Hoje é aniversário do meu best Polis, que além de tudo é um leitor assíduo do Até Debaixo D’Água, e como ele gosta de praia e da Europa, esse post vai dedicado a ele. Parabéns Polis!!

Confiram abaixo os 10 melhores albergues europeus, bem pertinho da praia.

Essa seleção foi feita pelo Hostelworld.com.

1) Kaixo Backpackers – San Sebastian; Espanha

Foto: Site hostel.com

2) Down Town Hostel – Málaga; Espanha

3) Hippo Hotel – Budva; Montenegro

4) Goofys – Newquay; Inglaterra

Foto: Facebook

5) Hostel Essaouira – Essaouira; Marrocos

6) Rituals Backpacjers Cascais Beach Hostel – Cascais; Portugal

7) Bundoran Surf Lodge – Bubdoran; Irlanda

8 ) Jorplace Beach Hostel – Haia; Holanda

Foto: Channels.nl

9) Onda Road – Praia A Mare; Itália

10) The Pink Palace – Corfu; Grécia

Foto: Studentuniverse.com

Quer saber mais? Então acesse o site Viajar mais barato.

CJENOVNIK SMJESTAJA ZA ZIMU 2009./2010.

30.12.2009.-04.01.2010.

APARTMAN POLUPANSION – 96,00 eura

APARTMAN -NOCENJE S DORUCKOM – 88,00 eura

/cijene se odnose na dvije osobe/

SOBE POLUPANSION – 40,00 eura

SOBE – NOCENJE S DORUCKOM – 36,00 eura

/dvokrevetne sobe i trokrevetni poluapartmani/

/cijene su po osobi,dnevno/

04.01.2010.-01.02.2010.

APARTMAN POLUPANSION 70,00 eura

APARTMAN NOCENJE S DORUCKOM 62,00 eura

/cijene se odnose na dvije osobe/

SOBE POLUPANSION 30,00 eura

SOBE NOCENJE S DORUCKOM  26,00 eura

/cijene su po osobi/

01.02. – 01.05.2010.

APARTMAN POLUPANSION 60,00 eura

APARTMAN NOCENJE S DORUCKOM  52,00

/cijene se odnose na dvije osobe/

SOBE POLUPANSION  28.00 eura

SOBE NOCENJE S DORUCKOM  24.00 eura

/cijene su po osobi/

Djeca do dvije godine – gratis, u slucaju da koriste krevetac – 5 eura, dnevno

Djeca od -1 godina imaju 30% popusta i 50% popusta kada koriste zasebni lezaj.

Boravisna taksa i osiguranje iznose 1,10 eura, po osobi, dnevno.

Djeca do 12 godina oslobodjena su placanja boravisne takse i placaju samo osiguranje od 0,50 eura, dnevno.

Djeca od 1-18 godina placaju 50% b.takse – 0,30 eura, po danu, plus osiguranje 0,50 eura, dnevno.

INFORMACIJE I REZERVACIJE:

TURISTICKA AGENCIJA “LABOSTA”

HERCEG NOVI, NJEGOSEVA 176

00382 31 322 923, 00 382 69 777 575

e-mail: labosta@t-com.me

Free movement is one fundamental human rights not only in one’s own country but also abroad. While speaking about Balkans I earlier have highlighted (e.g. “Forgotten Refugees – West Balkans“) the situation of Serb refugees or IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) who can not return to their original homes in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina or Kosovo. The fear is restricting also movement of Serbs living behind barbed wire in Kosovo enclaves. Besides refugees and IDPs also ordinary citizens can have restricted movement depending which passport they hold.

Visa restrictions play an important role in controlling the movement of foreign nationals across borders. They are also an expression of the relationships between individual nations, and generally reflect the relations and status of a country within the international community of nations.

Now a discussion paper made by European Stability Initiative (ESI) poppet to my eyes describing visa regulations in Kosovo with quite surprising outcome – people from all ethnic groups living in province can go visa free only to five countries while even people with Afghanistan passport (ranked as country which has the least travel freedom in the world) can go to 22 countries visa free. And this happens in Europe, in region which is on the road to EU membership, in province where EU has squandered billions of Euro to build international standards.

On the table below I have collected data from Henley & Partners ‘Visa Restriction Index’ 2008. I included rankings of top and lowest three ranks, ranks of Balkan and BRIC countries. From ESI paper I added Kosovo province (Kosovo is part of Serbia according UNSC resolution 1244/99, the current status can be described as international protectorate).

In February 2008 Kosovo declared independence. France was the first EU member state to recognize the new state, followed by Germany, Great Britain, and all but five other EU member states (Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia and Spain). The new Kosovo passport, first issued by the Kosovo Government in July 2008, is currently one of the least useful travel documents ever designed. Its holders can travel to only 5 countries visa free: neighbouring Albania, Montenegro and Macedonia, Turkey, and Haiti.

Latest developments

In my earlier article “EU’s visa freedom dividing Balkans” I described how “European perspective” is applied different ways in West Balkans. Briefly of the five regional states involved in the visa-liberalisation process, Serbia, Macedonia, and Montenegro have been approved for visa-free travel within the EU, as of January 2010. Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania have been told that they might receive EU visa-free status later. Kosovo, on the other hand, has not been included in the process, as five of the 27 members of the EU have not recognised Kosovo’s independence.

In December 2008 the EU dispatched a Rule of Law Mission (EULEX) to Kosovo. It currently fields more than 1,622 EU and 1,021 local staff (total: 2,643). With an annual budget of over Euro 200 million it is the biggest EU mission of its kind ever launched. Its objective is to assist the development of Kosovo’s security and judicial institutions.

Schengen process, unilateral declaration of independence and EULEX raised expectations among Kosovo Albanians. However after civil war and these events Kosovo anyway remains one of the most isolated places on earth. While looking backwards the near history of region the change is quite drastic – some 20 years ago citizens of Yugoslavia could travel relatively free anywhere.

In August 2008 Serbia started issuing biometric passports, an EU roadmap requirement. A lucky 7,141 Kosovars received one. But in 2009 the European Commission asked Serbia to stop the issuance to Kosovars until a specific ‘Coordination Directorate’ at the Ministry of the Interior in Belgrade would be set up as the only body authorised to provide Kosovo residents with passports. Since the issuing authority is always mentioned in passports, this would make the passports of Kosovo residents distinguishable – and exclude their holders from visa free travel. In June 2009 Serbia thus stopped issuing biometric passports to Kosovo residents (including Kosovo Serbs).

Today’s outcome is the Commission proposal to add Kosovo to the Schengen ‘Black List’ as a territory on whose status the EU cannot yet agree (i.e. under UN Security Council resolution 1244), next to the Palestinian Authority and Taiwan. And the Commission did not even mention the possibility of a visa liberalisation process for Kosovo.

More from my main source ESI document.

Some other peculiarities

The wording of the European Commission proposal of 15 July 2009 stresses that visa free travel for Kosovars constitutes an overwhelming security risk. In the words of the Commission:

Kosovo under UNSCR 1244/99 shall be added to Annex I of Regulation so that persons residing in Kosovo shall be submitted to the visa requirement. This proposal is motivated exclusively by objectively determined security concerns regarding in particular the potential for illegal migration stemming from and transiting through Kosovo under UNSCR 1244/1999. This is without prejudice to the current status of Kosovo under UNSCR 1244/1999.

This ’security risk’ idea, supported by some influential member states, would explain the Commission’s insistence on withholding visa free travel even from those Kosovo citizens equipped with new biometric Serbian passports – as opposed to withholding it from holders of Serbian biometric passports from any other country in the world (such as Bosnia and Herzegovina).

One other peculiarity related to country status visa freedom connection is the case of Taiwan. At this very moment, a serious visa dialogue between the European Commission and the Republic of Taiwan is under way. Taiwan has not been recognized by so much as a single EU member state. And yet, this is not seen as an obstacle. In mentioned Henley & Partners ‘Visa Restriction Index’ 2008 Taiwan has rank 54 and county’s passport holders can travel visa free to 59 countries.

Bosnia-Herzegovina is another strange example in Balkans. While most Bosnian Croats already have Croatian passports (with access to 108 countries) and since Republika Srpska residents can apply for and obtain Serbian passports (with access to 50 countries now and more 2010 after White list implementation), the Bosniaks with passport of Bosnia-Herzegovina can travel visa free only to 40 countries and will so far stay in Black list.

In Europe Pridnestrovie – aka Transnistria aka Pridnestrovskaia Moldavskaia Respublica (PMR) – may be a country which passport has less use abroad than Kosovo passport as no country has recognised its independence. The region has practically been independent – if not recognized – state already over 17 years. Transdnistria has all statehood elements, more developed than e.g. Kosovo’s, its economy is relatively good with export to over 100 countries and it can manage without UN seat. The bright side of story is the fact that people living in Pridnestrovie however can use their Russian or Moldovan passports for travels abroad. More about Kosovo-Pridnestrovie comparison one may find from my article “Transnistria follow-up”.

Bottom line

In my earlier article “EU’s visa freedom dividing Balkans” I concluded following:

There is also well based arguments that the EU is isolating three mainly Muslim European states/regions – Albania, BiH and Kosovo – and Turkey as some in the EU fear the presence of such a large, Muslim community inside traditionally Christian Europe. Of course EU denies political aspects and highlights only the technical ones but from Balkan perspective the impression can differ.

Visa restrictions also are reflecting the political situation of the time e.g. some 20 years ago citizens of Yugoslavia could travel relatively free, but the breakup wars changed situation completely.

In Bosnia-Herzegovina the EU’s message now weakens already non-existent national identity and opposes EU’s earlier multi-ethnic ideals. In Kosovo some NGOs send a letter to EU where they state that Kosovo`s exclusion from the visa-liberalisation process threatens to transform Kosovo “into a ghetto without any way out”.
EU and international community have guided and supervised these regions towards “European standards”. So has EU failed with this task as those countries without outside supervision are getting visa-freedom earlier?

Sources of this article:

ESI Discussion Paper: Isolating Kosovo? Kosovo vs Afghanistan 5:22

European Stability Initiative (ESI) is a non-profit research and policy institute, created in recognition of the need for independent, in-depth analysis of the complex issues involved in promoting stability and prosperity in Europe. ESI was founded in June 1999 by a multi-national group of practitioners and analysts with extensive experience in the regions it studied.

Henley & Partners has analyzed the visa regulations of all the countries and territories in the world. It has created an index which ranks countries according to the visa-free access its citizens enjoy to other countries.

My earlier article “Visa rank and the western Balkans”

]]> http://expat21.wordpress.com/2009/11/25/will-amazons-global-kindle-work-in-your-country/ Wed, 25 Nov 2009 22:52:52 +0000 Mary Mimouna http://expat21.wordpress.com/2009/11/25/will-amazons-global-kindle-work-in-your-country/

In case you are thinking of purchasing the new global version of Amazon’s Kindle for Christmas, be aware that there are still quite a few places that the global version will NOT work.  I was disappointed to find that the new version still will not work in my country.

Apparently the new global version will only work in SOME countries.   I thought it would be helpful to most expats to have a complete list of which countries it will, or will not work in (below).

It’s also interesting to note the PATTERN of groups of countries where the Kindle doesn’t work–some countries probably lack satellite coverage or delivery systems, while others probably don’t WANT readers to be able to download whatever they want by satellite.

STARRED (*) countries marked below indicate that Kindle needs to be ordered from a SPECIAL PAGE on the Amazon site.

The Global Kindle version DOES work in (as of Dec. 2009):

Aland Islands, Albania, American Samoa, Andorra, Angola, Anguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, Armenia, Aruba, Australia*, Austria, Bahamas, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bermuda, Bhutan, Bolivia, Boznia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burundi, Cambodia, Canada, Cape Verde, Cayman Islands, Central African Republic, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Falkland Islands, Faroe Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, Finland, France, French Guiana, French Polynesia, Gabon, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Gibraltar, Greece, Greenland, Grenada, Guadeloupe, Guam, Guatemala, Guernsey, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Holy See, Honduras, Hong Kong, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jersey, Kenya, Kiribati, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Liberia, Leichtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Macao, Macedonia, Madagascar, Malawi, Malta, Marshall Islands, Martinique, Mauritius, Mayotte, Mexico, Moldovia, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Montserrat, Mozembique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nauru, Nepal, Netherlands, New Caledonia, Nicaragua, Niue, Norfolk Island, Northern Mariana Islands, Norway, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Puerto Rico, Romania, Russia, Rwanda, Réunion, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Serbia, Seychelles, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, South Africa, Spain, Sri Lanka,  Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, Tanzania, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Turks and Caicos Islands, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Kingdom, Uruguay, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Viet Nam, Virgin Islands – British, Virgin Islands – U.S.,  Wallis and Futuna, Zambia, Zimbabwe.

The Global Kindle version does NOT work in (as of Dec. 2009) the following countries:

Afghanistan, Algeria, Antarctica, Argentina, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bouvet Island, British Indian Ocean Territory, Brunei Darussalam, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chile, Chad, China, Christmas Island, Cocos (Keeling) Islands, Cuba, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, French Southern Territories, Gambia, Guinea, Heard Island and McDonald Islands, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Isle of Man, Israel, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Korea – Democratic People’s Republic of, Korea – Republic of, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Lesotho, Libya, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco (including the Western Sahara), New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan, Palestinian Territories, Pitcairn, Qatar, Saint Barthelemy, Saint Helena, Saint Martin, Saint Pierre and Miquelon, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, South Georgia and the Sandwich Islands, Sudan, Svalbard and Jan Mayan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tokelau, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, United Arab Emirates, United States Minor Outlying Islands, Uzbekistan,  Yemen.

1,350,000 Euros Villa only or 1,500,000 for the Villa, cruiser, jeep and berth

Sitting proudly elevated above Elounda with glorious views is this Architect built villa, with four bedrooms. The property is detached and in its own grounds of over 2,750 m or just over half an acre. Built as a permanent home ,for the English owner to North European Standards, and with quality fixtures and fittings throughout

Amazon's Global Kindle Reader

I heard that Amazon now has a global version of Kindle. I was disappointed to find this morning that the new version still will not work in my country.

Since I’ve wanted one for some time, but have been waiting until they got a version that would work in my country, I checked out their website this morning, only to be disappointed again. Apparently the new global version will only work in SOME countries.

In case you are thinking of purchasing the new Global Kindle for a Christmas gift this year, since the new version will only work in SOME countries, I thought it would be helpful to most expats to have a complete list of which countries it will, or will not work in.

STARRED (*) countries marked below indicate that Kindle needs to be ordered from a SPECIAL PAGE on the Amazon site.

The Global Kindle version DOES work in (as of Dec. 2009):

Aland Islands, Albania, American Samoa, Andorra, Angola, Anguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, Armenia, Aruba, Australia*, Austria, Bahamas, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bermuda, Bhutan, Bolivia, Boznia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burundi, Cambodia, Canada, Cape Verde, Cayman Islands, Central African Republic, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Falkland Islands, Faroe Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, Finland, France, French Guiana, French Polynesia, Gabon, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Gibraltar, Greece, Greenland, Grenada, Guadeloupe, Guam, Guatemala, Guernsey, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Holy See, Honduras, Hong Kong, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jersey, Kenya, Kiribati, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Liberia, Leichtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Macao, Macedonia, Madagascar, Malawi, Malta, Marshall Islands, Martinique, Mauritius, Mayotte, Mexico, Moldovia, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Montserrat, Mozembique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nauru, Nepal, Netherlands, New Caledonia, Nicaragua, Niue, Norfolk Island, Northern Mariana Islands, Norway, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Puerto Rico, Romania, Russia, Rwanda, Réunion, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Serbia, Seychelles, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, South Africa, Spain, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, Tanzania, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Turks and Caicos Islands, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Kingdom, Uruguay, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Viet Nam, Virgin Islands – British, Virgin Islands – U.S., Wallis and Futuna, Zambia, Zimbabwe.

The Global Kindle version does NOT work in (as of Dec. 2009):

Afghanistan, Algeria, Antarctica, Argentina, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bouvet Island, British Indian Ocean Territory, Brunei Darussalam, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chile, Chad, China, Christmas Island, Cocos (Keeling) Islands, Cuba, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, French Southern Territories, Gambia, Guinea, Heard Island and McDonald Islands, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Isle of Man, Israel, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Korea – Democratic People’s Republic of, Korea – Republic of, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Lesotho, Libya, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco (including the Western Sahara), New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan, Palestinian Territories, Pitcairn, Qatar, Saint Barthelemy, Saint Helena, Saint Martin, Saint Pierre and Miquelon, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, South Georgia and the Sandwich Islands, Sudan, Svalbard and Jan Mayan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tokelau, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, United Arab Emirates, United States Minor Outlying Islands, Uzbekistan, Yemen.

(GREEK NEWS AGENDA) Alternate Foreign Minister Dimitris Droutsas wrapped up a tour of Western Balkans, on November 20. During three days, he visited Serbia, where he held talks with the Serbian FM, Vuk Jeremic and met also with president Boris Tadic, conveying the Greek government’s will to play a leading role in the Balkan region, by promoting the European accession of all Western Balkans countries.He then visited Montenegro (first photo) and Bosnia-Herzegovina where he held talks with both countries’ leaders, outlining the Greek initiative “Agenda 2014,” for the Western Balkans’ accession to the EU.After meeting Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Foreign Minister Sven Alkalaj, Droutsas said that Greece will be a partner and friend in this country’s course towards Europe.In Albania – the final leg of this tour- Droutsas discussed with the country’s leadership the “Agenda 2014,” as well as bilateral issues.

“My presence here underlines the importance we attribute to bilateral relations and to the European course of Albania,” he said after talks with his Albanian counterpart Ilir Meta.The minister also met with Tirana mayor Eddy Rama (second photo) and the Archbishop of Tirana and All Albania Anastasios.Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Op Ed by Alternate FM Mr. D. Droutsas (Politika, Korieri, Koha Yone, Pobjeda, Oslobodjenje) & Balkans Bilateral Relations

The Princely Family of Montenegro, Jubilee postcard, 1900 (Diana Mandache collection)

Nicholas and Milena of Montenegro were an affable couple, very close and much loved by their people. That is conveyed by many popular artefacts bearing their image produced or published in Montenegro, such as the the picturesque old postcard presented above published on the occasion of celebrating 40 years since they acceded to the throne and marriage. The Duchess of Edinburgh (Maria Alexandrovna) gives here an insightful description of the good natured Montenegrin princely family during a visit in 1887:

At the Montenegro frontier the Prince [Nicholas] met us and we were very pleased to see him, as he is a very old friend and such an amiable man. He had prepared a luncheon in a small house belonging to him and we were very hungry after the long drive. The Prince himself and every man in the country wear the beautiful national dress. They are such handsome men, even the common peasants and so very friendly and respectful. They all have excellent manners, come running to the road to make their bow and the Prince is like a real father amongst them all. But curious enough it seems to us hardly ever to meet a woman in the streets. They are very modest and stay at home, but the men walk about and in the evening dance much wilder than the Scotch reel. They sing to it some with song, which sounds so curious in the stillness of the night. Before we reached the town of Cettinie we were met by the Prince’s eldest son, a very pretty boy aged 16, very tall and dark, with most excellent manners and such a bright clever look. He was on horseback at the head of a cavalry escort, all mounted on very small strong ponies. They cantered round us, some racing wildly along, over stones and rough ground. At the house, we were met by the Princess and her daughters all in national dress…  There is also a dear little boy of 8 years, dressed in lovely costumes: he comes in making beautiful bows and kisses one’s hand. He is called Mirko and his father simply adores him but does not spoil any of them. In fact he is very strict and everybody obeys him in a wonderful way and are devoted to him. Only imagine, that they all walk about with loaded revolvers, even all the servants when they wait at dinner…

©Diana Mandache/ The  text and image is not for duplication or reproduction

*****************

I endeavour in the “Weekly Pictures” post series to bring to light worthy of note, often less known images from the royal past and present and thus further enhance the understanding of royal history and what it represents for us.

Weekly picture: Diana Mandache’s weblog Royal History.

All rights reserved ©www.royalhistory.wordpress.com

****************************************************************

The Princely Family of Montenegro, Jubilee postcard, 1900 (Diana Mandache collection)

Nicholas and Milena of Montenegro were an affable couple, very close and much loved by their people. That is conveyed by many popular artefacts bearing their image produced or published in Montenegro, such as the picturesque old postcard presented above published on the occasion of celebrating 40 years since they acceded to the throne and marriage. The Duchess of Edinburgh (Maria Alexandrovna) gives here an insightful description of the the good natured Montenegrin royal family during a visit in 1887:

At the Montenegro frontier the Prince [Nicholas] met us and we were very pleased to see him, as he is a very old friend and such an amiable man. He had prepared a luncheon in a small house belonging to him and we were very hungry after the long drive. The Prince himself and every man in the country wear the beautiful national dress. They are such handsome men, even the common peasants and so very friendly and respectful. They all have excellent manners, come running to the road to make their bow and the Prince is like a real father amongst them all. But curious enough it seems to us hardly ever to meet a woman in the streets. They are very modest and stay at home, but the men walk about and in the evening dance much wilder than the Scotch reel. They sing to it some with song, which sounds so curious in the stillness of the night. Before we reached the town of Cettinie we were met by the Prince’s eldest son, a very pretty boy aged 16, very tall and dark, with most excellent manners and such a bright clever look. He was on horseback at the head of a cavalry escort, all mounted on very small strong ponies. They cantered round us, some racing wildly along, over stones and rough ground. At the house, we were met by the Princess and her daughters all in national dress…  There is also a dear little boy of 8 years, dressed in lovely costumes: he comes in making beautiful bows and kisses one’s hand. He is called Mirko and his father simply adores him but does not spoil any of them. In fact he is very strict and everybody obeys him in a wonderful way and are devoted to him. Only imagine, that they all walk about with loaded revolvers, even all the servants when they wait at dinner…

©Diana Mandache/ The above text and image is not for duplication or reproduction

*****************

I endeavour in the “Weekly Pictures” post series to bring to light worthy of note, often less known images from the royal past and present and thus further enhance the understanding of royal history and what it represents for us.

Weekly picture: Diana Mandache’s weblog Royal History.

All rights reserved ©www.royalromania.wordpress.com

****************************************************************

Dear  readers,

I have a new website address for my bolg at www.royalhistory.wordpress.com All my old articles and images are also contained within the new site, so you should not have any problems in accessing them there. For one month between 23 Nov. ‘09 and 23 Dec. ‘09, I will post simultaneously, in order to avoid confusions and allow for a smooth transition, my forthcoming articles and images on both old (‘royalromania’) and new (‘royalhistory’) sites. After that date www.royalhistory.wordpress.com will become my sole active blog site.

I ove godine, po tradiciji, organizujemo prevoz do Dubrovnika, na docek Nove 2010. godine.

Ucesnici novogodisnjeg programa: Milo Hrnic, grupa Da Riva i Teatar.

Vise pojedinosti….. uskoro.

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TURISTICKA AGENCIJA LABOSTA

HERCEG NOVI, NJEGOSEVA 176

00 382 31 322 923, 00 382 69 777 575

e-mail: labosta@t-com.me

Det återstår nu att se vad som blir sagt av EU och Sverige till Ryssland under dagens toppmöte i förhållande till landets bristande respekt för de mänskliga rättigheterna. Vi har i alla fall gjort vad vi kan för att uppmärksamma situationen inför toppmötet, dels genom den konferens vi höll i slutet av oktober där vi samlade ryska människorättsförsvarare för att bl a  utarbeta rekommendationer till Sverige och EU, dels genom att sprida rekommendationerna i så hög utsträckning som möjligt. Vi har uppvaktat regeringen, t ex genom ett möte med Gunilla Carlsson, och förutom radio- och tv-framträdanden (senast i dag) har vi idag haft en artikel publicerad i SvD Brännpunkt, Novaja Gazeta och den franska utrikesmagasinet Boulevard Exterieur. Läs även vårt pressmeddelande som gick ut i morse.

I morse hade vi vår samarbetspartner sedan länge, Natasa Kandic, på besök. Natasa, som inte enbart är en av de främsta människorättsförsvararna i Serbien utan faktiskt i världen, är chef för Humanitarian Law Centre i Belgrad. På ett frukostseminarium hos oss i morse berättade Natasa om ett initiativ för en regional sanningskommission (RECOM) hon har varit med om att starta. På fredag sänder P1:s Människor och tro en intervju med Natasa. Mer än ett decennium efter krigen i forna Jugoslavien är tusentals offer oidentifierade och många av förövarna går fria. Det är därför angeläget att dokumentera vad som faktiskt har skett genom att låta människor från alla involverade länder berätta om de hemskheter de varit med om. Det är svårt att föreställa sig hur man annars ska uppnå försoning mellan folken och undvika nya sammandrabbningar i framtiden. Civil Rights Defenders stöder förstås detta initiativ och var med Natasa till UD för att berätta om vikten av en regional mekanism för detta ändamål. Initiativet drivs för närvarande av det civila samhället men på sikt måste respektive länders regeringar ta över.

Olika frågor men i grunden samma problem. Krigsförbrytare i Ryssland/Norra Kaukasus och länderna i det forna Jugoslavien går fria trots att det i många fall finns misstänkta förövare. Offren och deras anhöriga lever i ovisshet, rädsla och utan tillstymmelse till upprättelse. Och vi pratar ändå om Europa och modern tid.

This venue has recently been added on Expopedia, the tradefair service finder. Visit our website for more information.

Adriatic Fair (Jadranski sajam)
Trg slobode 5
85310 Budva (Montenegro)
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• Events / exhibition organisation

Bodyguards and Close protection

The issues of security and threats have changed dramatically over the past years and the need for professional protection has increased.

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The European Parliament has adopted an amendment to Regulation (EC) No 539/2001 listing the third countries whose nationals must be in possession of visas when crossing the external borders and those whose nationals are exempt from that requirement.

The amendment will allow citizens of Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia to travel freely to and from the European Union for short-term visits without having to obtain a visa first. The amendment will enter into force on December, 19th, after confirmation by the Council.

The exemption from the visa requirement will apply to Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina after an additional assessment by the Commission.

The refugee question is of paramount importance in Balkans – still. Beginning 1991, political upheavals – such as the breakup of Yugoslavia – displaced millions of people. Officially one part of these people are refugees meaning that they have escaped to other country, one part is “internally displaced persons” (IDPs) meaning that they have escaped from their home village/-town but still are in the same country than before.

In contrast to the other regions, in Europe the refugee population increased slightly (+2%). This raise can partly be attributed to the figures from Montenegro in which 16,000 people from Kosovo (Serbia), previously reported as IDPs, were reclassified as refugees. Similarly, armed conflict in Georgia forced some 135,000 people to flee their homes in 2008; by the end of the year, an estimated 293,000 were considered internally displaced persons in Georgia, including 49,200 people in an IDP-like situation.

Statistics

As source I have used UNHCR report 16^th June 2009 and “Internal Displacement in Europe and Central Asia” report made by UNCHR and The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), established in 1998 by the Norwegian Refugee Council. To table below I have collected the numbers of refugees and IDPs in western Balkans; the sum total includes also asylum-seekers, stateless etc. persons.

Most of Montenegro refugees – 16259 – fled from Kosovo. Nearly all of Serbia’s IDPs fled also from Albanian mayority parts of Kosovo province.

The table above is maybe surprising to those who have the picture – made by western mainstream media – in their minds, that (only) Serbs were making ethnic cleansing. In reality today the Serbs are the biggest victims of Balkan wars.

Behind of the numbers

Bosnian war (1992-95) included massive transfer of populations so it was possible to draw new boundaries according ethnic groups. Armed conflict between Yugoslav, Croatian and Bosnian forces and militias, accompanied by massive human rights abuses and violations, led to the displacement of over a million people and the creation of ethnically homogeneous areas within the newly independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. By 2008, almost 600,000 people had returned to their places of origin, and the government reported that 124,600 people remained as IDPs.

Dayton Agreement 1995 created federation like Bosnia with entities according these lines so situation with IDPs in Bosnia-Herzegovina is quite stable.Under Annex VII of the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement, support to durable solutions has focused almost exclusively on the return of displaced people to their places of origin to the exclusion of other durable solutions, as any support to local integration was perceived as cementing the effect of the war and the “ethnic cleansing” which motivated the displacement.

In 2003, the Ministry for Human Rights and Refugees took over from the international community the responsibility to implement Annex VII , and elaborated a National Strategy for Implementation of Annex VII which still focused mainly on return. In 2008 however, the Ministry revised this strategy, and from 2009, though the emphasis remains on return, it recognizes the need to compensate people for lost property (instead of a sole focus on restitution) and to assist the most vulnerable who cannot or do not want to return, thereby providing de facto support to local integration.

Between 1991 and 1995, 220,000 ethnic Croats and subsequently up to 300,000 ethnic Serbs were displaced by armed conflict in Croatia. Since then almost all the Croat IDPs have returned to their homes, while most of the Serbs displaced have resettled in Serbia or in the majority-Serb Danube region of Croatia.Since the end of the confl ict, only one third of Croatian Serb IDPs and refugees have been able to return.

In Serbia the refugee problem came when Serbs were expelled from East Croatia and Croatian Krajina. The IDP problem is a follow-up of Kosovo conflict when some 200.000 Serbs and some thousands of Roma were expelled from there to northern Serb-dominated part of province or to Serbia. During Nato bombings also Kosovo Albanians – about 700.000 – escaped from the province but most of them have returned back.

While new displacement was avoided, the rate of return decreased significantly in 2008 from an already low level, as most IDPs waited to evaluate the approach of Kosovo authorities towards Kosovo Serbs and other non-Albanian communities. Those who already returned to Kosovo struggle to find livelihood opportunities, notably because of widespread discrimination against Serbs and Roma. Local integration opportunities for Kosovo Serb IDPs are scarce since they live in complete isolation from Kosovo institutions. Most of them reside in enclaves relying on a parallel system of education, policing, and health care supported by Serbia. Security concerns have prevented them from returning to their repossessed property. Because of their limited freedom of movement and the discrimination they have faced, IDPs’ access to land and employment has been very limited. The most vulnerable IDPs are Roma people in both Serbia and Kosovo, who have specific protection needs because of their social marginalisation and lack of civil documentation, which prevents them from registering as IDPs and limits their access to housing assistance and other social benefits.

Tensions in Macedonia between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians culminated in violent confl ict in 2001 which displaced over 171,000 people, 74,000 of them within the country. Since then, over 99 per cent have returned and only around 770 people remained displaced. Most of those still displaced in 2008 were ethnic Macedonians or Serbs who did not feel safe to return to the Albanian-dominated Lipkovo-Aracinovo area.

Some remarks from my point of view

• International administration and sackful of money does not guarantee better living conditions for refugees nor other vulnerable groups. One of the cruellest example I earlier described in my article “UN Death camps, EU money, local negligence”

• Some 5 % of IDPs in Serbia is planning to return to their original hometowns partly because their property is occupied by Albanians. In Bosnia-Herzegovina property issues have mostly solved and refugees/IDPs have got rights to their original flats/houses, but in Croatia the Serbs lost their homes without rights nor compensation.

• While in Kosovo the situation is frozen like the overall situation in province too elsewhere there is fears that the progress may go backwards. In Bosnia-Herzegovina ethnic tensions for some reasons are rising e.g. between Croats and Bosnian Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina, while earlier these tensions were mostly between Serbs and other ethnic groups. This may be related to rising of conservative Wahhabism in region and tendency of total collapse of state as it is today. More about this in my article “Bosnia Collapsing?”

• To solve refugee and IDP problem in western Balkans there is a need of massive housing programme especially in Serbia and this can probably be implemented with help of international donors. Housing activities should also be supported by economical development programmes to decrease unemployment figures and social problems common in locations with big share of refugees/IDPs.

• I think that the revised strategy implemented in Bosnia-Herzegovina from 2008 has better change to be successful than the earlier attempts. The new approach recognizes the need to compensate people for lost property (instead of a sole focus on restitution) and to assist the most vulnerable who cannot or do not want to return, thereby providing de facto support to local integration. This strategy should be copied to Serbia/Kosovo too. For example since 2003, the European Commission has allocated over €30 million for minority communities throughout Kosovo and still the return numbers are quite modest; the same money invested to housing in Serbia could achieve better results.

Global fact box

Note

Bloggers Unite is an attempt to harness the power of the blogosphere to make the world a better place. By asking bloggers to write about a particular subject on 1 day of the month, a single voice can be joined with thousands to help make a difference. A year ago I participated to Refugee event, this year I organized it again and one may find few other bloggers too writing today about different aspects of problem.

The Balkans are only a step away from normalisation, but it may be a step too far for Western policy-makers.

Normalisation for the Balkans would mean the region’s definite establishment as a set of functioning, democratic nation-states on the model of Western Europe; undivided by serious conflicts or live territorial disputes. The region’s national questions would be resolved, to the point that they would be as unlikely to spill over into large-scale bloodshed as the national questions of Belgium, Scotland or Catalonia. The Balkan states would all be integrated into the EU, and ideally NATO as well.

This is not an ambitious ideal, yet it is far from being realised. Regional progress is still being derailed by a series of conflicts of varying severity between the Balkan states. The Slovenian-Croatian border dispute for a while threatened to derail the entire region’s EU integration, though this appears to have been averted. Greek-Turkish rivalry over Cyprus, the Aegean Sea and other areas remains latent, something for which the anti-Turkish rhetoric on the part of candidates in the recent Greek parliamentary elections has served as a reminder. Both Turkey and Greece are problematic: the first is, under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AKP)  in the process of developing a new regional role for itself, one that appears to be taking it closer to authoritarian and radical states like Russia, Iran and Syria; the second is pursuing a damaging regional policy, involving hostility to the fragile states of Macedonia and Kosovo. With its campaign against Macedonia, in particular, Greece is threatening the stability of a neighbouring state where relations between the majority Macedonians and minority Albanians are already dangerously unstable.

Meanwhile, the policies of Serbia and Serb nationalism remain the single greatest source of Balkan instability. Serbia is still failing to arrest war criminals indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, thereby obstructing its own EU integration. But more dangerously, it is pursuing a d0g-in-the-manger policy vis-a-vis Kosovo, preventing the newly independent state from consolidating itself and integrating itself properly into the international community. The Serbia-Kosovo dispute poisons regional relations; Belgrade recently rebuked Skopje for the latter’s agreement with Pristina to resolve the Macedonia-Kosovo border dispute.

The most intractable regional problem of all, however, remains Bosnia-Hercegovina. The state is saddled with the unworkable constitutional order imposed upon it by the Dayton Accords of 1995, ensuring that the state cannot function and must remain in a state of permanent political crisis. Bosnia’s recent exclusion, along with Albania, from the EU’s grant of visa liberalisation to the western Balkans, that was applied to Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, has further entrenched divisions in the country and the wider region. Milorad Dodik, prime minister of Bosnia’s Serb entity, the Republika Srpska, is openly pursuing Bosnia’s full dismemberment; the aggressive and provocative nature of his policy was recently highlighted by the warm welcome he extended to the convicted war-criminal Biljana Plavsic, following her early release from prison in Sweden.

These home-grown Balkan problems are being exacerbated by the policies of outside powers. The revanchist, neo-Soviet regime in Russia is aggressively backing Serbia over Kosovo, preventing the dispute from being resolved. By doing so, Moscow is not merely undermining Kosovo, but is undermining also Serbia’s own complete transition into a post-nationalist liberal democratic state. Moscow aims to keep the Balkans divided to prevent their full integration into the Euro-Atlantic framework. Hence, Dodik was looking to Moscow when he unilaterally withdrew Bosnian Serb soldiers from participation in NATO exercises in Georgia.

The second major external source of Balkan instability is the weak and vacillating policy of the EU, dominated as the latter is by the Franco-German axis. Germany is pursuing a pro-Russian policy that is making the new East Central European members of NATO and the EU very uncomfortable, while France continues to seek a dissident role in the Western alliance vis-a-vis the Anglo-Saxon powers. Hence, the EU’s muted reaction to the Georgian war; the crushing of Washington’s Georgian ally was not allowed to get in the way of growing EU-Russian collaboration. The Georgian war was facilitated by the Franco-German blocking of the grant of NATO Membership Action Plans to Georgia, along with Ukraine, in the spring of 2008. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, pursuing his Gaullist policy of Mediterranean union, sees fit also to support Greece against Macedonia.

Such an attitude on the part of the EU also involves toleration of Serbian trouble-making vis-a-vis Kosovo and Bosnia. The Netherlands is essentially isolated in its continued insistence that Serbia’s progress on EU accession be linked to its arrest of war criminals. The EU, for its part, would like to see the Office of the High Representative (OHR) for Bosnia closed. Yet the OHR has been the principal integrating force in Bosnia since 1995. Take away the OHR, and Bosnia moves another step toward full partition.

The EU’s resolve over the Balkans is further weakened by the activities of dissident members. No unified EU policy exists over Kosovo on account of the refusal of five EU members to recognise the new state – all for nationalistic reasons. Romania and Slovakia perceive a ’separatist’ parallel between the Kosovo Albanians and their own maltreated Hungarian minorities. Likewise, Spain is obsessed with ’separatist’ parallels of its own vis-a-vis Catalonia and the Basque Country. Greece and Cyprus are traditional allies of Serbia; Cyprus also equates Kosovo with Turkish-occupied Cyprus. None of these states’ reasons for opposing Kosovo’s independence are very noble, yet the EU has no means of compelling them to keep ranks with the majority; the EU therefore pursues the policy of the lowest common denominator.

Although the EU has been as an instrument for bringing nations together, its recent policies in the Balkans are having the opposite effect. The veto that EU members enjoy in relation to membership bids by aspiring members places a weapon in the hands of trouble-makers lucky enough to already be in the club. The Slovenian-Croatian border dispute was exacerbated by Ljubljana’s use of its veto against Croatia. Although Ljubljana threatened to use its veto to keep Croatia out of NATO as well, Washington quickly put a stop to this mischief. Unfortunately, the EU states are much less ready than the US to put pressure on their partners to cease misbehaviour, and though Ljubljana did eventually lift its veto, this was not before it had won concessions over the border dispute at Zagreb’s expense.

Still more destructive has been the EU’s exacerbation of the Greek-Macedonian dispute. Despite the thoroughly pre-democratic and chauvinistic nature of Greece’s campaign against Macedonia, EU members have been wholly unwilling to put pressure on Athens to change it. So, rather than the whole club forcing a badly behaved member to behave better, the policy of the trouble-maker is imposed on the whole. The bad apple poisons the whole basket; the tail wags the dog.

The structural factors underlying the EU’s damaging policies vis-a-vis the Balkans are likely to become worse in the years to come. The accession of new members will give more states vetoes to use against aspiring members. After joining the EU, Croatia may use its veto against Serbia. If Macedonia does back down to Athens, Albania might be encouraged to use its veto to keep Macedonia out of NATO, to extract concessions regarding the Albanian minority in Macedonia. For while both Croatia and Albania have pursued responsible regional policies over the past ten years, the EU is sending out to them the wrong signals: that bad behaviour brings dividends.

Meanwhile, the EU’s growing energy dependency on Russia is likely further to dampen the EU’s resolve to resist the mischief of Moscow and Belgrade in the Balkans. Russian plans to build the ‘North Stream’ gas pipeline direct to Germany, bypassing the former-Communist states of East Central Europe, will allow it to exert leverage over its neighbours without simultaneously punishing its German ally.

As the EU moves increasingly to accommodate a dangerous and hostile power, so it is alienating an important power that has long assisted Balkan stability. Paris and Berlin have made it very clear they do not wish to allow Turkey to join the EU. This has had the predictable result that Turkey is losing is faith in the possibility of a European future, and is turning increasingly toward Russia, Iran, Syria and other radical and anti-Western states.  Turkey has made huge strides this decade in improving its human rights record, as required by its bid for EU membership. For the same reason, it has facilitated a resolution of the Cyprus dispute through its support for the 2004 Annan Plan. As the prize of EU membership moves further from its grasp, Ankara may backslide over both human rights and Cyprus as well. There are worrying signs that the pace of democratisation in Turkey is indeed slowing -such as the record fine recently imposed on Dogan Yayin Holding AS – Turkey’s largest media group and critical of the AKP government.

A hardening of Turkey’s stance on Cyprus could lead to the collapse of the Greek-Turkish rapprochement, further damaging the prospects for the Balkans’ normalisation. For all its human rights abuses, Turkey has been playing a constructive role in the region, as the ally of the weak and vulnerable states of Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia. We do not know what the full consequences would be if Turkey fully abandons its European moorings and goes off in a new direction.  But at the very least, an authoritarian Turkey headed by an Islamic-populist regime on the border of the Balkans will not have a positive effect on the region.

Unfortunately, alongside Russia and the EU, there is a third external factor whose contribution to Balkan stability currently raises concerns: the Obama Administration in the US. The latter’s abandonment of the Bush Administration’s plans to base a missile-defence system in Poland and the Czech Republic, in order to appease Moscow in the hope of obtaining Russian support vis-a-vis Iran, is a worrying indication of US passivity vis-a-vis Europe and Russia. The capitulation amounts to a betrayal of the security of allies in order to appease a hostile power, with echoes of Cold-War-style sphere-of-influence politics. While it is too soon to press the panic button over Obama’s policy toward Eastern and South Eastern Europe, we should be very concerned if Obama goes any further down this path.

For all these internal and external problems facing the Balkans, the success stories and models for future success are close at hand. Romania and Bulgaria are far from model democracies, and have serious problems with corruption and organised crime. Yet neither has engaged in military aggression or seriously attempted territorial expansionism since joining the free world in 1989; both are members of the EU and NATO. Turkey and Greece, following their heavy military defeats in World War I and the Greco-Turkish War respectively, pursued an enlightened policy of rapprochement vis-a-vis one another, eschewing territorial expansionism. This rapprochement was only derailed by the outbreak of the Cyprus conflict from the 1950s, and later resumed: Greece today is a vocal champion of Turkey’s EU membership. Croatia, too, following its unsuccessful expansionist adventure in Bosnia in the first half of the 1990s has, since the death of Franjo Tudjman in 1999, abandoned expansionism to pursue a responsible regional policy and EU membership.

The key to turning aggressive, expansionist Balkan states into responsible members of the European family, therefore, is for the international community to shut off all avenues for their expansionism and keep them firmly confined within their own borders. With all due qualifications, this is the way it has been for Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey, Greece and Croatia. Where these states have been less than responsible – as, for example, in the case of Turkey vis-a-vis Cyprus or Greece vis-a-vis Macedonia – this has occurred when there have been insufficient limits placed on their ability to coerce neighbours.

The biggest source of instability in the Balkans remains the fact that, thanks to the weakness and vacillation of Western and above all EU policy, Serbia has not been firmly confined within its borders, despite its defeat in the wars of the 1990s. Instead, Belgrade continues to destabilise the neighbouring states of Kosovo and Bosnia. Its ability to do so means that Serbia – unlike Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, Greece and to an extent Turkey – is unable to develop a post-expansionist state identity; one that does not revolve around territorial aspirations towards neighbouring states. This is bad above all for Serbia itself – the reason why it is still a long way from EU membership, despite being before the 1990s more prosperous, developed and liberal than either Romania or Bulgaria.

The problem is not, however, ultimately with Serbia itself. In parliamentary elections following Kosovo’s independence last year, the Serbian electorate handed victory to the pro-European rather than the hardline nationalist parties, revealing what little stomach it has for renewed confrontation over Kosovo. Belgrade has also played its trump card with its case against Kosovo’s independence before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and there is every reason to believe that the Court will not rule in its favour, even leaving aside the strength of Kosovo’s case. The ICJ’s judges come from different countries and their verdict will likely represent some form of compromise rather than award outright victory to one side or the other. Anything less than a full victory for Belgrade will effectively be a defeat, ambiguity leaving the door open for more states to recognise Kosovo’s independence while plausibly claiming to do so legally. In other words, both in terms of its range of available strategies and in terms of the popular support it enjoys, Serbian expansionism vis-a-vis Kosovo is a broken reed. With the Kosovo Albanians enjoying a comfortable majority in their country, their ultimate ability to consolidate their state is assured.

The principal problem for the region is the Bosnian question, and the policy of the Western alliance toward it. Unlike for all the other Balkan regional problems, for Bosnia, stability will not come through persuading or coercing the states involved to accept reality or to reach a compromise. For Bosnia, it is the very legal status quo and ‘compromise’, born at Dayton in 1995, that is generating instability for the state and the region. The Dayton order provides a framework that is gradually enabling the Bosnian Serb separatists, currently headed by Dodik, to establish the Bosnian Serb entity as a de facto independent state while preparing the ground for formal secession. The Bosniaks will, however, go to war to prevent this happening. It is a moot point what the outcome of such a military confrontation would be, but it is not something to which we should look forward.

Bosnia remains, therefore, the weak foundation-stone of Balkan stability. Only the transformation of Bosnia into a functioning state, through the transfer of most state powers from the entities to the central government, will guarantee against the outbreak of a new Bosnian war, and provide a final and definite check to Serbia’s expansionism, forcing that state wholly onto the post-expansionist path and removing the principal obstacle to the region’s progress.

Unfortunately, with Western and particular EU policy being what it is at present, such a decisive step seems unlikely. The problems facing the Balkans are neither huge nor insurmountable, yet Western passivity and vacillation seem set to allow these small problems to turn into larger ones. The Balkans look set for a rocky road ahead.

This article was published today on the website of the Henry Jackson Society. A longer version was given as a presentation to the Sussex European Institute on 3 November, entitled ‘How far are the Balkans from normalisation ?’

Today was one of those days that seem almost impossible to describe.  Mostly because most people wouldn’t understand the humour in the stories that that really give the clearest picture of travel, but also because most of the details would sound pretty odd to most people.  I will give it my best shot though.  The day started regularly…

I was given a ride by Mr. Begovic to the bus station to catch my bus to Budva, Montenegro this morning.  Unfortunately, I only had 50 Kuna (about $10 US) and the ticket was 129 Kuna.  There was an exchange office right there, and I had some US on me; however, as I was walking over, Mr.Begovic refused to let me trade 100 USD for Croatian Kunas when I was leaving in an hour.  So, he traded me 5 Euro for 79 Kuna ($18 USD) then gave me a bit of change in case I needed to use the toilet or buy a snack.  I tried to refuse, but he wouldn’t allow it.  After purchasing my ticket, he picked up my bag—which weighs in the 20 kilo range and provides quite a struggle for a man nearing 75—and started walking across the street.  I decided to follow my bag, and wound up in the coffee shop we had stopped in when I first arrived.  He bought me a cappuccino and introduced me to the woman who was serving and left me there with a hug and a huge smile, making sure that I understood I had to leave for the bus in 15 minutes.

The bus from Dubrovnik to Budva was gorgeous.  The bus ride was along the coastline, following an extremely windy road as the Adriatic Coast between Croatia and Montenegro is full of small inlets and bays.  I would say it may be one of the most windy roads I’ve been on before (and that’s after living on Arbutus Avenue…).  When you combine the road with a huge bus, pouring rain, and puddles of water all along the road—you get the worst possible hydroplaning you can imagine.  Our driver chuckled every time the back end of the bus fishtailed a bit, and would follow it by hitting the gas a little harder.  I’m fairly sure we spent the majority of the ride going over 80 km, but it may have been faster.  No one else on the bus seemed too concerned, so, I decided to lean back and enjoy the scenery.

Once in Budva, I enquired about buses to Bar, where the main train station in Montenegro is located.  There were lots of minibuses waiting, and I was quickly ushered onto one for only 3.50 Euro.  I boarded the bus with a some bread and cheese to hold me over—my first meal of the day.  Once the bus was around half full, the driver hopped on smacking his head against the ceiling,  He quickly recovered giving a loud laugh and punching me in the shoulder as if to say “can you believe that?”.  I laughed with him somewhat awkwardly, realizing this journey was to be no safer than the last.  He offered me a cigarette as he turned the bus on, to which I politely declined.  As the bus tore out of the station, he lit his cigarette, holding the wheel with his knees and turned the radio volume up as high as it would go.  I laughed, remembering so many other bus rides in non English speaking countries, with awkward music.  I think my ride in Cameroon may win though, as most people were dancing and singing for an 8 hour bus ride with only 7 or so songs playing on repeat.  I did think about jumping out of the window at some points, but it was fun.  It is such a wonderful way to see a country and to put yourself into so many potentially awkward situations.

Arriving in Bar safely was a miracle.  I purchased my reservation for the night train to Belgrade.  I was too cheap to go for the full bed, so I opted for just a seat…knowing I will be regretting that 5 euro decision in the morning.  I asked about lockers and maps at the information desk, but was told the lockers and tourist info are closed between 9 am and 7 pm.  Right.  Ok.  And the bus doesn’t come in the afternoon.  Ok.  So, I decided I would catch up on some emails and sit in the sun and enjoy a sprite.  There are a line of small cafes and a restaurant leading into the train station.  After having a sprite and finishing my postcards, I asked about wifi…no response really.  People in Montenegro understand English the least of anywhere I’ve been so far.  So, I wandered into the restaurant with my query.  The host/waiter had no clue what I was asking about, and my charade skills didn’t seem to help me here, pretending to type and saying every word for internet I could concoct.

A man sitting with his friend at a nearby table interrupted my wonderful acting and began speaking in French.  He explained that no one understood any English, but if I spoke any Slavic languages or French, then they could help me.  Well, my French is rusty, but I could hold my own in a light conversation.  The two men were in their late 60s, had big beer bellies and were drinking red wine.  When offered a seat, I thought this was the best thing that could happen today.  So, I pulled up a chair and we all began talking in three different languages about professions and where I had been.  They were very proud of their country and disappointed to hear I was only in Bar for one day, so I promised to return to really see the country.  The French Croatian also asked me about where I was going after Montenegro.  He was very upset to hear I was going to Belgrade and Sofia.  He began to explain, in French, how the Mafia there was out of control and the government was doing nothing to stop them.  Then he explained their biggest source of income was young girls travelling through.  All I could think of was that stupid movie Taken.  He made me promise I would have nothing to drink in either country, be back to the train station before dark, and to keep my eyes open all day and watch everyone.  I agreed.  I am sure it’s not as bad as he makes it out to be, but at the same time, there is a lot of news that we just don’t hear about in North America…so…I figured it might be solid advice coming from someone that lives in the region.  He told me Croatia and Montenegro are extremely safe and trying very hard to get their tourism going, but Serbia and Bulgaria have too much corruption.  I have read a lot about corruption in Croatia too, but I kept nodding along. After an hour or so, one of the men called a friend who has an internet cafe and the owner agreed to keep it open for me if I wanted to go there.  The waiter picked up the bill for my beer, because I was ‘the prettiest girl to come into the restaurant…ever’.  Alright…free beer….thanks…and we left the restaurant.

I was somewhat hesitant to get in the car, but they were genuinely very kind, and gave a good vibe.  So I hopped in the car and we went to the internet place, just around the corner.  I sent out a couple emails and Begot was back to pick me up to drive me back.  He gave me a tour of the city, showing me the harbour and the main squares…the language barrier was pretty strong as he spoke no French or English.  After what he considered a decent tour, he bought me a cappuccino and dropped me back off at the train station with a handful of complementary postcards of Bar.  He gave me his business card for next time I was in Bar, so I could come to his home with my friends and his wife would make us a delicious Montenegrin meal.  I agreed.  And that was it.  I expected to at least pay something for the coffee or the ride…I continued to offer, but they would both reply that it doesn’t work like that in Montenegro.  Travellers are guests, and should be treated as such.  A very odd day indeed, but a wonderful example of the Balkan hospitality.  People here always look so stern and speak aggressively, always sounding angry…but when you actually talk to them, they are overly welcoming and friendly.  And always very excited to hear that you are travelling through their country.  Some people can seem pretty dry and cold on the outside, but wonderful, interesting and caring people in general.

Montenegro… We thought it looked more like a Scandinavian country than a Baltic one. I mean, look at the pictures:

The Republic of Dubrovnik - a piece of Croatia isolated from the rest of the country in order to give Bosnia-Herzegovina a small section of coastline…

I know what you’re thinking… Dubrovnik and Montenegro are too pretty and too tame for Team Ames. Don’t worry though, this is what Dubrovnik looked like in 1991:

Over 68% of the buildings in the Old City were struck by Serb artillery shells in 1991-92.  And The New York Times estimated Dubrovnik suffered 200 dead and 900 wounded during this period which destroyed more than 3,000 residences and damaged 5,500 buildings.

For further information on the country please click the link : Montenegro

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Type 1:  national ID card and passport of Montenegro will be printed with your name and data and there is no record in the Montenegro government database. But the material is 100% genuine.

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Just after leaving Venezia Santa Lucia station we passed the Orient Express. Now that looks like the way to travel, I bet there’s no stamping of your ticket necessary on that mudda. One day folks.

There are two things I want to try and do in Milan. One is to see the San Siro and the other is to get out to Lake Como, which is where George Clooney lives (a lot of the time). Now I’m not just going to see George, don’t get me wrong we get on well enough, I just figure if he lives there it will be a nice place.

Oh, there’s also some ‘last bit of grub’ fresco by a bloke named Leo that’s supposed to be worth a look. I’ll keep an eye out for that.

On the train I’ve had a listen to Kid Adrift’s ‘L.E.D. Illusions’ EP. There’s a bit of Alaska in Winter going on in the background with angst-ridden vocals and electronica over the top. I’ll be curious to see if he comes up with more ideas for a full album as although I like all 3 songs here, they are all very similar and the vocal style certainly wears a bit thin very quickly.

When I got into Milan it was time for a late lunch. I saw a sign advertising curry for the first time in quite a while, it was only a fast food place and not a proper Indian but I was in the mood for a Ruby so went with it anyway. It was okay considering it wasn’t a real curry house but the first thing I’ll be doing when back in Manchester is nipping down The Moon (number 4) in Withington for a mixed grill karahi (that’s not curry with a Brummy accent by the way). Umm, I can taste it already.

The hostel I’m in is alright. It’s pretty quiet as it’s out of season but there’s a kitchen and brekkie is included so that will save me a few quid. The Wi-Fi is decent for a change too.

Tonight I need to get to grips with my rough guide and do some research on Google. I have to confirm my route so that I can make sure I’m in Madrid come the 13th to meet some mates. I’m thinking I might give Turin a miss too and go straight to France. I’ll see though.

Eliminate Pro has provided an hour or so entertainment for me today. If you have an iPhone or iPod Touch get hold of it (it’s free) and then add me (devo-mcduff) so I can blast you to pieces online, a nice little Doom style shooter.

No chance for a Milan photo yet so this one is all the way back from Kotor in Montenegro.