència bàsica del capitalisme. Aquest sistema es basa en cicles i una classe mitjana esclavitzada. La gent es creu que el cotxe i la casa li pertanyen, però en realitat són propietat dels bancs. Els més rics volen ser més rics i volen destruir els petits comerciants, que no poden competir mai amb el poder que tenen els grans supermercats. El que passa és que cada vegada són menys els rics i més els pobres. Actualment, s’està arribant a un punt on la classe mitjana ja comença a deteriorar-se. El capitalisme és un mirall on penses que pots ser milionari, però són molt poques les persones que arriben fins aquí.

Les seves idees polítiques s’emmarquen en una variant del marxisme anomenada jutxisme, creada precisament per Kim Il-Sung. En què es diferencia de la corrent comunista tradicional?

Hi ha dues diferències principals. El símbol del partit és el martell, la falç i el pinzell. Som l’únic partit comunista que afegeix el pinzell, que representa els artistes i els intel·lectuals. El marxisme tradicional considera que els intel·lectuals són contrarevolucionaris, perquè són la classe burgesa i reaccionària. Kim-Il Sung va fer un canvi a aquesta situació, i va dir que els intel·lectuals havien de formar part de la revolució. Això va crear molts problemes amb la URSS i la Xina, perquè no seguíem la doctrina tradicional. També vam incorporar els religiosos i, de fet, durant la revolució no hi va haver cap atac contra esglésies ni temples. La majoria de gent amb creences religioses va donar suport a la revolució. Kim-Il Sung va fer una fusió de la tradició coreana i la va incloure dins de la doctrina socialista.

La data que vostè apuntava del 2012 com el gran any per a Corea del Nord, els empeny a iniciar una fase expansiva del seu projecte polític?

La política exterior del país és de no ingerència i no intentar expandir la idea a altres països. Kim-Il Sung va dir que la idea jutxe era per a Corea del Nord, perquè es basa en el caràcter i les tradicions coreanes, és un socialisme a la nostra manera. Hi ha molts grups que estudien aquestes fórmules per a presentar-se a les eleccions i trobar una alternativa social. Però Kim-Il Sung va dir que mai podien crear el nostre sistema, sinó que havien de creu el seu propi sistema basat en les seves característiques. Sempre estem disposats a ajudar a altres països, però sempre i quan el país en qüestió desenvolupi el socialisme d’acord amb la seva realitat. Estem oberts a tenir amics, però no farem interferència ni pagarem grups revolucionaris per desestabilitzar un sistema polític. Estem en contra de qualsevol tipus de terrorisme.

El seu govern veu les noves tecnologies com una amenaça?

No. Les tecnologies de la informació és una clau bàsica per desenvolupar el país. Tenim un munt de biblioteques i cafès on la gent pot utilitzar ordinador. D’altra banda, nosaltres disposem d’una Intranet. Això s’explica d’una forma molt senzilla. Un mitjà de comunicació té la informació com a arma, que s’utilitza per manipular les consciències de la gent en una altra direcció. Tinc molt clara la manipulació que fa un mitjà segons quins siguin els paràmetres del consell de redacció. No permetrem que s’utilitzen els nostres mitjans per destruir el que s’ha aconseguit: que no hi hagi prostitució, suïcidis, violacions… Per arribar a aquest punt, hem eliminat les influències negatives que poden interferir en el nostre sistema, ja sigui Internet, la CNN o la BBC. No volem donar el nostre territori als enemics. Per això tenim la nostra pròpia Intranet, on la gent pot connectar-se als xats, consultar el seu correu electrònic… La diferència rau en que no hi ha pornografia, temes satànics, zoofília… Intentem portar tota la informació positiva, però no coses que danyin la població. El nostre líder, Kim-Jong Il, va donar tot el suport possible al desenvolupament tecnològic, i ara tothom ja porta MP3 o telèfons d’última generació.

La població nord-coreana, doncs, no té accés a cap mitjà internacional?

No. No hi ha mitjans internacionals. El que fem és agafar les notícies internacionals i les filtrem als nostres mitjans nacionals. Agafem notícies de tot el món i les expliquem al poble. Corea del Nord no fa informació sensacionalista, amb la finalitat de fer diners, sinó que informem i no creem alerta a la població.

Com encara el govern de Corea del Nord les relacions amb el nou govern dels Estats Units encapçalat per Barack Obama?

Estem començant a veure signes positius, sobretot arran de la visita de Hillary Clinton. Sabem que Obama s’ha d’enfrontar amb el seu propi país, i també té molts problemes amb l’Orient Mitjà. Corea del Nord mai ha canviat la seva posició; no volem una península coreana nuclearitzada. Estem llestos per les converses nuclears, però portem molts anys i els Estats Units no han complert la seva promesa. La guerra és amb els Estats Units, no és amb Corea del Sud. Ells van ser qui van firmar l’armistici, i Corea del Sud no té res a fer. És només un afegit a aquesta situació. Ells ho saben, però com a primera superpotència estan acostumats a fer el que volen. Fins ara, no han volgut accedir a negociacions, però ara sembla que estarien disposats a mantenir reunions bilaterals. De fet, abans que Bush accedís a la presidència, estava prevista la visita de Clinton a Pyong Yang per parlar directament amb Kim-Jong Il. Jo crec que les relacions aniran a millor, sobretot perquè Obama es deixa aconsellar per Clinton.

Hi ha bona sintonia altres països declarats antiimperialistes com Veneçuela o Iran?

Sí, perquè compartim aquest sentiment d’independència i de preservar la nostra pròpia cultura i nació. Amb països com Veneçuela o Bolívia estem incrementant les relacions en matèria mèdica o en enginyeria. Ara mateix, tenim 259 nord-coreans a Amèrica del Sud que estan ajudant als governs en temes de seguretat ciutadana i ajuda al desenvolupament. Amb Iran també hi ha molta relació, no només en matèria militar, sinó en altres àmbits. Els països que estan oprimits pels Estats Units són els nostres amics.

Quines relacions té Corea amb la resta de comunitat internacional? Haurien de fer-se més fluïdes?

Les relacions són bones sempre i quan la organització sigui respectuosa amb el nostre país. Corea del Nord no imposa a ningú ser comunista i, per tant, per què ens estan forçant a seguir un sistema que el poble no ha decidit? Les relacions són bones sempre i quan l’organisme no estigui sota el control dels Estats Units. El tema del Consell de Seguretat és molt clar. També tenim relació amb tots els països de la Unió Europea excepte França. El problema és que la informació que es coneix de Corea del Nord ve reciclada dels mitjans de Washington. Tot i això, estem avançant mica en mica. Amb Espanya, tenim relacions des de l’any 2001. I amb Casa Àsia hem mantingut contactes amb el secretari general i altres responsables. De fet, tenim previst fer una exposició sobre Corea del Nord a Casa Àsia.

Quines mesures té projectades el govern de Pyongyang per acabar amb l’emigració de ciutadans cap a Corea del Sud i la Xina, sobretot?

No és un tema prioritari, perquè estem parlant de xifres molt baixes. La frontera entre Corea del Nord i Xina és molt permeable, i cada dia centenars de persones creuen a banda i banda. Són dos pobles molt units, i les famílies estan molt barrejades. A una part del nord de Xina hi ha una gran majoria coreana. Durant la crisi, centenars de milers de persones van refugiar-se a la Xina, però després van tornar al país. Cent o dos-cents es van quedar pensant-se que milloraria la seva situació econòmica, cosa que no va ser així. Allà, els que portem els Audi són quatre, i els porten a Beijing. El capitalisme comporta la diferenciació de classes, i a la Xina s’ha donat d’una forma immediata. Els nord-coreans que es van quedar a la zona xinesa, ara han perdut l’honor davant dels seus compatriotes. La vergonya d’intentar integrar-te a una societat socialista quan has renegat d’ella els supera, i per això han decidit emigrar a Corea del Sud. No obstant, de la mateixa manera que els ciutadans passen a Corea del Sud, hi ha moltes persones que passen al nord. No és una situació general, sinó que és molt puntual.

Com a català resident a Corea del Nord, com valora el moviment sobiranista que està creixent a Catalunya?

Considero que Catalunya ha de protegir la seva cultura i la seva llengua. Com a potència econòmica, està més que demostrat el que aporta al conjunt de l’Estat. El problema, però, rau en el sistema. El capitalisme, l’egoïsme i l’interès personal està per damunt de l’interès global. És cert que a Espanya, a més d’aquest component capitalista, hi ha també l’interès de la capital per mantenir una font d’entrada de diners. Jo ho veig el problema de la manca de valors que té la gent. Hi ha molta gent que utilitza el paràmetre de sobirania per justificar una sèrie de coses, però no és la solució. De què servirà una Catalunya independent que continuï sent corrupte? Després què vindria, una Tarragona independent? No és la solució, però quan no hi ha ideologia és molt fàcil accedir al tema de la raça i del nacionalisme per justificar un projecte polític. Jo transformaria l’interior de les persones, si no, no hi ha solució.

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by IMNA 23.November 2009