Kisenji speaks to media 1.5 kilometers from police camp in Lalgarh area.

KOTESWAR RAO, alias Kishenji, is a politburo member of the banned CPI (Maoist) and is in charge of the party’s operations in West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar and Orissa. He was drawn into the revolutionary movement when he was doing his B.Sc. (Mathematics) in Karimnagar, Andhra Pradesh. He became a full-time member of the CPI-ML (People’s War) in 1974.

“We plan to spread our movement to north Bengal, the plains of Bihar, the central districts of Orissa and eastern Chattisgarh,” he told Frontline in an exclusive telephonic interview in which he talked about the Lalgarh movement, the Maoist programme of individual killings and future plans of the Maoist movement.Excerpts:

Do you think the movement in Lalgarh is the fallout of the Singur and Nandigram movements rather than a heritage of the Naxalbari movement?

The movement in Lalgarh is the fallout of the Naxalbari movement, but the movements in Nandigram and Singur also had an impact on the Lalgarh movement and the people of Lalgarh. Such a long and sustained movement on a political issue has never taken place in the history of independent India. The main reason for this is the increase in political awareness among the masses.

At the same time, there is, on the one hand, a worldwide economic crisis and, on the other, Indian multinationals seizing the land and property of the common people. These, too, had a role to play in the eruption in Lalgarh.

And of course the Nandigram and Singur agitations, in which we were also present, are certainly big factors. At present, it is not possible to carry out just a peaceful agitation in West Bengal; along with peaceful agitations there must be huge rallies and meetings involving the direct participation of thousands of people.

There is a view that the Lalgarh movement is a spontaneous tribal movement that became so big that the CPI (Maoist) had to get on to it or be left behind. Your comments.

It is not as if we started doing our groundwork in the region yesterday; we have been doing our groundwork for a long time. The Maoist role and leadership in the area has been a continuous process. But, at the same time, the PCPA [People’s Committee against Police Atrocities] and the Maoist movement are not the same, and it would be incorrect to say that the people of the region have been influenced only by Maoists; they have been very much influenced by the PCPA, too.

But if there were no arrests following the assassination attempt on Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee on November 2 last year, would you have been able to build such a strong movement?

Not something like this. It would have developed in a slow process. But the reaction of the people worked to our advantage – much more than it did in Nandigram or Singur. We didn’t have any demand other than that the police apologise to the people, but the State government did not agree to it. We were left with few options.

Did you at any point think that the movement might not need you?

Yes, I did. We expected a movement after November 2, but nothing so big. I expected the strength of the movement to be around 50 per cent of what it eventually became. But the movement itself has undergone a qualitative change over the months. Earlier, when the villagers protested, they assembled in large numbers with their traditional bows and arrows. Then the combined forces entered the region and many villagers fled.

Subsequently, they all returned and now they are not fleeing anywhere. They are standing their own ground and collecting weapons to strike back. So tell me, where do you think this spirit to retaliate is coming from? Whom do you think the villagers are supporting now?

In 2007, it was decided that the CPI (Maoist) would broad-base its activities and not focus only on individual killings like the earlier naxalite movement. But Maoist killings are being reported almost every other day. So in what way is it different from the old programme?

At that time, annihilation of the class enemy was the only form adopted to bring about the revolution. We have changed that. We say that annihilation is one of the forms. This was not invented by Maoists; we have seen in history that the masses have always allowed it. To us, annihilation is one aspect of our total movement.

It was not a regular feature earlier as you claim. It became a regular feature only after the combined forces entered the region. If you recollect, before the deployment of Central forces, we held a Jana Adalat [people’s court] for 30 CPI(M) people in Madhupur [near Lalgarh].

More than 12,000 villagers attended the trial. The public wanted the death sentence for 13 of those under trial. But Bikas [the Maoist commander of operations in Lalgarh], after hours of persuasion, finally managed to convince the public that the time was not right to mete out such a punishment. Finally, the public agreed that those 13 people be just made to wear garlands of chappals and apologise. The other killings took place only after continued disregard of repeated warnings that were sent to the victims both by us and by the people of the region.

The victims were not just police informers, they practically marched with the combined forces. It is not that we killed only CPI(M) people, we killed members of the Jharkhand Party, too, for helping the combined forces and for joining the Gana Pratirodh [People’s Resistance] Committee; and I would also like to add that there is no difference between the Salwa Judum and the Gana Pratirodh Committee.

We killed the main leaders of the committee. Of the six main leaders of the Gana Pratirodh Committee, three were from the CPI(M) and three from the Jharkhand Party. Here again, we killed them after repeatedly requesting them to desist from forming such a committee. They did not listen to us and we had no other alternative.

The annihilation policy of old and what we do today are not the same. Along with individual assassinations, there are also other forms of actions that we undertake – different kinds of mass movements, social boycotts of culprits, and various developmental works.

In fact, recently, in Shankabanga village [in Purbo Medhinipur], we dug a seven-kilometre canal for irrigation. We have done similar work in many villages.

The CPI (Maoist) had announced that it will spread the movement to new areas following the general elections this year. Which are the areas that have been identified?

North Bengal, the plains of Bihar, the central districts of Orissa and eastern Chattisgarh. All these are backward areas where multinational companies are trying to penetrate, and the State governments are signing memorandums of understanding with them. The strategic location of these areas will also help us in our movements.

The movement in Orissa is one of the most upcoming movements by our party and it will facilitate a combined consolidation of our movements in the neighbouring States of Jharkhand, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh, bringing as many as 15 districts under our control.

Tell us something about your plans in West Bengal.

Very simply, to establish a liberated area. We decided in 2007 that this [the Jangalmahal] would be a guerilla area. Since then we have progressed a lot, we have already reached out to more than half the population of the region and made it politically aware. I can tell you only so much. Our politburo does not allow us to divulge the tactical aspects of our programmes.

But is there widespread recruitment into your movement from the region?

There has to be recruitment, or else how will the movement grow?

There are reports of fresh plans by your party to try and assassinate the Chief Minister, and even storm Writers Buildings. Your comments.

The media need sensational news, and the police need to justify their fat salaries. Do I really need to elaborate? As I have repeatedly said, to kill Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee was not my decision. It was the decision of the people of Nandigram, the people of West Bengal, and even sections of the liberal bourgeoisie.

Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee, who earlier extended her support to the PCPA’s movement, seems to have distanced herself from it. Your comments.

I have been asking Mamata Banerjee for the last three months to make her stand clear. After the general elections her fortune has soared, but what about the fortune of the “Ma, Mati, Manush” [Mamata’s political slogan of Mother, Earth, and People]? Their situation remains the same. What Mamata Banerjee is doing is indulging in opportunistic politics.

With the State and the Centre now planning to launch a much stronger attack, do you not think that your movement, as it stands today will endanger the lives of thousands of innocent and apolitical villagers?

The state should think about that. People like Manmohan Singh, [P.] Chidambaram and Buddhababu are responsible for the situation as it stands today. Ultimately, they are the ones responsible for the killings. We still want peace, it is the government that does not.

So are you willing to sit for dialogue with the government for the sake of peace?

You are probably the 210th person to ask me this question. Chidambaram and Buddhababu have clearly said there will not be any dialogue; they have already arrayed their forces for war, and still you people from the media keep harping, ‘You will all not survive this’. This is clearly to break the spirit of the common people. I do not understand why you all are continuously asking me this question. It really is not possible for me to provide routine answers to such routine questions. I am standing in a battlefield here.

A STAFF REPORTER

Calcutta, Nov. 26: The CPI (Maoist) has warned Mamata Banerjee not to “lie” about the outfit or malign it at rallies, else there would be trouble for the Trinamul Congress in Nandigram.

A statement purportedly by Selim, head of the Maoists’ Nandigram zonal committee, said: “You (Mamata) had said at a rally at Sonachura recently that it was the CPM who brought us to Nandigram in 2007 and provided us with safe passage to flee. You know it was a lie.”

Selim invited the railway minister to an open debate at Sonachura. “If you believe what you said in your speech was a fact, please come to Sonachura and we will prove who is right, you or us.”

The statement also criticised Mamata’s proposal for engaging the army in Lalgarh.

It said: “We appointed Narayan to lead the Nandigram movement against CPM cadres. Trinamul MP Subhendu Adhikary knows how many times Narayan visited Nandigram and how he worked among the people of the area.

“You had delivered a speech from a place in Sonachura after the death of Nishikanta Mandal, the local (Trinamul) gram panchayat pradhan. It was the same place where Adhikary had shared a stage with Narayan and our state committee member Sukumar to address the people of Nandigram.”

The Maoist leader explained why Mandal was killed by his men: “After Trinamul achieved political success in Nandigram, it wanted to drive us out of the area. Mandal was planning to hand over Narayan to police. He had to pay for his betrayal. We are still active in Nandigram and we will be there in future.” TT

KOLKATA: The Maoists in East Midnapore have turned their guns on the Trinamool Congress their one-time ally in the district. Three Trinamool leaders of Nandigram have been branded as class enemies in a recent hit list of the Red guerrillas.

Earlier, Nishikanta Mondal, a prominent Trinamool leader in Nandigram, had been annihilated’ by Maoists. The new names, distributed through leaflets, seem to be a warning to the accused’ three to mend their ways or meet the same fate.

Days before a fresh round of offensive against Maoists in Jangalmahal, the leaflet hinted that they have gained a foothold in coastal West Bengal far from the strike zone and were in a position to launch their trademark annihilation programme in the area.

On November 13, villagers of Sonachura in Nandigram found several printed leaflets pasted on the walls. The posters accused Trinamool Congress of torture and corruption. The printer’s line read: Selim, for CPI (Maoist) Nandigram Zonal Committee’.

This was the third instance of Maoists leaving their message in leaflets at Nandigram. In June, days after Nishikanta Mondal’s murder, Selim had issued a statement, claiming responsibility for the killing. Senior Maoist leader Kishanji had also confirmed their involvement.

“Mondal had turned into a Fascist. Like CPM leaders, he began torturing common people. We warned him but he did not heed to it. We were forced to punish him,” Kishanji had said.

The latest leaflet accuses both Mamata Banerjee and her party MP Shubhendu Adhikary of unleashing terror in the area. They named Trinamool activists Khokon Sit and Laltu as well as Kendamari panchayat pradhan Sahabuddin. Locals alleged the trio were involved in various corrupt deals and had assumed the same high-handedness of CPM leaders.

Trinamool leaders in Nandigram though, are putting up a brave face. They don’t agree to Maoist activities in their bastion. “We suspect these posters are the handiwork of CPM who are posing as Maoists,” said Nandigram-I panchayat samity president Abu Taher.

Sk Sahabuddin, who has been accused by Maoists, said he had heard that Narayan, an alleged Maoist leader, had been frequenting Nandigram. “We have evidence that Narayan is not a Maoist but a CPM man working for Lakshman Seth,” he said.

Villagers in Sonachura area, however, admitted that a group of local youths had turned into active Maoist supporters. “During the BUPC movement, more than 50 local youths had taken arms training from Maoists at their camp in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. Later they trained more youths. It is through these youths that the rebels have gained a considerable support base in Nandigram,” said a villager.

Senior police officers also acknowledged that rebels were active in the coastal belt of the district. “We know about a Narayan, who is in charge of Maoist organisation in East Midnapore. But his team is working under cover of some mainstream political parties,” said a senior police officer. TOI

Trinamul on Maoist notice

- Threat over Nandigram ‘extortion’ PRONAB MONDAL AND ANSHUMAN PHADIKAR

Boys eat in a relief camp in Nandigram.(Jahangir Badsa)

Sept. 20: Maoists have warned that Trinamul Congress activists in Nandigram will “pay with their lives” if they don’t stop threatening and extorting money from CPM activists.

A senior Maoist leader has said Trinamul workers in Nandigram who were “torturing” poor villagers just because they were CPM supporters would soon have to face verdict in the “people’s court”.

Nandigram, which was once a Left bastion, had become the launch pad for Trinamul’s resurgence after the land acquisition backlash that paid the Opposition party rich dividends in the panchayat and Lok Sabha elections.

During Mamata Banerjee’s land movement in Nandigram, the government and the CPM had often alleged that her party had the active support of the Maoists. Trinamul had dismissed such suggestions.

However, once the Centre sent paramilitary forces to Lalgarh and a security operation was launched, the Maoists started publicly criticising Trinamul for failing to stop the crackdown despite being part of the Union government. Maoist leader Kishanji had then accused Mamata of failing to return the favour extended in Nandigram.

The threat issued now by another Maoist leader has injected a menacing edge to what has so far been confined to occasional criticism.

Trinamul workers in Nandigram will have to “pay for their act, maybe with their lives”, the senior rebel leader — a CPI (Maoist) central committee member — said in a recent interaction.

In Nandigram, Trinamul men are targeting poor CPM supporters. They are extorting money from them and denying them jobs under the rural job scheme, he said.

The Telegraph spoke to some CPM supporters who said they were at the receiving end of Trinamul’s “extortion”.

One of them, 30-year-old Narayan Das, was not allowed to bring his father’s body back to his Sonachura home in Nandigram and Trinamul workers would not let him perform the last rites until he coughed up Rs 2 lakh.

Narayan, a supervisor with a construction company in Cuttack, said: “When I reached Chandipur, about 40km from Sonachura, my relatives called me on my cellphone and told me I would not be allowed to perform my father’s last rites until I paid Rs 2 lakh to the local Trinamul leaders. Finally, my relatives took the body to the village for cremation and I had to return to Cuttack.”

Narayan said the local Trinamul leaders have also prevented his brothers from cultivating five bighas that his father left for them. “They allowed cultivation on one bigha after I paid Rs 10,000. But they are still demanding Rs 2 lakh.”

Another Sonachura CPM supporter and a farm labourer, Rabin Mondal, alleged that he was being denied work under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme. “I am not being given work under the 100 days’ scheme. No one is giving me a job as a farm labourer as Trinamul leaders have asked villagers not to,” said 30-year-old Rabin.

A CPM supporter in Gokulnagar who works as a clerk in the irrigation department in Mahishadal fled his home a year ago after Trinamul activists demanded Rs 2 lakh from him too.

He now lives near his work place, but his wife and two children are still in Gokulnagar. “My wife and two sons live in my two-storey house in the village. I have 10 bighas to cultivate. So I gave them Rs 1 lakh. They have said they will leave me alone only after I pay the remaining amount,” he said, requesting anonymity.

The Trinamul leadership in Nandigram denied that CPM supporters were facing extortion threats. “Our workers have not extorted money or resorted to any oppression. There is no question of demanding money from CPM supporters,” said Abu Taher, Trinamul leader and chief of Nandigram panchayat samiti.

We Will Spread this Fire

[Comrade Manoj, a prominent CPI (Maoist) leader in Lalgarh tells his story to The Times of India.]

My name is Manoj. It’s not the name my parents gave me, but all my comrades call me ‘Manoj’. My father’s name is Dhiren Murmu. I am his second son and I am 25. I was born at Bamundanga village in Salboni. I’ve lived most of my life in this hopeless village.

Our village falls under the Kansijora gram panchayat. The left Front has been in power here for 30 years. Salboni has always been a CPM stronghold. But, in 30 years, neither the state government, nor the panchayat and Zilla Parishad took any interest at all in developing this area. We might have been living in the Stone Age.

When it rains here, the dirt tracks turn muddy and we are forced to drag ourselves and our cattle through the muck. We are not able to ride our bicycles or use carts. We don’t have clean drinking water. People are forced to drink filthy, yellow water. After sunset, we live in the dark as there is no electricity here. No jobs either. During the paddy season, we work in the fields and then sit idle for the rest of the year. Because we are tribals, no one has bothered to do anything for us.

In 2002, we got tired of being treated like rodents. So, the villagers got together and demanded development in our area. This infuriated the local CPM bosses. The police and Marxists slapped false cases on us, accusing us of working for the People’s War Group (PWG). They branded us Maoists. So we began to think we might as well join the Maoists.

Things turned nasty quickly. The former police superintendent of West Midnapore, KC Meena, lodged an FIR against the entire village. Nearly 90% of the men and teenage boys were charged with being Naxalite. We knew what was coming. We had to do something to save ourselves.

I was just 18 at the time. I was in class XII at the local school. But, I too joined in protests against the police. Within days, the police filed a case against me, my father and brother. They accused all of us for working for the PWG. Our family has always supported the Congress party. In 1988, when Mamata Banerjee formed the Trinmool Congress (TMC), we switched loyalty to her.

One day, police jeeps rolled into our villages, picked up people from their houses, bundled everyone into their vehicles and dumped all of us into the Midnapore jail. That was where I first met Maoist leader Sushil Roy [comrade Barunda]. I found the Maoist ideology very appealing. Roy asked me to join the Maoists so that I could help the poor. I liked his ideas. Then I met two PWG leaders in prison. And I realized that neither Congress nor the TMC can stop the CPM’s terror. I also realized that under CPM rule, we had lost the right to speak up. It was time to take a stand and speak up.

I joined the Maoists. They gave me a new name, a new identity and a new life. Now, I work for the Lalgarh movement. I joined this great surge of people last year. On November 5, the police arrived here looking for people who had blasted landmines at chief minister Buddhadeb Bhatacharya’s convoy at Salboni. In Lalgarh, the police rounded up innocent tribal women and began to molest and torture them. One woman lost an eye. Others were badly injured. After this incident, we decided to join the Lalgarh movement. It was our party’s decision. The Maoists always stand with the deprived. We joined them at Nandigram and Singur. Now, we have joined them in Lalgarh.

It’s been easy for us to win the people’s support. Most of them have been victims of torture by police. The people listened to us and joined the Peoples’ Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA). Opposition party workers have also supported us. Everybody is rebelling against the CPM cadre and police.

We know the government forces want to crush us. But, we plan to expand our area of influence. As soon as we are able to turn Lalgarh and Junglemahal (a forested area spanning three districts – Bankura, Purulia and West Midnapore) into a Maoist-dominated area, we will apply our ideology here. We will undertake development work for the poor. We will raise money through public donations. And nobody will pay tax to the government anymore.

After victory at Lalgarh, we will expand our fight to the tribal communities of Jharkand, Bihar, Orissa and Chattisgarh. Our war has just begun.

[June 21, 2009, Sunday Times of India]

[From: People’s Truth, #7, August 2009.]

singur to lalgarh

;Rajib Chatterjee

KOLKATA, 31 JULY: The Communist Party of India (Maoist) has started mobilising its cadres to launch a fresh movement in Nandigram alleging that “several demands” of local people have not been “fulfilled” by the government.

Taking a dig at the Trinamul Congress, the ultra-left outfit’s Nandigram zonal Committee has alleged that except “capitalising” the people’s movement in Nandigram, the Opposition party has done nothing to force the government to fulfil their demands.

The Maoist cadres have reportedly distributed leaflets in Nandigram in the past couple of days which stated that police officers and CPI-M leaders, “involved in gangrape and police firing in Nandigram on 14 March 2007” have not been punished and criminal cases lodged against farmers have not been withdrawn till date.

Terming the Trinamul Congress as a “B-Team of the CPI-M”, the Maoists urged the people of Nandigram and members of the Bhumi Ucched Protirodh Committee (BUPC) to take up arms again.

The CPI (Maoist) has alleged that Trinamul Congress leaders of Nandigram are “obstructing” people of Nandigram who have been demanding that “CPI-M leaders and police officers” who had “gang raped” women and fired upon people killing several of them on 14 March 2007, be punished.

It has now become clear that the Trinamul Congress chief’s “anti-CPI-M speech” was aimed at getting “electoral benefit” and not to “protect the democracy”, the leaflet ~ issued on 18 July ~ states.

Urging the Trinamul Congress to stop making malicious statements against them, the Maoist outfit has called upon the people of Nandigram to start a fresh movement and create pressure on the state government to withdraw criminal cases from BUPC members.

The outfit, in the leaflet, has admitted that they are “arming the people” to protect their rights. The Statesman has procured a copy of the leaflet.

“The demands of the people of Nandigram are no longer important for the Trinamul Congress. They (the Trinamul leaders) have forgotten the promises that they had made to the people of Nandigram.

Unfortunately, they are now trying to suppress the voice of the people who are fighting to get their demands fulfilled,” the leaflet maintained. The Maoists have also alleged that the Trinamul Congress leaders in Nandigram were “threatening” local people for providing shelter to CPI (Maoist) activists.

The outfit has even accused the Trinamul Congress of “joining hands” with the CPI-M to “wipe-out” the Maoists from the state.

“The Central force was sent to Lalgarh at a time when the people were readying to destroy the CPI-M’s fort at Garbeta and Keshpur.

The Trinamul had sent the force to protect the CPI-M’s fort,” the leaflet  stated.                   The Statesman

.. first Bengal, then India: Mamata’s Emosional Atyachaar

Many have celebrated Mamata’s ascendancy and indeed have watched with glee over the last few years how political opportunism mixed with total irresponsibility has become respectable, even mainstream in the state of West Bengal and have not blinked, because, the fire was burning elsewhere.

As Mamata free-wheeled through alliance-making; frst the BJP, then the SUCI and  Naxals and then with Congress, our political commentators were silent. It was all kosher; everything was fair game, we were told, if the Marxists can be removed from power in West Bengal.

As she and her rag-tag combine of has been actors (Shatabdi Roy and Tapas Paul), has been Marxist/ can still sing, if increasingly laden with scatology (Kabir Suman), has been in Congress, was expelled from Trinamool (Sudip Bandyopadhya) entertained Kolkata on 22nd July by ensuring a grateful city was spared a productive day in office, we must ask ourselves, in what way is she better than Mayawati or Jayalalithaa, politicians to whom she is often compared?

My fellow Indians, now our time has come. Now, we will pay the price for Mamata, as a nation. And, it will no longer be possible to ignore her.

I refer to the “Land Bill”, which was being brought in to replace a century old Colonial law which recognised only the role of the State in acquiring land for “public purpose”.

Mamata does not want this bill; every other political party is okay with it. Why? Because, this will be against the emotive, nihilistic and yet, electorally expedient stance she took in Singur and Nandigram.

So, what is the solution? After all, as Nirad Chaudhuri never tired of pointing out, Bengal loves going against the tide in the rest of the country; so what if such a stance is detrimental to progress.

There is a precedence. The Industrial Disputes Act of 1955 has specific sections which apply only to West Bengal. Perhaps, we can have the Land-Bill in the rest of the country, and have a “Mamata section” in the bill for West Bengal?

After all, why should the rest of India pay for the inability of the West Bengal voters to know what is good for them?

Will it stop at the Land Bill? My fear is, it will not.

Kolkata for me was always my second home(now my home). All my relatives live here and i used to visit this charming city during my summer holidays. The annual visit to Kolkata was always exciting and full of surprises. Now for the last 4 years i have been living here and Kolkata is becoming less and less charming for me.

Bengal was always very politically volatile and records the most number of political killings happened in this state. But Kolkata its capital, snce the chaos of the 60’s and the 70’s, was largely peaceful with occasional Strikes(that was treated as holidays by most office goers). I remember the Left Front winning the state elections(that the only thing i can remember happening in my lifetime) in 2006 with thumping majority and promising new wave of industrilization in the state. As far as my memory serves me the TATA NANO was announced on the results day. Mr.Buddhadeb Bhattacharya brimming with confidence(the sort of result can turn most heads) and promising new things for the state. I for one, who was always politically inclined, was quite happy with the TATA project. But problem with romantic stories are, they don’t always have a  happy ending. Things took a wild turn when a section of the farmers in Singur refused to give away lands for compensation and then started the vicious cycle of Bands and counter-Bandhs, political murders and all things that can give night mares to any administration. But Singur was not the only bone of contenation, the situation in Nandigram(another land acquisation problem) was chaotic. The opposition took full advantage( that most opposition parties do in most states) and stood against the goverment. The chaos that continued for more than 2 years in the stae drove the TATAs out.

Now why Kolkata has become chaotic? With the political situation so volatile and the ruling coalition suffering electoral setbacks, the Goverment has become inert and not taking tough administrative decisions as they fear it may back fire. So in this city you can do anything. Sit on a Dharna on important roads, call Transport strikes, torch buses and Taxis during Bandhs as if its the concerned party’s property. The agents of chaos are having a field day in the city due to the inert administration.

Change for the sake of change is not the way to go. What should we choose, the known devil or the deep sea?

NEW DELHI: There is no end to the struggle to save pieces of “our land and the people who live on them, own them and till them”, says social activist and the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) pioneer Medha Patkar.”It is all the same…Narmada, Singur, Nandigram and Lalgarh. The police come in khaki uniform, commit excesses and people suffer. But when it happened in Bengal, I found it difficult to believe. This cannot be possible in a state ruled by the Left Front government, I thought,” Patkar, 54, who has helped set up the National Alliance of People’s Movement, told IANS.”There is no progress in India, only loot being perpetuated in the name of progress.

There is still so much happening in the Narmada Valley now,” said Patkar, who became a known face in the late 1980s while spearheading the NBA’s movement against big dams along the Narmada river.Based in Indore, Patkar was in the Lalgarh area of West Bengal recently to take stock of the situation. A tribal body supported by Maoists had made the area out of bounds for the state administration to protest police excesses, but the government’s presence has been re-established there with the help of security forces.”They call it a Naxal problem, but actually it’s the people who are struggling for survival,” said Patkar, an award-winning activist, clad in a green cotton sari.

The social activist was in the capital for a day to launch a book titled, “Nandigram Diaries”, which chronicles the people’s movement in Nandigram through the eyes of journalist Pushpraj, associated with the NBA.Nandigram, again in West Bengal, was in the eye of a storm in the last two years after people protested the acquisition of farmland for industry and faced the might of the state.Patkar said, “For me the people of Nandigram who suffered – the women who were raped, the men who either fell to police bullets or were arrested or disappeared and the children who were rendered homeless – are more important. They are the ones I remember. “I played a very small part in their struggle.

The badges that the women wore were badges of blood. Had one fact-finding team reached there the moment when the struggle was on, things would have been different,” Patkar said.For Patkar, the enduring symbols of Nandigram where the activist was held by police and went on a hunger strike for two days in November 2007 in protest, “will always be the raped housewife and crusader Radharani, a missing young activist Aditya Bera and some women from a village called Sonachura who have been abused for daring to protest”.Radharani Ari, a housewife from Gokulnagar village in Nandigram, who was at the forefront of the struggle at Nandigram, was allegedly gang raped twice by goons backed by the Left Front in her own house. She was last attacked in April 2008.

Aditya Bera, a young activist who was beaten up and shot in Nandigram, is still missing. The women in Sonachura were allegedly raped and hospitalised.”The battle for the Left Front started at Nandigram long before the elections. The recent Lok Sabha verdict shows just how it alienated itself from the people over Nandigram. Iremember going to Bengal Minister Nirupam Sen with a report by Mahasweta Devi and Justice Moloy Sengupta, and he had retorted,’Do you think without the neo-liberal paradigm, development is possible in West Bengal?’”Even now, more than 50 homes are still ravaged in the battle ground of Nandigram,” she said. The human tragedy, however, can never be gauged in terms of numbers, she said.”The cases in the Supreme Court have not progressed. The rape victims have yet to be compensated. The psychological scars of women who have been raped can never heal. Their relationship with their husbands has been strained forever,” she said. -IANS

I was planning to write a post last month (but was diverted by other subjects) about how the Indian government, led by home minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, seemed at last to be getting to grips with the spread of the country’s violent Maoist-inspired Naxalite rebellion.

Tough action was then being taken at Lalgarh, a tribal region just 100 miles from Kolkata (Calcutta), where there was a long siege till the rebels were driven out of the area by para-military forces.

In the past few days, however, there have been reports that show the task of controlling the Naxalite insurgency has scarcely begun. First there was news that the rebels had predictably drifted away from Lalgarh into nearby forest areas, belying reports that they had been defeated.

Then, last weekend, more than 30 police were killed in a remote Naxal-held part of the state of Chattisgarh. First two police were killed, then many more when a truck carrying reinforcements was blown up by a landmine.

It sounds like an all too familiar story – terrorists moving on to new areas when under attack, as the Taliban have done recently from Pakistan’s Swat area, and security forces travelling by road when they should be in helicopters, which is why eight British soldiers were killed at the end of last week (and many more earlier) in Afghanistan.

The Naxalites’ challenge to India’s national security has previously aroused little real concern in the country – and scant notice overseas – despite the fact that the rebels now cover over a third of India’s administrative districts.

They control large swathes of remote and often densely forested areas – especially where tribal people risk losing land to development projects – that stretch (see map) from the Nepal border down through West Bengal, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh.

This frequently threatens land communications between the west and eastern sides of the country because the Naxalites landmine roads and blow up railway tracks.

Last year they accounted for over 900 deaths. Prime minister Manmohan Singh dubbed them the “single biggest internal security challenge ever faced” by India – but few people seemed actively concerned.

I have always assumed that the reason for the complacency – both in India and terrorist-sensitive countries such as the US and UK – is that the Naxalites have never seriously attacked a centre of power.

There have been (unsuccessful) assassination attempts on state chief ministers, but they have not killed a prime minister or a national leader, as both Khalistani Sikhs and Tamil Tigers did in the 1980s and 1990s, nor have they mounted large-scale terror attacks on the capital of Delhi and the commercial capital of Mumbai, as Islamic terrorists have in recent years.

The Naxalite areas are also a long way from Delhi, and from the focus of the country’s national politicians, who are primarily preoccupied with Kashmir and Pakistan to the north and west, and with the politics of western and southern states.

“Congress and the BJP devote little attention east of Bihar because the eastern and north-eastern states have few votes, or mostly vote for regional parties, so the Naxalite problem is not receiving the political attention it deserves from the cabinet,” says Ravi Visvesvaraya Prasad, who heads C4ISRT Group, a Delhi-based defence and security think tank.

And even when, as is happening now, the central government does try to take action, it is hampered by the fact that security is a state government subject, so cannot be directly tackled nationally by Delhi.

The problem is becoming more serious because the Naxalites no longer just focussed on remote jungle areas, but are threatening economic development and maybe even urban centres. They played a significant role two years ago in the opposition to a now-abandoned special economic zone at Nandigram in West Bengal, where they are exploiting a vacuum left by the CPI(M)-led Left Front that has ruled the state for over 30 years but lost seats in the recent general election.

It was clear when I walked around the Barrackpur constituency on the outskirts of Kolkata during the election campaign that there was massive resentment about the CPI(M)’s failure to develop the area and protect agricultural land, and about the way it manipulated elections to stay in power.

“We will have an armed movement going in Calcutta by 2011, that’s for sure,” Maoist leader Kishenji claimed in a BBC interview earlier this month.  “Oppression by the establishment Left and its police” at Lalgarh had given the Naxalites their first major base in West Bengal since the mid-1970s. “We have struck a place which is the weakest spot of the state and which automatically makes it our stronghold (and our) first major guerrilla zone,” Kishenji added. Though the area was freed by security forces after Kishenji made these remarks, the Naxalites are still active – they ransacked a CPI(M) leader’s house last weekend.

The insurgency started as a peasant revolt in West Bengal 40 years ago. It is significant that they are now back where they began – thanks largely to CPI(M) misrule. Resentment is growing both over the state government’s attempt to industrialise agricultural land that it had originally allocated to the rural poor under much-praised land reform – as happened both at Nandigram and Tata’s abandoned Nano car factory at Singur – and over the repressive and violent way in which the CPI(M)’s cadres maintain power.

Two years ago, India’s then ineffectual home minister described the Naxalite problem as “under control”. Chidambaram fortunately has dumped that approach and recognises that a mixture of tough police and para-military action needs to be accompanied by constructive economic development.

But the problem will not be solved till it is recognised as a major security threat – one that could be exploited by India’s less-than-friendly neighbours Pakistan and China.

From a story headlined Maoist: friend in need for all- How Bengal’s two main contenders for power used the guerrillas in the Telegraph:

The enemy’s enemy is always a friend and both the CPM and the Trinamul Congress had courted the Maoists to fight their war on various battlegrounds — from Keshpur-Garbeta to Nandigram and Lalgarh — in the past 10 years.

The relations of Bengal’s two main contenders for power with the Maoists soured only when the extremists crossed their paths to enforce their own political agenda.

Way back in 1998, the CPM had found “communist brotherhood” with the People’s War Group, one of two constituents of the CPI (Maoist), when the ruling party was engaged in a bloody turf war with the Trinamul-BJP combine in the Keshpur-Garbeta region of West Midnapore.

According to Maoist sources, the CPM and the People’s War had reached an “understanding at the local level” after activists of the Trinamul-BJP combine killed relatives of rebel leader Asit Sarkar to avenge the murder of a BJP leader.

“CPM members in the villages who had also been facing the Trinamul-BJP onslaught invited our squad to join them. They offered shelter, food as well as ammunition. We went for joint action,’’ recalled a Maoist leader.
…
The CPM-Maoist bonhomie turned into a bloody fight as the equation changed with the threat of the Trinamul-BJP turf takeover receding and the rebels trying to spread their influence at the cost of the CPM. In the new equation, the vanquished Trinamul sought Maoist assistance to take on the CPM’s armed forces.

“This time, some Trinamul men were inducted into our squad and given arms training,’’ a Maoist leader said.

Such a Trinamul-Maoist joint squad was ambushed by a CPM gang at Chhoto Angaria village on West Midnapore’s border with Hooghly and Bankura in 2001, effectively wip- ing out the armed resistance to the CPM’s stranglehold on the region.

Chhoto Angaria made the Maoists fierce foes of the CPM and Trinamul inched closer to them. In Nandigram, Mamata Banerjee’s party let the Maoists operate when it was still competing with the Congress, Jamait Ulema-i-Hind, SUCI and others for control of the Save Farmland Committee.
…
In Lalgarh, too, all anti-CPM forces joined hands under the People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities as popular anger mounted against police’s illegal detentions, arbitrary arrests, night raids and beating of innocent people in the name of tackling Maoists.

The anger exploded after the police brutalities on women following the blast on the chief minister’s route last November.

The committee drew its strength from elected village representatives across Lalgarh.

According to sources close to the Maoists as well as Trinamul, Jharkhand Party factions led by Aditya Kisku and Babu Bose, pro-Jharkhand Party Naxalite outfits such as the one led by Santosh Rana as well as the mainstream Opposition parties participated in the committee.

While committee spokesman Chhatradhar Mahato was in Trinamul, its president Lalmohan Tudu was with the Aditya group and vice-president Santosh Patra a CPM rebel. Secretary Sidhu Soren was a greenhorn in politics in comparison.

As the committee barred political parties and groups from asserting their own identity, the Maoists, active in the area for long, also joined the forum. However, sources said they were not a dominant force initially in the 45-member central body of the committee.

Although Trinamul had a nominal presence in the area, Mamata saw potential in the committee and attended its rally supporting its agitation.
…
According to Trinamul leaders, the Maoists had asked the anti-CPM forces to field one candidate together to ensure the ruling party’s defeat in the Lok Sabha polls in the region. Trinamul had no problem with this as the party had conceded Jhargram to the Congress, but the Jharkhand Party factions did not agree.

The Maoists retaliated by extending the poll boycott in the entire area while Mamata and the other anti-CPM forces accused them of helping the CPM win by huge margins from Jhargram, Ghatal, Bankura and Purulia despite its eroding base among tribals.

This story paints West Bengal in a very sorry light; as a place where all sides are engaged in a political battle in which development and the common man are pawns. But the story is gnarly enough to seem to be close to the truth.

Oct 7

The story above seems to be vindicated by this item from DNA:

The Centre has warned Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee against making common cause with the Communist Party of India (Maoist) as this would open the floodgates for armed insurgents to enter politics in a big way and pose a serious law-and-order problem in West Bengal in the days to come.

Home minister P Chidambaram reportedly broached the subject when he met Mamata last week to explain the evolving law and order situation in the state. She was reportedly apprised of “reliable” intelligence inputs on ultra left wing cadres’ plan to infiltrate her party in a big way to reclaim the political space they are fast losing.

TOI has this in an article headlined Mahasweta: Give peace a chance:

Veteran writer and a strong advocate of the tribal cause, Mahasweta Devi, is not in a mood to dissect the unending bloodbath in the area and get involved in the good-versus-evil sort of a debate. She wants all the forces concerned to give peace a chance for the moment and begin a dialogue to sort out the genuine problems prevailing in Jangalmahal.

“Arms will lead us to nowhere. Violence begets violence. It is time the stakeholders solved the problem through talks. Poet Jaya Mitra is sitting by my side. We all believe this should end for the sake of tribals. I do not want to go into the past, but let me clarify that we endorsed the spontaneous movement that began against Jindal’s grabbing land in West Midnapore in a bid to develop an SEZ. The Jindals chose this stretch as a trouble-free zone. Things took a turn for the worse since then. I didn’t know anyone in Lalgarh then. Some villagers called me over phone to say how police and the harmads (CPM goons) defecated in the open wells used by them to put them under pressure. How do I reconcile with such incidents?” said Mahasweta Devi.
…
Once an ardent supporter of the Left Front, Chakrabarty, however, condemned the murder of police intelligence officer Francis Induwar by Maoists. “But one should distinguish between tribals who took part in the spontaneous movement and the diehard Maoists who slowly took control of the organisation. The government does not recognise this and is hell-bent to crush the movement by force, which by itself is undemocratic,” said Chakrabarty.

Actor Kausik Sen, who visited Lalgarh along with film-maker Aparna Sen as part of NGO Swajan and met Chhatradhar, is quite upset with the way a spontaneous upsurge ultimately gave in to the Maoists. “When we met Chhatradhar in June, we told him to lead the movement against underdevelopment and hunger with the support of the villagers. We insisted that he should not fall prey to the Maoists. But what we had understood from his body language was that he had already lost his grip on the scheme of things,” said Sen.

However, Sen came down heavily upon the Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government to project PCPA as a Maoist outfit. “This helps the government to hoodwink its failure on the development front. Caught between the Maoists and the combined forces, the poor villagers have nowhere to go,” Sen said.

It seems very hard to believe that peace will now have a chance.

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Fate of Indigenous Parties After

Communal-Casteist Congress Captured Crown

(Copyright-free Document)

Synthesized by

Communication Address :

Sheetal Markam Gondwana Vikas Mandal, 233 Sant Tukdoji Nagar, Manewara Road, Nagpur -440 024 (India)

Table of Contents

Important :- While citing the information taken from various sources, to make the same information truly meaningful we have used words such as Brahminists, Manuists, Arya-Brahminists, exploiters, Arya-Brahminists riding the government, Manu-media, Brahmincracy, Arya-Brahminist Demoncracy, communal-casteist and so on and some information in bold letters. We have also put our own comments within { } to make the information more meaningful.

1) Adivasi : indigenous people that use to live in forests and also many settled in cities.

2) Arya-Brahmins : Persons who call themselves supreme race and above the law and even god. According to them the remaining masses are brought into existence to be ruled by Arya-Brahmins in the manner Arya-Brahmin like. Arya-Brahmins also represent any person, group or community that consider itself higher than the rest of mankind in above mentioned manner.

3) Arya-Brahminist : Any person belonging to any religion, caste or community who believes that the Arya-Brahmins are supreme race meant to rule the rest of the mankind and strives for imposition of Arya-Brahmin rule or strive for strengthening it by heart is an Arya-Brahminist.

4) Agent of Arya-Brahminist : Any person who work for establishing the supremacy of Arya-Brahmins to get some kind of favor is an agent of Arya-Brahmins.

5) Slave of Arya-Brahmins : Any person who is compelled to work for establishing the supremacy of Arya-Brahmins or to serve Arya-Brahmins against his wish is a slave of Arya-Brahmins.

6) Bahujans : The exploited and oppressed masses of the world who almost form 85% of total population are considered as Bahujans. In India OBC, Dalits, Muslims and Adivasi together constitute the population of Bahujans.

7) Bahujanism : Is ideology that ultimately aims to end exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahmins (no matter what they are called) and aims to establish exploitation free society in which the various sections of Bahujans get their representation in every field according to their population proportion and Bahujan masses directly control the representatives they choose to run the government.

Bahujanist : Is a person who fights against the exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahmins and their exploitation system; believes in equality, fraternity and brotherhood is Bahujanist.

Bahujanists include various Bahujan saints Such as Chakradhar, Namdev, Ravidas, Kabir, Tukaram, Harichand Thakur etc.; Social revolutionaries such as Pitamah Jyotirav Fule, Shahu Maharaj, Periyar E.V. Ramasami, Dr. Ambedkar, Guruchand Thakur etc; and communists such as Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao. All of them fought against exploitation and oppression of their time in the ways available to them under prevailing conditions.

9) Brahminism : The ideology that preaches supremacy of Arya-Brahmins over rest of the mankind and give Arya-Brahmins absolute power is Brahminism.

10) Manuism : Is Brahminism explained by Mr. Manu.

11) Dalits : Are castes compelled to do menial work and were declared as untouchables.

12) Manumedia : Media of exploiter Arya-Brahminists and the Illuminati and its exploiter class of the world.

13) Manusmriti : Book of the code of Mr. Manu.

14) OBC : Other backward classes.

15) Tri-Iblis : Iblis means Satan. Tri-Iblis is alliance of three satanic forces ( 1. Zionism, 2. Brahmanism and 3. American Imperialism) out to enslave indigenous masses of the world under the leadership of Satan worshipper Illuminati.

Total Gain of Brahminist Parties

Everybody including the communal-casteist Congress which was fear-ridden of getting ousted from power and of extinction, was extremely surprised to see their unimagined gain in 2009 elections that enabled Communal-Casteist Congress to capture the crown of India. With this win Communal-Casteist Congress and Arya-Brahminist Manumedia started intensive nationwide propaganda that it is the mandate for 1) stability {read stability of exploitation and oppression}, 2) negating regional parties {read Local Aspirations}, and 3) faith in national parties.

Our objective analyses and their synthesis made from the “Bahujan perspective” given below may give surprises to the reader of this copyright-free document.

Following table gives gain of Arya-Brahminist parties. In the table we have categorized these Arya-Brahminist parties into 1) Hardcore Brahminist parties (because of their anti-Bahujan activities) and 2) Deceptive Brahminist parties because they deceive masses wearing Bahujanwadi mask but in reality serve Brahminism and Arya-Brahmin interests.

From table 1 we find that hardcore Brahminist parties such as Communal-Casteist Congress, Trinmul Congress and All India Anna Dravid Munnetra Kazgam (ADMK) together have won 87 extra seats, out of which Communal-Casteist Congress gained 61 seats.

Although Communal-Casteist Congress has a gain of 61 seats but its percent gain is lower (61/145) 100 = 42.07%. than AIADMK which is [(9/0)100] = infinite  and of TC  which is [(17/2)100] = 850%.

Deceptive Brahminist parties such as Biju Janata Dal (BJD), Nationalist Congress party of Sharad Pawar (NCP), Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), National Conference and other Muslim parties of Upper caste Muslims (NC+) who have a little regional and non-Brahmin touch have gained 6 additional seats. Their percent gain collectively is of [(6/26)] = 23.07% which is marginal.

All these hardcore and deceptive Brahminist parties together have gained 93 seats in total. Now we objectively analyze why they gained these 93 seats and really where-form these seats have came.

Why the Fascist

Communal-Casteist Congress Captured Crown ?

Following are the main reasons why fascist communal-casteist Congress could capture the crown.

Reason No. 1 :

Arya-Brahmin Parties Ensured victory of Communal-Casteist Congress

In the very beginning we want to draw your attention to the fact that the combined Congress-BJP vote percent has remained unchanged.

Following table gives comparison of vote share of Brahminist Parties.

From table 2 when Brahminist parties are considered together, it become crystal clear that they have failed to improve their poll percent in spite of spending huge money and applying every tactics.

When these Arya-Brahminist parties utterly failed to gain the confidence of indigenous masses then why “Communal-Casteist Congress could capture Crown” by increasing its seats ? It is not difficult to answer this question. From table 2 it becomes clear that these Arya-Brahminist parties had developed secret understanding between themselves that they will transfer their votes to that candidate who had better chances of defeating indigenous candidates of OBC, Dalit, Adivasi Parties.

This strategy is being used widely since last few elections when Arya-Brahmin parties sensed that parties of indigenous masses may tie together and oust Arya-Brahmin rule from India. Therefore, following policy is being implemented by the Arya-Brahmin leadership in elections :-

1. Arya-Brahminist parties should insure that they should transfer their votes to the candidate of that Arya-Brahminist party having better prospects of defeating OBC, Dalit, Adivasi party candidate. Thus every Arya-Brahmin party must insure that indigenous parties do not become strong.

2. When the Communal-Casteist Congress and Communal-fascist BJP both are compelled to declare indigenous candidates from their party, then Arya-Brahmins should vote for the indigenous candidate who is most obedient and slave of Brahminism and who does not have capacity to become a slightest obstacle for Arya-Brahmin exploitation and oppression.

3. When Arya-Brahminist parties are compelled to declare nomination of indigenous candidates from their parties and an Arya-Brahmin defected and attained candidature from the party of indigenous Bahujans then Arya-Brahminists should transfer their votes to such candidate to protect Brhminism.

4. When Arya-Brahmins have no other alternative but to declare indigenous candidates faithful to Arya-Brahmin interests, the Arya-Brahmins should vote for that indigenous candidate who belonged to relatively higher caste.

5. When one candidate is indigenous while the other is Arya-Brahmin, All Arya-Brahmins should vote for the Arya-Brahmin candidate.

6. When both the declared candidates are Arya-Brahmin candidates, then All the Arya-Brahmins should vote for the candidate who is most faithful or who had higher probability of getting elected.

Communal-Casteist Congress, fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership as usual made secret understanding to defeat every Bahujan candidate irrespective of their party affiliation who can become threat to Arya-Brahmin hegemony.

1) BSP lost Azamgarh seat to Communal-fascist BJP because votes of Samajwadi party and Communal-Casteist Congress were shifted to communal-fascist BJP. As a result, while in 2004 Election SP had 35.32% votes and the Communal-Casteist Congress had 13.66% votes are now reduced to 17.57 and 4.42 percent respectively.

2) BSP lost Barabunki seat to Communal-Casteist Congress because SP and communal-fascist BJP votes shifted towards Communal-Casteist Congress along with Savarna votes of BSP itself. In 2004 Election SP and communal-fascist BJP had 32.48 and 21.47 percent votes respectively. Because of these deliberate transfer of votes, SP and communal-fascist BJP are reduced to 21.59 and 6.41 percent votes respectively.

3) BSP lost Chandauli seat to SP with a narrow margin because communal-fascist BJP which had 25.81% votes in 2004 reduced to 11.34% votes as a result of vote shifting in favor of SP and Communal-Casteist Congress. Savarna votes of BSP also shifted to SP and Communal-Casteist Congress.

4) BSP lost fatehpur seat to SP for the same reason. Communal-fascist BJP and Communal-Casteist Congress had 20.03 and 18.30 percent votes respectively. As a result of vote shifting they are reduced to 16.66 and 1.56 percent respectively. In this constituency also Savarna votes of BSP have migrated to SP.

5) BSP lost Machlishahr seat to SP because communal-fascist BJP which had 25.27% votes was reduced to 20.35% votes and BSP which had 35.10 % votes was reduced to 27.70% votes as a result of migration of Savarna votes of BSP.

6) BSP lost Mirzapur seat to SP because communal-fascist BJP and Communal-Casteist Congress shifted their votes to SP. Therefore communal-fascist BJP and Communal-Casteist Congress which had 22.74 and 19.33% votes are reduced to 19.06 and 7.67% respectively.

7) BSP lost Robertsganj seat to SP in spite of its little gain in its vote percent. Because mainly communal-fascist BJP votes shifted to SP. Fascist BJP which had 23.70 % votes after shifting reduced to 17.54%.

BSP lost Sultanpur seat to Communal-Casteist Congress because fascist BJP and SP shifted their votes to Communal-Casteist Congress in order to prevent the victory of BSP. SP had 22.16% and communal-fascist BJP had 12.67% votes in 2004 election. Votes of SP and communal-fascist BJP in 2009 election reduced to 15.24 and 6.28 respectively as a result of this vote shift.

9) BSP was defeated by Communal-Casteist Congress in Unnao because of vote shift to Communal-Casteist Congress. SP which had 29.33% reduced to 16.05%, communal-fascist BJP which had 17.30% reduced to 5.65% and above all BSP which had 32.57% was reduced to 19.17%. This lead Communal-Casteist Congress to reach to  52.56% votes.

Table 3 gives percent votes obtained by Samajwadi party where seats are won separately by communal-fascist BJP, the BSP, Communal-Casteist Congress and the RLD.

From table we find that where the SP won, it has highest vote percent of 38.5765. On the other hand seats from which communal-fascist BJP, Communal-Casteist INC, and the RLD won, the percent mean votes of SP are 18.4456, 15.1637 and 14.83 respectively. This makes it clear that where SP lost its votes were shifted towards other non-BSP parties.

But seats where BSP won average vote percent of SP is 23.8435. This is significantly higher than the vote percent of seats where communal-fascist BJP, Communal-Casteist INC and the RLD won. This higher vote percent of SP on seats where BSP won indicate that where there is tough contest among all parties everybody tries to increase its performance. Therefore the magnitude of shifted votes against BSP are relatively less.

Table 4 gives average vote percent of communal-fascist BJP in 2009 parliamentary elections.

From the table we find that where communal-fascist BJP has won, it has highest vote percent of 37.626. On the other hand where SP and Communal-Casteist Congress has won its vote percent is merely 15.0786 and 14.7635 respectively. This indicates that Savarna votes of communal-fascist BJP are shifted to Non-BSP parties in order to prevent BSP victory.

On the contrary for seats where BSP won the communal-fascist BJP vote percent is 18.8822 percent which is significantly higher than the vote percent for the seats where SP and Communal-Casteist Congress won. This again establishes that on seats where fight is multi-cornered and tough the shifting of votes occur less.

Table 5 below gives vote percent of Communal-Casteist Congress in 2009 parliamentary elections.

From the above table we find the same story repeated. Where Communal-Casteist Congress won it has highest vote percent of 38.2881. Vote shift of Communal-Casteist Congress is more in support of SP and RLD than for fascist BJP indicating that these votes might have belonged to secular Bahujans under the deception of Communal-Casteist Congress.

Where BSP won the Communal-Casteist Congress has relatively little higher vote share again indicating that BSP could win only where there were multi-cornered close fights preventing Non-BSP parties to shift their votes.

These are few of the examples among several which indicate how an internal understanding was reached to defeat BSP. Such understanding existed in earlier elections also. We have more than enough examples in support of this fact. BSP supremo Mayavati in her press conference alleged that parties opposed to BSP had unanimously voted for the candidate who appeared to have greater prospects of defeating BSP.

Arya-Brahminists belonging to every party sabotaged victory of non-Brahmin candidates who could become a threat to Arya-Brahmin leadership in general. As a result of this policy of secret understanding among Arya-Brahmins, Shushilkumar Shinde (Dalit) Ex Congress chief minister of Maharashtra  lost from Solapur constituency who had contested on ticket of Communal-Casteist Congress. Communal-Casteist Congress candidate Ex-Chief minister Mr. A. R. Antuley is also defeated. It should be remembered that Antuley had demanded inquiry into the murder of Maharashtra ATS chief Hemant Karkare and his colleagues suggesting that Arya-Brahmin terrorist organizations were responsible for their killings. From Bilaspur seat of Chhattisgarh Dr. Renu Jogi wife of Ajit Jogi was defeated on ticket of Communal-Casteist Congress. Mr Ajit Jogi has been a severe critique of Salva Judum and resulting massacres of indigenous masses. Vinay Katihar of communal-fascist BJP is also conspired to lose from Uttar Pradesh as he was becoming prominent Bahujan face in communal-fascist BJP and threat to mass-less Arya-Brahmin leadership of communal-fascist BJP. Katihar being a non-Brahmin mass leader had demanded quota for OBC, Dalit, Adivasi and Muslim women in women’s reservation Bill. Shankarshingh Waghela (OBC) of Communal-Casteist Congress also made to lose from Gujarat because of his pro-Bahujan attitudes. Dalit Buta Singh was denied party ticket by Communal-Casteist Congress and when he contested as an independent candidate it was ensured by Arya-Brahminists of all parties that he loses from Jalore seat of Rajastan. MDMK chief Vaiko was made to lose from Tamilnadu because he has been sympathetic to LTTE, Tamil Elam and LTTE chief Prabhakaran. Bangarappa (Dalit) was also conspired to be defeated. Margarett Alva who had dared to accuse Communal-Casteist Congress leadership of selling party tickets to higher bidders was also made to lose. Such a list is very long. Many of these so defeated leaders such as Shushil Kumar Shinde etc. were rehabilitated at the “mercy” of their Arya-Brahmin leadership to remain underdogs for ever. No Muslim candidate is elected from Maharashtra. This is sufficient to expose Communal-Casteist face of Congress.

Reason No. 2 :

Bahujan Parties veiled communal-Casteist face of Congress and Certified it Secular !

In fact aware section of common masses have been realizing that Communal-Casteist Congress was never secular and is inseparable part of Sangh-Parivar. It has becoming increasingly clear that :-

1) It was hypocrite Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi of communal-casteist Congress who did not want independence of India if OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi are placed equal with the Arya-Brahmins. Therefore he sat on hunger strike until death to compel Dr. B. R. Ambedkar to withdraw the separate electorate granted for Dalits by then British prime minister. Through Poona Pact he compelled Dalits  to surrender separate electorate which was invaluable political weapon of Dalits that not only ensured their every protection but would have made the indigenous Bahujans ruler of their country through the following process :- 1) Because in separate electorate voters were only Dalits hence they would have elected staunch revolutionary Dalits. Though the separate electorates were few in number their voice could not have been denied as it being the voice of whole Dalits. 2) In addition to voting right in separate electorate, the Dalits also had right to vote in joint electorate. With this vote they would have elected those Non Arya-Brahmin candidates who are committed to Bahujan interest. This would have soon ousted the Arya-Brahmin rule from India.

After Poona pact, communal-casteist Congress with Arya-Brahmin votes elected their Dalit stooges who for their selfish interests helped Arya-Brahmins to exploit OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi indigenous masses in every respect. That is why communal-casteist Congress and its stooges are glorifying “Poona Pact’ day as Dalit rights day which is nothing other that “stooge-rights day”.

2) Under the leadership of Communal-casteist Congress handed over areas dominated by Dalits, Chakma and other militant communities where Muslims were in minority. These areas were Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh province. They were handed over to Pakistan to establish Arya-Brahmin political hegemony in west Bengal and punish Bengali Dalits who had elected Dr. B. R. Ambedkar on constituent assembly when communal-casteist Congress had sworn to keep him out of constituent assembly. In Chittagong hills 98% of Chakma believed in Buddhism through the ages. This was the only region devoid of Hindu or Muslim population. In spite of that the whole region was handed over to Pakistan by Arya-Brahminist rulers to see that Arya-Brahmin rule remain intact in West Bengal. Arya-Brahmins are still avenging Bengali refugees in worst possible satanic ways. For complete details please log on to our blog at  http://sheetalmarkam.wordpress.com and please read “Arya-Brahmin Vengeance on  Bengali-Tamil Dalits & Chakma Adivasi Indigenous Refugees ” in ” Arya-Brahmin vengeance” category of the blog.

3) It was communal-casteist Congress which to protect Arya-Brahmin rule partitioned motherland into India and Pakistan and unleashed communal carnage on indigenous masses to keep them divided in communal frenzy. This ensured that indigenous Muslims and non-Muslims who originally belong to Nag-Dravid community keep on killing each other, shall always remain deprived and will never unite to oust their common Arya-Brahmin enemy.

4) Dr. Ambedkar wanted to make provision of reservation for backward Muslims through Indian constitution. He tried to persuade Maulana Abul Kalam Azad in this regard. But Mr. Azad who was an upper caste Muslim leader of communal-casteist Congress accused Dr. Ambedkar that he was trying to divide Muslims and refused the offered reservation for backward Muslims.

5) Jawaharlal Nehru and his company wanted to create disturbances in Islam. They were successful in keeping provision of common civil code in article 45 which was brought to meet their intention of creating disturbances in Islam. No upper caste Muslim leaders opposed the provision.

6) It was Nehru the leader of Communal casteist Congress who had issued instructions that Muslims should not be appointed in military and other services. (Dalit Voice, 1-15 May2001) George Fernandez had revealed that Mrs. Gandhi the leader of communal-casteist Congress before the 1971 war in Bangla Desh had issued an order to chief ministers of Indian states that No Muslims be appointed in Army and on important posts. (Nav Bharat, 30 September 2003) Then home minister of Congress Mr. Govind Vallabh Pant had issued an order that Muslims should not be appointed in Army or their appointment should be kept minimum. The order issued by him is still effective because no government until now made it null and void. (Nav Bharat, 13 April 2006)

7) In year 1935 Arya-Brahmins were 3% in bureaucracy. The communal-casteist policies of Nehru and its communal-casteist Congress raised Arya-Brahmin strength in services from 3% to 70%. till 1989.(V.T. Rajshekar, Dialogue of the Bhudevtas)

It was communal-casteist congress which enforced in Indian constitution the provision of banning cow-slaughter through article 48 forgetting that cow-flesh is cheap and is eaten as food my Christians, Muslims as well as by Hindu castes. The number of cow-eaters is more among non-Muslims than the Muslims. Upper caste Muslims and upper caste Christians did not oppose the article.

9) It is communal-casteist Congress which has kept OBC away from their legitimate reservation. Communal-casteist Congress refused to appoint commission to determine OBC reservation. When Dr. Ambedkar resigned from government in protest of this and threatened to launch agitation, communal casteist Congress appointed Kaka Kalelkar Commission and did not implement its recommendations to give 52% reservations to OBC. Kaka Kalelkar himself a Brahmin and leader of communal-casteist Congress wrote in his personal letter to Nehru not to implement the recommendations of his commission. After decades Mandal commission was organized to decide OBC reservation. Again it was communal-casteist Congress which did not implement OBC reservation recommended by Mandal Commission.

10) It was communal-casteist Congress who to sidetrack the issue of implementation of Mandal commission recommendations to OBC engineered operation blue star and demolished golden temple of Sikhs in Amritsar. The whole country was kept charged with the communal frenzy in which OBC issue was completely sidetracked.

11) Communal-casteist Congress to sidetrack the issue of OBC reservation sent so called peace keeping force in Shri Lanka.

12) Communal casteist Congress to sidetrack the issue of OBC reservation had laid the foundation of demolition of Babri Mosque. Then deputy commissioner of Faizabad Mr. K. K. Nair issued an administrative proposal on 10th October 1949 to general administration that a Ram temple be build in Ayodhya. Few months after that stealthily a idol of Rama was installed in Babri Mosque and the very next day the mosque was locked and Muslims were prohibited from performing Namaz in Babri mosque. (In 1983 Indira Gandhi had took out Hindu Ekatmta Yatra.) In the regime of communal-casteist Congress Mr. Arun Nehru minister of communal-casteist Congress opened gates of Babari mosque for Hindus to offer prayers to Ram idol (installed earlier) implementing the order of a Brahmin judge Mr. Pande. While the Hindus were allowed prayers in mosque, Muslims were prevented from performing Namaz. Prime minister Rajeev Gandhi of communal-casteist Congress Performed Shilanyas in 1989 and had announced RamRajya. Communal casteist Congress let the Babri Mosque to be demolished. Mr. P. V. Narsingha Rao of communal-casteist Congress on TV happily watched Babri Mosque being demolished. The whole country was again thrown into communal carnages. Congress leaders actively helped in these carnages and genocides with the parties openly declared as communalists.

13) It was communal-casteist Congress which had created state sponsored genocides of Sikhs all over India and Delhi.

14) It is communal-casteist Congress which did not do anything to punish the culprits of Sikh carnages.

15) According to the Hitwada (6 November 2004) Arya-Brahminists of communal-casteist Congress riding Indian government gave 1.5 million dollar amount to then Punjab governor Mr. Surendra Nath so that in Punjab (in the name of Khalistani militants) and in Kashmir (in the name of Muslim terrorists) such terrorist activities should be executed which will make them unpopular and people will hate them. terrorist CAT force was formed which accomplished this task. It is alleged that Arya-Brahmins riding Indian government killed 115000 (One Lac fifteen thousand) Sikhs in Punjab since 1984, since 1947 killed 150000 Christians in Nagaland and since 1988 killed 43000 Muslims in Kashmir.

16) It is under the rule of communal-casteist Congress that Arya-Brahmins ensured that no killer of Dalits and Muslims be punished. Communal-casteist Congress never implemented decisions of Commissions such as Shrikrishna Commission to punish culprits of communal riots.

17) Forget about, common masses even the communal-casteist Congress did nothing to save family of its own member of parliament in genocide of Muslims in Gujarat. The sister of late Ahsan Jafari the member of parliament accused that when rioters were attacking their house, her brother on phone requested every leader and officer including Mrs. Sonia Gandhi  to protect them from the rioters but no action was taken. (Nav Bharat, 15 December 2002) It is accused that workers and leaders of the communal-casteist Congress actively participated in the genocide of Muslims in Gujarat.

Congress has engineered genocides of Muslim all over India having mutual understanding with fascist Sangh-Parivar organizations. An Ex-chief minister of communal-casteist Congress has admitted in his autobiography that communal riot in Bhagalpur was engineered by then chief minister. But communal-casteist Congress took no action in this regard. (Lokmat Samachar, 3 August 2005) it was communal casteist Congress who advised president Abdul Kalam that using his special privileges he should not deliver to Nanawati Commission investigating Gujarat riots the copies of letters that then president of India K. R. Narayanan (Dalit) had written to then prime minister Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpeyi to take immediate measures to stop Gujarat riots. (Samrat, 25 September 2005)

18) It was Narsingha Rao, the prime minister of communal-casteist Congress government, in order to make reservation meaningless had started privatization of government units because in private industries there is no reservation. Thousands of reserved jobs were thus instantly abolished and Arya-Brahmin boys and girls occupied these jobs in privatized units. Communal-casteist Congress had intensified the policy of liberalization, globalization and privatization in the interest of Arya-Brahmins while making the life of Bahujans hellish.

19) It is communal-casteist Congress which is implementing policy of “Special Economic Zones” and uprooting millions of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi Bahujans from their ancestral homes and making their life hellish. This is being done to ensure high posts for their Arya-Brahmin boys and girls in these SEZs which are given status analogous to  “foreign territory’ where they have every facility to loot the country and the workers without fear.

20) It is communal-casteist Congress which in collaboration with communal-fascist BJP is performing genocides and rapes of Adivasi through “Salva Judum” campaign of state sponsored private armed forces. Salva Judum is being launched with intention to extinct Adivasi from their ancestral land so that their land can be occupied by Multinational companies for mining precious minerals.

21) It was communal-casteist Congress which while its rule in Orissa, had ensured jobs for their Arya-Brahmin women by implementing women’s reservation in Orissa without providing quota for OBC, Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi women in women’s reservations. Communal-casteist Congress very well knew that because OBC, Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi women’s quota is not decided hence they shall be at liberty to select their Arya-Brahmin women on jobs blaming OBC, Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi women “not suitable”.

22) It is communal-casteist Congress in unison with fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership are yearning to implement women’s reservation bill in parliament without ensuring Quota of OBC, Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi women because they want to grab entire seats for their Arya-Brahmin women.

23) Adivasi land bill had made obligatory for Kerala government to ensure return of the Adivasi land to Adivasi which was grabbed by non-adivasi. It was communal-casteist Congress which along with its Brahmin fake communist leadership of CPM and CPI ensured that  the bill shall never be implemented in Kerala. They shamelessly kept on amending the bill and prevented Adivasi land to be handed over to the Adivasi masses.

24) It was communal casteist Congress who executed genocide of Adivasi in Muthanga forest. These Adivasis had made settlement at Muthanga barren land and made it their haven were demanding Congress government to fulfill their agreement with Adivasi leader C. K. Janu and allot them the land as per written agreement between them.  Communal casteist Congress in unison with Brahmin fake communist leadership of CPI and CPM have been evicting Adivasi from their land and selling the land to the land Mafia. (for complete details please read our Hindi awareness book “Brahmanwad Ki Giraft Me Dam Todata Samyavadi Inkelab by Sheetam Markam pp. 480, price Rs. 150/- send MO to Mrs. Sujata Wasnik, 14, Thaware Colony, Nagpur – 440014 (India)).

25) It is communal-casteist Congress which took no action against the fake communist government of West Bengal which was perpetrators of genocides of Bengali Dalit refugees settled in Morichjhapi of Sunderban. This genocide of Dalits was greater than the alleged genocides committed by Hitler.

26) It is communal-casteist Congress which had done everything to protect the fascist government of West Bengal lead by Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership which had executed state sponsored genocides, rapes and mutilation of genitals of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi women in Nandigram.

27) It is the communal-casteist Congress which is compelling scavengers to carry human excreta on their head. Communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership do not want abolition of this inhuman system as they want Valmiki community to remain below animal level.

28) To further make Valmiki community dependent upon Arya-Brahmins the communal casteist Congress in unison with communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership privatized scavenging services. As a result Arya-Brahmin owned organizations such As Sulabh having contracts with state and local administrations construct Lavatories in public places and appoint scavengers at meager wages and earn fabulous profit. Communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership could have formed societies of Valmiki community and could have given them contracts to build lavatories etc and run the whole sanitary services. But how can these Arya-Brahmins do that because their only intention is to transform Valmiki community below the status of filthy animals.

29) In the foreground of Jaipur high court a statue of Manu was inaugurated on 28 June 1989 in the presence of then chief minister of fascist communal-casteist Congress. According to Manu Brahmins own everything that exists in world and every property of non-Brahmins belong and Brahmins even the Brahmins can can execute massacres of non-Brahmins.

Above mentioned example are few among the thousands. They make it crystal clear that communal-casteist congress, communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership are inseparable part of fascist Sangh-Parivar committed to reduce indigenous Bahujans below the level of filthy animals.

From the very begining a systematic, intensive propaganda is being carried out through OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi stooge leaders,  stooge Bahujan intellectuals and  stooge journalists at national and international level to hide the Communal-Casteist and fascist face of Congress. Intensive attempts are being made to retain the illusion that Congress is secular party. Many Bahujan journalist have also under the influence of this illusion keep on asserting that Sonia Gandhi is secular and well-wisher of Bahujans while few elements in Congress such as Manmohan Singh are communal and anti-Bahujans. They have repeatedly made open appeals to Sonia Gandhi through their writings to check these anti-Bahujan Congressmen. This was made to create illusion that Sonia Gandhi is savior of Bahujans. This propaganda of so called Dalit-Bahujan journalists has helped to hide dirty fascist communal face of Communal-Casteist Congress.

Lalu Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Ramvilas Pasvan etc. have been allying with Communal-Casteist Congress and vehemently certified that Communal-Casteist Congress is secular and well-wisher of Bahujans. Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Ramvilas Pasvan have been repeatedly vouching to remain faithful soldiers of Sonia Gandhi the leader of communal-Casteist Congress. Even BSP did not lag behind in vouching Communal-Casteist Congress as secular party as it has been declaring its unconditional support to congress government at centre from outside. These supports created illusion that Communal-Casteist Congress is secular and well-wisher of Bahujans. Therefore unaware Bahujan section considered their worst enemy as their best friend and savior. This ensured that when Communal-Casteist Congress is in position to defeat fascist  BJP the indigenous masses will vote Communal-Casteist Congress to prevent fascist BJP from coming to power.

Now when the communal-casteist Congress has captured the crown, BSP has again declared its unconditional support to Communal-Casteist Congress government from outside. This decision of BSP makes it clear that like other parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi BSP leaders also want to consider enemies of Bahujans as their friends because of their selfish interests. BSP founder Kanshiram used to call Communal-Casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP as Snakes and Kobra. Kanshiram occasionally allied with them to benefit party and mission from their contradictions. While doing this he made it crystal-clear to his party workers and Dalit masses that these parties of Arya-Brahmin leadership are their worst enemies.

By certifying communal-casteist Congress as secular the parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi have dug their own grave and are about to be pushed into this very grave they have dug for themselves.

Reason No. 3 :

Attempting Communal Polarization

RSS had realized that the way common masses have realized the terrorist and anti-national face of Sangh-Parivar terrorist organizations and their relation with Mossad-CIA and ISI it will not possible for communal-fascist BJP to come into power. They tried to compensate this loss by creating communal polarization of Hindu votes in favor of communal-fascist BJP and polarization of secular votes in favor of communal-casteist Congress. According to this strategy, few leaders of communal-fascist BJP declared Narendra Modi as their prime ministerial candidate. Several Arya-Brahminist industrialists including Tata declared Narendra Modi as their favorite prime ministerial candidate. The venomous speeches of Mr. Varun Gandhi was also part of the same strategy.

Fascist RSS was sure that  communal-fascist BJP as well as Communal-Casteist Congress will certainly  benefit from the attempts of creating communal frenzy. This polarization has helped them because Communal-Casteist Congress was successful in getting Muslim votes. Muslim masses did not vote for the Muslim candidates of indigenous parties because they were not in position to defeat fascist BJP. Communal frenzy benefited fascist BJP in the states where Bahujan masses are unaware and under the firm grip of Brahmin religion. The victory of Varun Gandhi and Maneka Gandhi and win of fascist BJP in Karnataka proves this.

At the places where people have tasted the agonies of communal violence were fed up of fascist terrorist organizations of Sangh Parivar as even the Hindus were made victims by these fascists to arouse communal frenzy against the Muslims. The uppers caste Arya-Brahmins and Bania developed a fear that if future Bahujan terrorist groups start attacking Arya-Brahmins in retaliation to the communal misdeeds of fascist Sangh-Parivar organizations, their life would become more miserable than the life of poor Muslims who are accustomed to bear fire of harsh poverty. This fear has resulted in reduced votes of communal-fascist BJP in Gujarat. Communal-fascist BJP’s vote share in the Gujarat 18 months since the 2007 Assembly elections has come down from 49.12 per cent to 46.52 per cent reducing its votes by 2.6%. In 2004 general election communal-fascist BJP secured 47.37 per cent. This time it secured 46.52% which is less by -0.67%. Even the loyalists of communal-fascist BJP admit that the results have put the brakes on Modi’s national ambitions.

Reason No. 4 :

Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership ensured Anti-Congress Secular Votes go waste !

But above measures alone were not enough to ensure Arya-Brahminist crown. It also needed that anti-congress secular votes do not go to Parties of Bahujan leadership. Therefore, Arya-Brahmin fake communist leaders deliberately created a weak third front that will waste a significant number of anti-Congress secular votes. To ensure that the so called third front remains weak, name of Mayawati was brought into third front with the active support of BSP general Secretary Satish Mishra (Brahmin) only to keep Mulayam Singh Yadav out of the third front. In spite of their declaring BSP as part of third front Mayavati had no alliance with third front parties and she contested election single handedly. This makes it clear that her inclusion in third front was simply an illusion created to keep Mulayam out of third front in the interest of Arya-Brahmin crown. Mayavati also allowed this illusion to linger simply to prevent Mulayam Singh Yadav from joining third front and getting whatever little help the third front parties would have caused if he had joined the third front. She had also feared that inclusion of Mulayam may have paved a way for Lalu Prasad Yadav and Ramvilas Paswan to join the third front and become her formidable rival.

Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership leading the so called  third front supported the stooges and worst enemies of Bahujans having secular mask on their dirty face. For example, one Yashvant Manohar from Nagpur having a reputation of a Bahujan thinker and a literary personality was supported by the Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership. Manohar turned to be a worst enemy of Bahujans as he made propaganda in support of Poona-pact asserting that Poona-Pact has ensured Dalit rights. This meant that communal and racist Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi who fasted to death and compelled Dr. Ambedkar to sign Poona Pact was savior of Dalits and Dr. Ambedkar who opposed Poona pact (and kept on repenting for signing Poona pact) was therefore enemy of Dalits. Arya-Brahminists have been supporting such traitors to glorify Poona pact. One of such traitors  is Dr. Tulsiram who dance at the tune of the Arya-Brahminists in support of Poona pact. His one such article is published in Daily Lokmat Samachar (7 June 2009) which is run by a leader of communal-casteist Congress.

Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership supported degraded Dalit-Bahujan candidates posing them secular and progressive to benefit Communal-Casteist Congress and bring Arya-Brahmin rule in India.

Reason No. 5 :

Benefit of Vote-Split in Favor of Congress

Communal-Casteist Congress is benefited from the vote-split in favor of Congress specially in Andhra Pradesh and west Maharashtra.

Andhra Pradesh has 42 parliamentary seats out of which Communal-Casteist Congress has bagged 33 seats. Table 5 gives details of votes obtained by Communal-Casteist Congress and votes obtained by party having second position plus the votes of newly formed Praja Rajyam Party in Andhra Pradesh for 25 constituencies where their combine total exceed votes obtained by Communal-Casteist Congress.

The average difference per seat comes to 1,28,647.28 votes. This difference is far greater to be bridged by Communal-Casteist Congress. Praja Rajyam Party had made Social Justice as its main election issue.

If these votes had not divided then Communal-Casteist Congress would have had 33 minus 25 = 8 seats only in Andhra Pradesh. The national tally of Communal-Casteist Congress then would have come down to 181.

The constituencies in which the above difference is observed are Peddapalle, Karimnagar, Nizamabad, Malkangiri, Nagarkulum, Mehbubabad, Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, Anakapalli, Kakinada, Almapuram, Rajamundry, Naraspuram, Erulu, Vijaywada, Guntur, Bapatla, Ongole, Nadyal, Kurnool, Anantpur, Nellore, Tirupati, and Rajampet.

The results above make it clear that if TDP, PRP join hands then Communal-Casteist Congress will be almost wiped out from Andhra Pradesh.

In Maharashtra, particularly in Mumbai, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena was instrumental in splitting BJP-Shivsena votes. Because BJP, ShivSena and Congress are two sides of the same Brahminist rule it makes to us no difference who is benefited from whom.

Reason No. 6 :

Disillusion of Indigenous Masses From Bahujan Parties

It is important to know the present character of indigenous parties into which they have been transformed. We will try to explain their transformed character using the analogy of a coin.

One side of the Manuist coin (Brahminist Exploitation System) has Pseudo-secular, hypocritical liberal face. In India this side is represented by Communal-Congress and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership of communist parties of India. Other side of the coin contain fascist communal face that frighten the secular indigenous masses and push them to other extreme Pseudo-secular side while this side itself garner support of communal racist masses mainly containing Arya-Brahmins and communalized indigenous masses under the grip of Brahmin religion. In India this side is represented by communal-casteist BJP and terrorist organizations of Sangh-Parivar. Between these two sides there is a thickness side of the Manuist coin. This part is represented by the parties who pretend to oppose the parties representing each side of the Manuist coin. Bahujan masses have been speedily realizing that the electioneering parties of indigenous Bahujans which did not remain loyal to the struggle of indigenous Bahujan masses against exploitation and oppression are converted into a thickness side of the Manuist coin viz. Manuist-Brahminist exploitation system. In India electioneering parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi constitute this thickness part. Pretending to be Bahujanist, they draw support from masses who are disillusioned from communal-casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP realizing them as worst  enemies of indigenous Bahujan masses.

Because the parties representing “Thickness-Side”  of the “Manuist-Coin” are incompetent for real struggle due to their incompetent, selfish and coward leadership, they can not do more than lip-service regarding issues vital for indigenous  Bahujans. They can not go beyond fake struggle because they are incapable of launching the kind of struggle required to destroy the Arya-Brahminist exploitation system and to establish Bahujanwadi Samajik Gantantra in its place. Their organization is nothing more than the crowd collected to garner votes and money in the name of Fule, Shahu, Ayyankali,  Ambedkar, Periyar etc. Bahujan liberation warriors. Therefore their organizations are unfit for struggle against exploitation and oppression.

These parties of the three sides of Manuist coin are mutually dependent on each other as they draw strength from each other. Because communal fascist organizations commit atrocities on Dalit-Bahujans these parties are able to garner their support by launching fake struggle and profit in election. Therefore, fascist communal organizations must remain strong to commit atrocities on OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi masses so that parties representing thickness part of Manuist Coin can continue to reap the benefits in election.

It is crystal clear from the following news that almost all electioneering parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi established secret understanding with Savarna Armed forces such as Ranveer Sena and other Savarna terrorist organizations and protected them :-

PATNA: More than a dozen scholars from UK and USA have urged chief minister Rabri Devi to probe the links between the Ranvir Sena and political parties. Sena’s links with a prominent state Congress leader and an RJD minister should also be investigated, they have said. In a fax message to the CM, they expressed that …. the Ranvir Sena, which is a feudal, upper caste, anti-woman, anti-Dalit and anti-poor terror group linked to the Sangh Parivar, is being nurtured and protected by your government and important ministers. This despite the fact that the Sena has been declared an outlawed outfit,” they said.  “The level of complicity of your administration and the patronage of the state government is demonstrated by the killing of Manju Devi in broad daylight despite the presence of the district officials, particularly the SP, who went to the spot but came back without disturbing the Sena men who stayed on in the village of the prominent Congress leader,” they pointed out. They also demanded that the Arwal police and civil officials be taken to task for dereliction of duty and the DM and SP be punished with suspension. ( http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ UK, US scholars for probe into Ranvir Sena’s links Pranava K Chaudhary 27 Nov, 2003) Congress as well as JD candidates, all competed with each other in garnering the support of Ranvir Sena. The JD MP, after victory, demanded the lifting of ban on it. It was visible again when they jointly launched a protest movement against the transfer of the DM and SP after the Bathani Tola massacre. CPI-CPI(M) played a very dubious role by conducting sustained propaganda that Maley’s exaggeration of the contradiction between labourers and farmers, its casteist politics and adventurist actions are to be primarily blamed for the rise of Ranvir Sena. (http://www.cpiml.org/index.htm More on the Ranvir Sena) Leader of Opposition in the Bihar Assembly Sushil Kumar Modi at a press conference  alleged that Lalu Yadav was twice instrumental in the release of Ranveer Sena chief Brahmeshwar Singh from police custody, after his arrest in Patna and Dhanbad. He alleged that a senior member of the Rabri Devi Cabinet had turned his official residence into a hideout of Ranvir Sena.  (http://www.expressindia.com/ Laloo has links with Ranvir Sena: BJP  PRESS TRUST OF INDIA) Patna, April 7 (IANS) The Bihar government’s sudden decision to wind up a commission probing the political connections of the powerful upper caste militia Ranvir Sena just when it was conducting final hearings has raised more than a few eyebrows here. Justice Amir Das, who headed the commission set up in 1997 after the infamous Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre, is perplexed by the recent decision of the Nitish Kumar government to not give another “last” extension. “I fail to understand why this government was not keen for an extension. The heavens wouldn’t have fallen if only six months extension had been granted. I was near to finishing the final report as the final hearing was going on,” Das told IANS over the phone. The last person to depose before the commission was jailed Ranvir Sena chief Brahmeshwar Singh, who was arrested two years ago and is believed to have masterminded the killings of at least 300 Dalits and backward castes since forming the group in 1994. Others who had been summoned over the years include nearly 40 politicians. These include Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader C.P. Thakur, former state Congress president Ram Jatan Sinha, now in Lok Janshakti Party, union Minister of State for Agriculture Akilesh Singh from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Janata Dal-United’s Sunil Pandey – from various parties but all upper caste Bhumihars. Deputy Chief Minister Sushil Kumar Modi and former BJP president Murli Manohar Joshi were also among the 450 witnesses that deposed. According to RJD leader Shyam Razak, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar wound up the commission under pressure from vested interests. “Some powerful people in the government were likely to figure in the report if it was submitted,” the Dalit leader said. A senior police officer, who demanded that Ranvir Sena be declared a terrorist outfit, said the probe was the only way to expose the political patronage that Ranvir Sena enjoyed. (http://www.bihartimes.com/ Nitish winds up Ranvir Sena probe at last stage)

The CPI-ML has questioned the Nitish Kumar government’s sudden decision to wind up the Amir Das Commission when it was conducting its final hearings and was close to preparing a final report. He alleged that the decision to wind up the commission was part of a political move to save the skin of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leaders. No other party has voiced its protest. (http://www.bihartimes.com/ CPI-ML questions decision to wind up Ranvir Sena probe ) Patna – The Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist (CPI-ML) has demanded the dismissal of Bihar Deputy Chief Minister Sushil Kumar Modi after a probe report suggested that Modi and several other ruling coalition leaders had links with the Ranvir Sena, an upper caste militia. The CPI-ML also demanded a public apology from Chief Minister Nitish Kumar for winding up the Justice Amir Das Commission into the political connections of the Ranvir Sena. The demands come in the wake of leakage of portions of the report in the media. (http://www.indiaenews.com/politics/20060501/ CPI-ML takes Bihar government to task over probe report) It’s well-known that the Sena enjoys the patronage of sections of the BJP, Congress and the RJD. And it is this all-party character of its support that gives the Sena its strength. So despite being a banned group, there has been no crackdown yet on the Sena. On the contrary, RJD leader and Union Minister Chandradeo Prasad Verma openly demanded that the ban on Ranvir Sena be lifted when there was pressure for a crackdown after the Bathani Tola massacre in July 1997. (http://www.expressindia.com Ranvir Sena thriving on politicians’ support  Yogesh Vajpeyi )

What these indigenous electioneering parties can do at the most is only lip service that too in unavoidable circumstances. Even while doing lip service they take care not to make their Savarna votes (which are negligible in number) angry. These electioneering organizations of Dalit Adivasi ensure that their community men tolerate every kind of inhuman oppression committed upon them by the Savarna Arya-Brahmin exploiters & oppressors. This statement may look harsh but it is a bitter reality.

Whenever houses of we Bahujans are burnt, we are beaten to death, we are burnt alive, our mothers, sisters and daughters are raped then the leaders of Bahujan organizations who basically are “vote beggars” come and deliver lectures, take out processions, issue statements and give deputations. Dr. Ambedkar told masses to die while retaliating oppressors protecting their rights, property and self respect of their women. But the leaders do not want to cross “Latthi-men Rekha” (goons armed with solid bamboo sticks) of Arya-Brahmin oppressors even though the victims or likely victims are ready to sacrifice their lives fighting against these filthy oppressors.

After a week or two all these birdies (leaders) fly back to their respective nests to leave we victims at the mercy of the very Arya-Brahminist oppressors. Arya-Brahminist controlled Police see that the Dalit case is weakened. Witnesses and victims are threatened. The culprits are released on bell to terrorize we Dalit victims. Brahmin bureaucracy and judiciary ensure that the case is prolonged indefinitely and no justice is made and in this process we the victims and our friends suffer loss of money, energy, time and our life becomes more miserable. Those amongst us who had the courage to raise voice against injustice, having realized that no punishment is given to the oppressors loose all hope and develop a mentality to tolerate more brutal injustice and not a sigh of protest. The oppressors are thus encouraged to commit more excesses. Such a change is brought in us by the “vote-beggar leaders” of Bahujan organizations. Read Marathi daily Mahanayak and Samrat and you find news of atrocity committed on Bahujans almost daily. The Savarna oppressors, are confident that they can forcibly impose their Manucracy on we Bahujans with full support of Israel and America. Arya-Brahmins had all hidden support and help of Israel and America in their state sponsored massacre of we Muslims of Gujarat.

After entering into parliament the leaders of indigenous Bahujans have realized that the Indian exploitation system is an inseparable part of exploitation system of world. Observing the real draconian face of this exploitation system of Tri-Iblis they realized that they are incapable of launching the kind of struggle required to uproot the exploitation system of Illuminati maintained through the Tri-Iblis. The Illuminati governed Tri-Iblis is destroying the lives of toiling masses of the world through the liberalization, privatization and globalization. But how can selfish incompetent leaders even dream to launch a genuine struggle against such exploitation and oppression ? Therefore, the selfish incompetent leaders of Bahujan organizations have become the true disciples of three monkeys of the hypocrite and racist Mr. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. These Bahujan leaders in the intoxication of power and money have decided neither to speak against the exploitation of Tri-Iblis, nor to listen anything against the exploitation system of Tri-Iblis and the question of seeing exploitation of masses by tri-Iblis does not arise as they now do not belong to the community of toiling masses. Hence, they can never fight against liberalization, privatization and globalization which is introduced by Brahminist-Zionist Illuminati through the Tri-Iblis to enslave and exploit the toiling masses of the world.

Bahujan leaders have long back stopped bothering about the exploitation of masses. They know that Bahujan masses have been voting Congress to prevent BJP from coming in to power. Therefore, toiling Bahujan masses have no alternative but to vote these Bahujan parties wherever they are strong. Then why to bother about the toiling masses ? Chief ministers of Bahujan parties continue to visit the “Darbars” of Arya-Brahmin industrialists and beg them to open their industries in their state and promise them to provide all kinds of opportunity to exploit indigenous Bahujan masses in lieu of their commission. Thus they are satisfying their selfish interests by promoting exploitation and oppression of Bahujans by the Tri-Iblis.

The election fund created by all industrialists under “common minimum exploitation and looting program” have received guarantee that in lieu of huge election donation from this fund to all political parties, these parties shall insure the exploitation and loot of toiling masses by the Brahminist-Zionist exploiters.

The political parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi have remained indifferent from every issue that is a matter of life and death of the indigenous masses. They have done nothing for Dalit Bengali refugees who for protecting self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar are still being hunted and pushed into India-Bangla Desh Border to be killed by security forces of either country. They have done nothing when in Nandigram women of Dalits and Muslims were being mass-raped, their genitals being mutilated, their bodies cut into pieces and thrown in to river, their houses looted and burned by the goons of CPI-CPM. They have done nothing when in Morichzapi Bengali Dalit refugees were massacred by the state arm forces of Arya-Brahmin fake communist leader Jyoti Basu. They did nothing when Arya-Brahmin fake communist government of Jyoti Basu deliberately made the Dalit, OBC, Muslims and Adivasi food for Sunderban tigers. They did nothing against Liberalization, privatization and globalization. They did nothing against the SEZs which have displaced millions of Bahujans and made their life hellish. They have done nothing to oppose Salva Judum which is another name of state sponsored massacres, state sponsored mass-rapes and looting in the interest of Multinational companies. Bahujan parties did anything concrete to protect the slums of Bahujans from being demolished.  In Maharashtra in SET examination full name of the candidates is compulsorily written resulting victimization of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi candidates aspiring to become college lecturers. No party has ever objected against this unfair practice and similar practices which are in thousands in number. Union Public Service commission to ensure 50% reservation for Arya-Brahmins has been denying OBC, SC, ST candidate qualifying in the open list a place in open list on the pretext that they did not beforehand declared that they are contesting for open category. In the foreground of Jaipur high court a statue of Manu was inaugurated on 28 June 1989 in the presence of then chief minister of fascist communal-casteist Congress. According to Manu Brahmins own everything that non-Brahmins belong and Brahmins even can execute massacres of non-Brahmins. No party of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi are able to remove this inhuman statue.

Brahminist government has ensured that the Bahujan children remain uneducated and their parents be punished for their remaining uneducated. Hon. Mastaram Kapoor is extremely disappointed with the apathetic attitude of Bahujan leaders regarding the education of Bahujan children. He writes that the Indian constitution made government responsible to give free education to children up to age 14 years. This included “Anganwadi” and Nursary schools as well. But the communal-casteist BJP government has removed this clause from schedule IV and included it in the fundamental rights and removed the word “free”; and in place of up to 14 years included 6-14 years. {therefore government has no responsibility to provide free education and to provide education to children up to 6 years.} Now the government is not responsible for preschool education. Because of this amendment children will remain uneducated and the government and its judiciary will have power to punish parents for not sending their children to schools. Governments will simply say that it had provided schools no matter whether they are beyond the reach and beyond the capacity of toiling masses. Those who were expected to raise strong protest kept mum in parliament. (Lokmat Samachar, 13th January 2003) Government is seriously thinking to punish the parents who do not send their children having age of 6-14 years to school. Gram Panchayats will also be punished in this regard. (Lokmat Samachar, 11th July 2003)

Half of the schools in country have no buildings, 40% schools do not have black boards and in one third of schools (33.33% of schools) only one teacher teaches all the sections and classes. Brahminists riding the government spend Billions of rupees in preparing and exploding nuclear bombs, to make computer revolution, to become host of Asiad and Olympic, to raise “Panchasheel flag” on the rod of atom bomb, on foreign tours of leaders and ministers, but can not spend on the education of Bahujan children. Only one percent of budget is spent on primary education. Education gives masses power to question and this very thing the so called elected kings do not like. By spending only eight hundred crore rupees the whole world can be educated. This amount is even less than the 4 days expenditure on arms or less than the expenditure made on ice cream in America, or is 1/5th of the expenditure made on cosmetics in Europe. (Lokmat Samachar, 7th July 2003) Such a list of indifference of so called Bahujan organizations towards issues of life and death of Bahujan masses is unending.

State power is the master key to open all the doors of prosperity. But Bahujans must not forget that the Arya-Brahmins though allowed Kshatriyas to hold state power but they exclusively retained with them the right to use these keys. Becoming such a ruler who has no power to use keys to open any door of prosperity is no different than a puppet. Such puppet ruler is simply the door keeper of the doors of prosperity. He has no right to enter into it. Brahmins have made Kshatriyas puppet kings to serve Brahmin interest and strengthen exploitation system of Brahmin religion. Similarly, Brahminist-Zionist Illuminati who control America has installed their puppets to rule over several countries of the world. Therefore, the rule of Bahujans in several states of India does not mean the rule of Bahujan masses.

Party leaders of indigenous Bahujans are fully aware that if they have to come to power they will have to ensure full protection to the exploitation system of Brahminist-Zionist exploiters. Their should not be harmed even slightly. The leaders of Bahujan parties have departed from their basic program and entered into the Brahminist filthy marsh to such extent that it is impossible for them to come back. They are continuously crushing the party principles beneath their feet and are implementing anti-people agenda of Tri-Iblis and helping Satanist racist Illuminati in every respect.

These party leaders have forgotten the insults that were delivered to them by the Arya-Brahmins, for example, On 21st October 1997 in UP assembly during unprecedented fighting, Mr. Raja Bhaiyya (a Savarna) pronouncing filthy abuses had thrown his footwear at chief minister Ms. Mayavati. (Ambedkar Mission Patrika, June 2004, pp. 23-24) While Mr. Ramvilas Paswan was speaking in parliament one Arya-Brahminist member loudly and in insulting manner claimed that Mr. Paswan has taken drug and he should be medically examined. This allegation was made to defy the speech being delivered by Mr. Paswan (Dalit).

On one hand parties of indigenous OBC, Dalit and Adivasi have been certifying communal-casteist Congress as secular while on the other hand they are not only proving themselves opportunist but also communal.

Arya-Brahmins after getting admitted in the Bahujan parties indulged successfully in converting these parties as faithful slaves of Brahmanism. Parties of indigenous Bahujans have already departed from Bahujanism and became enemy of people because they did not hesitate in asking people to vote for communal-fascist BJP and RSS candidates in Gujarat election who engineered Muslim massacres in Gujarat. These parties did not hesitate in remaining in communal-fascist BJP led NDA government at centre after shameless massacres of Muslims in Gujarat and protected communal-casteist BJP government from every danger. They did not hesitate to cooperate Brahminist parties to pass another more draconian law in place POTA which communal-casteist Congress government had very stealthily had implemented through the president’s ordinance. This law was passed in parliament without any discussion. This draconian law could have been prevented in parliament itself if opposition parties had so desired, because NDA, left front, SP, BSP, all had expressed their opposition to this bill. But instead of voting against this bill they all boycotted the parliament to let the bill pass. Their boycott was a fake protest to befool masses and pass the bill. At the time of abolishing POTA Congress government had said that it has adequate laws to safeguard the country. In spite of that by crushing the very spirit of democracy the law was passed without any discussion. We can not expect any hope from a law which is passed without any discussion. (Lokmat Samachar, 17th December 2004) They even did not hesitate to condemn the proposals of condemning state sponsored Muslim massacres in Gujarat. All of them stood shoulder to shoulder with the Arya-Brahmin exploiters against the toiling masses.

Mayavati developed a communal face for herself by 1) supporting fascist BJP while BJP engineered state sponsored massacres of Muslims in Gujarat 2) campaigning shoulder to shoulder with leaders of communal-casteist BJP and appealing masses to vote for communal-casteist BJP in Gujarat. 3) Latter on calling communal-casteist BJP’s victory in Gujarat as the victory of Bahujans 4) saving fascist Vajpeyi government, 5) inviting Lalkrishna Advani in the public meeting of BSP, 6) not filing revised FIR in Babri Mosque demolition case to save Advani and his fascist communal gang, 7) calling communal-casteist BJP leader Bajpeyi as her father. Helping Arya-Brahmins communalists to come to power by electing them on her own party ticket applying her new formula of “Sarvajan Hitaya”. It is worth remembering here that when ATS uncovering terrorist network through Malegaon bomb blast investigation reached U.P. the very Arya-Brahmin ministers of BSP government in Uttar Pradesh have protected communal-casteist BJP and Bajarang Dal leaders from being arrested. Thus Muslim masses realized that BSP has became teeth-less pet tiger of Arya-Brahmins. Mulayam Sigh Yadav who consider himself staunch believer of Sanatan Dharma has proved himself communal by demanding attack on Pakistan to lure communal-Hindu votes. His role during earlier communal riots in U.P. such as in Moradabad is not different from BJP and Sangh-Parivar and it is not hidden from aware Muslim masses. His support to Ex-chief minister Kalyan Sigh who is one of the accused of demolition of Babri Mosque made Muslims skeptical of Mulayam Singh Yadav.

These actions of Mayavati and Mulayam Singh Yadav made Bahujan masses to realize that BSP and SP are anti-Muslim and to negate SP and BSP voted for communal-casteist Congress. It is learned that Muslims in general have voted for Congress. Particularly in Uttar Pradesh Muslims voted for Congress in majority. The only reason for Muslim support for Congress is that so called secular parties are exposed before Muslim masses as shameless communal opportunists. Therefore they even ignored Muslim candidates filed by them and voted for communal-casteist Congress. (Lokmat Samachar, 25 May 2009) Muslims also were afraid that BSP may form a post-poll alliance with communal-casteist BJP to secure berths in the central government.

It appears that as their “thickness-Sart” character of supporting Manuist exploitation system has becoming obvious to common masses, instead of reverting to their Bahujanist character they are looking for the support of communal-casteist Congress. Therefore, it appears to us that the revival of Mulayam Singh Yadav, Laluprasad Yadav, and Ramvilas Pasvan has become difficult because if the Congress is well-wisher of Bahujans then what is the need RJD, LJP and SP ?

Reason 7 :

Apathy of Frustrated Indigenous Masses

Brahminists parties this time tried their best to bring their rich section of voters to polling booth so that the crown of Brahminism is saved. On the other hand a significant section of Bahujan masses who become disillusioned from Bahujan leaders did not turn for voting. Greater number of voters do not want to spoil their valuable hours and suffer in scorching heat for selfish leaders devoid of morality. How those who spend millions of rupee in election can work for masses ? They will first recover hundred times they have spent. Therefore, people find it useless to vote if they have no control over these candidates. According to daily newspaper Mahanayak out of 543 elected members of parliament no one belongs to middle class having income below Rupee one Lac (100 thousand) Their income is 20-25 Lac (100 thousand equals one Lac) a year. 4 among them are Billionaires and 300 are Krorepati. How such candidates can be representatives of poor Bahujan masses ? (Mahanayak, 25 May 2009)

According to the Analysis of affidavits filed by elected member of Parliament to election commission during filing nomination, it is revealed that 150 candidate have criminal background. This number is 18.2% greater than the number of such parliament members in the last election of 2004. It means every fourth member of parliament has criminal background. It is revealed that the number of members having serious charges are  increased by 30.9%. In previous Parliament the members of parliament members having accused of Murder, attempt of murder, abduction, Robbery, fraud etc. were of 35 which now has increased to 82. 20 of them are accused of murder, 24 have charge of attempt of murder, 7 are charged for robbery, 3 of looting, 2 for abduction and 5 for abduction with intention to murder. Every party has such candidates in sufficient number. (Lokmat Samachar, 16 June 2009)

People are gradually realizing that democracy of India is fake until “Nun of them” choice is not included in “Electronic Voting Machine” empowering masses to negate the betrayers of all kind. How the electioneering political parties who are inseparable part of Brahminist exploitation system can make democracy of India a genuine democracy by including “Nun of them” choice in “Electronic Voting Machine” empowering masses to negate the very corrupt and criminal politicians ? People have been realizing that this system can only create stooge candidates who are nothing more than puppets in the hands of Brahminist exploiters.

Reason 8 :

Indirect Support of Arya-Brahmin fake Maoist Leaders to Brahminist Organizations.

It is well established fact that when the exploiter class can not retain power through parliamentary fake democracy they shed their lamb’s skin and show their true cruel wild face and impose dictatorship. Once the parliamentary fake democracy is abandoned, the exploiters come into their true face disillusioning vast number of toiling indigenous masses. Then the struggle reaches to higher level and leaders belonging to electioneering parties either have to 1) become inactive and live politically isolated life 2) become lackeys of exploiter class or 3) become revolutionary. Therefore the struggle becomes more bitter and straight forward.

Maoists would have facilitated the success of  candidates who are sympathetic towards their struggle and have exerted pressure on these candidates to remain faithful with people.  This would have reduced their oppression and misery to great extent. This would have soon resulted in abandonment of parliamentary fake democracy by the Arya-Brahmin exploiter class of India. But the Arya-Brahmin fake Maoist leadership have been spoiling this opportunity deliberately to save Brahminism by enforcing election boycott. This election boycott has caused anti-state terrorism votes to go waste and help the Arya-Brahmin fascist parties to again come to power. The repeated victory of the same oppressor Arya-Brahmin parties has put Maoists in a very precarious position strategically because these Arya-Brahminist parties are in position to ascertain that all the claims of Maoists are fake because “If through Salva Judum and other forms of state terrorism  massacres, mass-rapes, mass lootings, devastations, etc. are made, democracy is abandoned and rulers have became tyrants then how people have repeatedly voted in favor of the same rulers ? “  Maoist parties have no answer to this argument. Once the victory of the same Arya-Brahmin exploiter party is repeated they get license to unleash all forms of more intensive brutal attacks on the toiling indigenous masses.

Therefore victory of Brahminist parties in Naxal affected belts is solely due to Arya-Brahmin leadership of Maoist parties.

Reason 9 :

Slave Mentality of Indigenous Masses

It is a psychological principle that every person who feels sense of inadequacy wants by any means to reduce his mental tension resulting from his sense of inferiority. For example if he visits a restaurant such person is prone to pay more tip than the person who do not have sense of inadequacy. If a customer treats a waiter of a restaurant like his own brother will soon observe that the waiter does not attend him promptly but serves attentively to the person who behaves with him rudely like an aristocrat. This is natural because while serving such an arrogant person the waiter feels that he is serving a big person and his sense of inadequacy is greatly reduced. But when he serves a person who treats him like his own brother he develops a feeling that he is serving an ordinary man and as a result heighten his sense of inadequacy.

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar to reveal this mentality of backward communities, use to tell following story in his speech :- An untouchable person was overflowing with joy. When asked he told that he attended an assembly where the chief of the town was guest. His child could not control his bowel action and released excreta there itself. It was he (the untouchable) who “rescued” the guest by cleaning excreta and washing the ass of guest’s  child. This Dalit forgot that what the has done is nothing but worst slavery nothing to be proud of. But this untouchable was happy because thus his name was associated with the chief of town. With the same reason the peon of big officer has less sense of inferiority than the peon of an ordinary officer. The same psychological principle is effective on the psyche of inferiority ridden indigenous masses at unconscious level. Therefore, when upper caste persons like Rahul Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi (upper caste and foreign race mixture) wave hands at them, shower fake sympathy and greetings on them their sense of inferiority is reduced, they feel obliged and are inclined to vote for their party.

This factor becomes a strong propelling force when masses are disappointed from their own parties and  are inclined to protest by taking self punitive action.

The sense of inferiority of indigenous masses have become worst enemy of Bahujan mission. The Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar mission strives to aware exploited and oppressed indigenous people of India to destroy the Manuist exploitation system and establish “Bahujanwadi Samajik Gantantra”, a democratic exploitation free system. Persons who lack courage to launch bitter struggle, lack patience to do continuous missionary work, showy persons who crave for instant popularity are the persons suffer with sense of inadequacy and inferiority. Most of them to reduce their sense of inferiority establish a devotional-bond and association at mental level with Bahujan liberation warriors by indulging in acts such as celebrating birth days of Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar, Periyar and singing songs in their praise. This help them to reduce their sense of inadequacy and feel satisfaction by falsely believing that they are doing missionary work.

In fact, they have become worst enemy of Bahujan mission because  they do nothing to spread the Bahujanist ideology and aware people to demolish the Brahminist system of exploitation and oppression. On the contrary they waste social resources, money, energy and time on these futile activities. Therefore these “devotees” of Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar are in fact killers of the Bahujan mission. They do not want to realize this because doing so means accepting the responsibility to understand Bahujan ideology, aware masses and launch genuine continuous struggle against Brahminist exploitation and oppression. The moment his unconscious mind begins to sense slightly that his devotional activities are unproductive and futile, strong anxiety results from his sense of inadequacy. To reduce this severe anxiety his unconscious mind repress anything that suggest futility of their actions. He develops several rationalizations.

In psychology this mentality is called as ‘perceptual defense’  where a person is inclined to perceive only what he wants to perceive. Therefore he does not see things he does not want to perceive. Every person use perceptual defense unconsciously. We do not find faults within us; we find faults in others particularly in those whom we do not like; we also do not find faults in those we love. Mother is inclined to see only good things in her child.

Every delusion is endowed with the same inner certainty we find in primitive thinking. Many prefer to stay in the childish dreamland of ignorance to escape the responsibility of wrong knowledge and wrong actions. Why should we think ? Why should we fight to understand this world ? Why not remain in comfortable stupidity ? Because of this yearning to return to the land of morons, we are relaxed and gay when we hear the radio voices carry us back to a realm which does not require our brain. We become more and more infected with silliness and escapism. Delusion gives the person an inner certainty of omnipotence and strength. Therefore, the deluded man likes to suffer defending his delusions. The Stabilized delusion is not subject to discussion and self-correction. They fear doubt and close their ears. The deeper the regression, the less contact and communication takes place, for delusion speaks archaic language which is rooted in the period when no verbal communication between human beings existed, as we experience in the psychoanalysis of schizophrenics. The deluded rejects logic and regresses to archaic dictatorial thinking and easily resorts to pretexts and magic forces to explain his failure (such as bad-luck and so on). Objective verification of ideas is rejected since no reality beyond the dictatorial opinion exists. He is afraid that moving out of his foxhole will expose him to new and greater danger. That is why people stick to their menial jobs which rob them of self-respect.

Incompetent Bahujan leadership to escape from launching a “Real Struggle” against the exploitation system of Arya-Brahmins, started worshipping Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar and posed themselves their great devotees. Arya-Brahminists continued to burn our houses, burn alive whosoever amongst us dared to raise a voice; stripping our mothers, sisters and daughters naked and parading them in the village and towns; raping, killing , mutilating and burning their bodies. These “devotees” and “Vote-Beggars” spent not a single penny to punish these Savarna culprits. Instead they spent millions of rupees on dances, Kawwalis, lightings, decorations, lecturing, Prayers, etc. on birth day celebrations of Buddha, Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar. With these unproductive activities they are fooling themselves as well as unaware masses of doing missionary work.

When your sister, mother or daughter is being raped, instead of spending money to punish the rapist will you spend on rejoicing ? Only a person with no self respect can do that. Millions of such “devotees” shamelessly rejoice when their sisters, mothers, daughters; are raped, their huts are burnt, and they are beaten to death. Such people may call themselves followers of Ambedkar but in their deeds they are the best slaves of Brahminism. Such people devoid of self respect can never be freed from exploitation and oppression because they do not hate their class enemy but want their class enemy should shower mercy on them. Such people yearning for mercy have voted for communist-casteist Congress. The “Slave Mentality” of craving a mercy from the “Arya-Brahmin exploiter enemy” is the root cause that communal-casteist congress receive votes from such indigenous Bahujan sections. These Bahujans feel that communal-casteist congress will show mercy towards them by acting less violently than communal-fascist BJP.

Incompetent, selfish and coward “Vote-Beggars” easily became stooges of the same exploiters against which Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar fought tooth and nail. Vote-Beggars who are stooges of Arya-Brahmin exploiters will always remain “devotees” and the worst enemies of Bahujan mission. How can one free himself from slavery if he himself does not want to get free from Arya-Brahmin rule and only wants mercy from the Arya-Brahmin rulers ? How such people can even think of deposing Arya-Brahmins ? They do not want to perceive that the decisive struggle launched by Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar had compelled Arya-Brahmin oppressors to accept democratic constitution and safeguards for indigenous people against social, economical and cultural oppression. Arya-Brahmin exploiters were afraid that if they do not concede these demands Bahujan struggle may turn into communist revolution. Without destroying “devoteesm” no genuine struggle is possible. Ritualists in every robe should be rebuked. Common masses should be converted in to brave “followers” from the coward devotees.

Reason 10 :

Suicidal Self-Punitive Mentality of Indigenous Masses.

According to Freud in every living being there are two basic instincts viz  1) Life instinct and 2) death instinct. Death instinct is responsible for self punitive and self destructive behavior in a person. Self punitive behavior in a child is nurtured by parents themselves from their own behavior such as conceding to child’s demand when a child throws / breaks  his own thing or send himself harm or start fasting and so on. This behavior pattern strongly establishes itself in a child’s unconscious and is exhibited in adulthood under the circumstances of stress and frustration when he unconsciously yearns for parental help from some corner.

Politicians and their followers fixated with this childhood self-punitive tendency unconsciously generalize their childhood behavior and their expectations with their parents to the “oppressive political Authority”. After all another way of addressing rulers have been calling them “Mai-Baap” (Mother-father). Therefore leaders and their followers with this tendency, will invariably show self-punitive behavior in their agitations. For example, in India, women demanding adequate supply of water, in their processions carry clay-pots called “Ghada” and smash them in front of the higher authorities. The other agitators may erect an effigy of oppressor spending from their laboriously earned money and burn it before the  state bureaucrats. Thus they themselves suffer economical loss, loss of valuable time and energy while state bureaucrats enjoy the scene sadistically and suffer no loss of any kind. When America attacked Iraq women around the world took procession and stripped themselves naked in protest of the American invasion. These women thus themselves sacrificed their so valued modesty while the slave Bush-Chenny company and their Zionist illuminati masters enjoyed the look of their naked beauty lustfully. No harm was sent to them or to their Zionist exploiter class. In India many agitators are seen taking out “naked protest march” but the protestors did not take off their under-garment.  Other protestors shaved their head. Shaving the head in protest simply reveal their psyche that they consider rulers their Mai-Baap and in protest want to convey that the Mai-Baap ruler is dead for them. People in the grip of Brahmin religion shave their head at the death of their father. With such childish actions oppressor exploiter class is never harmed in the least. Leaders and their followers suffering with this self-punitive tendency organize rally at state or country’s capital. They together sacrificing millions of rupees on traveling and other expenses, sacrificing their valuable time and energy gather and shout in unison and expect mercy from their Mai-Baap” ruler. Their ruler “Mai-Baap” occasionally order cane-charge and they many return home with broken limbs and /or swollen body. Many sit on hunger-strike before the legislative assembly or before the concerned office and suffer themselves because sometimes demands of  hunger-strikers are seen conceded. Usually majority of them receive only false promise. There are many who do not get even the false promises and after lot of suffering they windup their hunger-strike in a face saving style. Sections of indigenous OBC, Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim masses unconsciously considering oppressive rulers as their “Mai-Baap” vote in favor of them in the hope that this will please their oppressor not to oppress and exploit them ruthlessly.

Still another sections of indigenous OBC, Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim masses who are supporters of Bahujan parties but are suffering with acute self-punitive tendency in a frustration voted for communal-casteist Congress which is their worst enemy. By voting in favor of communal-casteist Congress they unconsciously wanted to accuse their own Bahujan parties that “Betraying our expectations, you are helping the communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist enemy parties. Following your footsteps we have helped enemy by voting for them.  Now you shall be responsible for the impending worst oppression and exploitation unleashed upon us by these very Arya-Brahmin enemy parties.”

Above synthesis will create uneasiness among the indigenous readers unless we do not mention what is correct behavior under above mentioned situations. The correct behavior is to “insure harm of the enemy oppressor and exploiter class at any cost, while ourselves should get least possible harm.” The men and women protesting against the American invasion on Iraq could have harmed economical interests of Zionist exploiter class; could have launched campaign to strip naked the satanic character of Zionist exploiter class and could have ensured them political harm.

The first requirement is to identify enemy and friends. Once it is recognized and decided that communal casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP, Arya-Brahmin fake communist  leadership of so called communist parties of India are the worst enemies of indigenous OBC, Dalit, Adivasi masses of India, it is prime-most duty of Bahujans to remove their juvenile tendency to generalize and consider oppressive ruler as their parental figure (Mai-Baap) and stop keeping false expectations of favor from any of these enemies and dedicate themselves in uprooting and destroying these enemy parties and their system of exploitation and oppression .”

Once this psychological change and determination is achieved, we confine our every attention upon the whole process of struggle between exploiters and the exploited. We realize that no single indigenous party or organization can fight at all fronts (Social, economical, cultural, religious etc.), against the system of exploiter class. We also realize the need of uprooting the Brahmin religion from the minds of indigenous masses that enslave the mind of masses enabling the Arya-Brahminist exploiter class to successfully exploit us.

We strive ourselves to become fully aware. Complete awareness means 1) understanding nature of ourselves and our enemy. 2) understanding tactics of exploitation and deception of exploiter class and ways and counter these tactics and to demolish their exploitation and oppression system, (To know about such missionary activities on this very blog  http://sheetalmarkam.wordpress.com please read “Recognizing & Diffusing Brahminist Traps In Our Struggle !” in Social Change” category of the blog). 3) understanding the nature of exploitation free social system that we aspire to bring, viz. the Bahujanwadi Samajik Gantantra (for complete details log on to our blog at  http://sheetalmarkam.wordpress.com and please read “People’s Struggle for Permanent Exploitation-Free Social System (Bahujanist Social Democracy)” in Social Change” category of the blog. and 4) ways to ensure that it does not revert back again into exploitation system as happened in Soviet union, China and in other socialist countries.

With this complete awareness, every aware Bahujan realizes the need to consider his own limitations, responsibilities and resources and dedicate himself to a missionary activity of his own choice and priority. We remain committed to missionary activities and help every missionary activity of other aware Bahujans to the extent it does not hinder one’s own chosen missionary activity.

Now we begin to see the whole process of struggle, it’s needs and correctly recognize the usefulness as well as limitations of our every indigenous organization and do not keep irrational expectations from any of them. For example, we realize that most of our vote-begging parties are incapable of protecting masses from armed terrorist organizations of “Sangh-Parivar” because they merely are collection of crowds inspired to garner votes and money at the directives of their vote-begging leaders. Because we realize limitations of our every indigenous organization we concentrate upon removing every lacking of our struggle. For example, Some capable Bahujans may dedicate themselves in developing a “mechanism” that would protect masses from the armed terrorists of Sangh-Parivar and give an appropriate answer to the Arya-Brahmin exploiter class for every brutality they inflict on we Bahujans. Aware Bahujans can successfully distinguish between fake and deceiving activities from the real missionary activities. For example, aware Bahujans feel it more important to develop innumerable voices of common masses in the form of leaflets, booklets, books, audio and video CDs and DVDs, blogs on internet, private conversations and so on to develop a direct control of masses over their struggle against exploitation and oppression than any media at national level which is controlled by super-middle class immature shallow intellectuals (most of them are intellectual prostitutes) who only consider their birth-right to have the reigns of common masses in their hand and lead the masses in any direction they please. Aware Bahujans can open thousands of blogs on internet and their voice shall be heard at world level. (for complete details log on to our blog at  http://sheetalmarkam.wordpress.com and please read “The Secrets of Diffusing Evil Tactics of Manu Media ” in Social Change” category of the blog). Aware Bahujans do not spend their money, time and energy on fake activities that do not aware and unite masses, and do not weaken Arya-Brahmin exploitation system.

Now the whole meaning of our agitations change. Now our every action leads us towards the goal of demolishing exploitation and oppression system of Arya-Brahmin exploiters and to facilitate conditions of establishing exploitation-free social system viz. Bahujanwadi Samajik Gantantra. Now, we do not take out procession to “demand’ from our enemy and suffer cane-charge. Instead, we organize gatherings of concerned sections of indigenous masses to expose the cruel face of the enemy parties and educate them to uproot Arya-Brahminist system of exploitation and oppression. The purpose of our gatherings is to charge masses with this revolutionary collective consciousness which is totally different from the earlier charging of masses by the vote-begging leaders with juvenile immature self-punitive “Mai-Baap” expectations and actions explained earlier. Now with our every gathering and every action Arya-Brahminist enemy parties and their system is weakened, the awareness of we indigenous masses increases, unity between us is consolidated and our struggle against exploitation and oppression becomes increasingly stronger. (To know about such missionary activities on this very blog  http://sheetalmarkam.wordpress.com please read “Recognizing & Diffusing Brahminist Traps In Our Struggle !” in Social Change” category of the blog).

In connection with voting in election aware Bahujans fully realize that the life of so called parliamentary democracy will be extended until the Arya-Brahmin exploiter class can deceive masses to be ruled by them. The moment they find it difficult to rule, they instantly windup this fake parliamentary democracy and impose their satanic dictatorship over the indigenous masses. Hence aware Bahujans know that the “real-power’ lies in the ability of masses to “retaliate appropriately” against every anti-people step of Arya-Brahmin exploiter class. Therefore the first priority of aware masses is to build this “effective retaliatory mechanism” to protect masses against every oppressive measure and ensure that the “very oppressor and exploiter class” is punished for their oppressive measures. Election is used by aware Bahujans 1) to defeat and weaken the oppressive forces, and 2) garner resources and support for making their “effective retaliatory mechanism” strong and invincible. If there are no appropriate candidate to vote they prefer to sleep comfortably in their home than wasting their valuable time in voting for some so called less corrupt, less criminal and less filthy candidate.

Wherefrom Brahminist Parties Gain  ?

Table No. 7 gives which parties have suffered deficit.

From table 7 we find that 1) hardcore Brahminist parties like Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP), Shiv Sena (SS) and Asam Gana Parishad (AGP), have lost 24 seats. Out of which BJP lost 22.

2) Arya-Brahmin fake Left parties such as CPI, CPM, FB etc. together have lost 35 seats. These Brahminist fake left parties are  almost devastated by the indigenous masses. OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi masses had became disillusioned from Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership as they have been persistently receiving severe stabs from fake left parties of Bengal and Kerala. West Bengal is the only state where Muslims are extremely under-represented in jobs as well as in every walks of the life. In Modi’s Gujrat Muslim population is merely 9.1% whereas in government service 5.4% Muslims are represented. On the contrary, in West Bengal Muslim population is 25.2% whereas only 2.1% Muslims are given representation is government jobs. These 2.1% jobs are mainly grabbed by upper-caste Muslims who are in fact Arya-Brahmins converted to Islam. In Nandigram Muslim and Dalits women were subjected to mass-rapes by goons of CPM, their genitals mutilated, their bodies cut into pieces and thrown into river, their houses looted and then burnt are few of the examples. Earlier Arya-Brahmin fake communist leaders had betrayed Dalit Bengali refugees. Fake communist government massacred Bengali Dalit refugees when they made their Morichzapi settlement as their heaven created without any help of the fake left government. The Morichzapi massacres committed was even greater than the massacres allegedly committed by Hitler in Germany and of Yahya khan in east Pakistan (later Bangla Desh). Indigenous masses have been speedily coming out of craftily created illusion and realizing that the Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership has always been hardcore communal. It is well-suppressed fact that RSS fascist family of organizations have learnt lessons of fascism from these Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership. Larger and larger sections of indigenous masses coming to the conclusion that Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership have always been the enemy of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi indigenous masses. These fake communist parties collectively did not implement “Tribal land Act” meant to recover Adivasi land grabbed by non-Adivasi grabbers and return it to their genuine indigenous Adivasi people. Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership  have opposed every attempt to implement it and tried vehemently to make it ineffective with the help of communal-casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP. Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership had came into existence to sabotage every attempt of indigenous masses to strengthen their struggle against exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahmin exploitation system. Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership have been performing their duty of sabotaging every indigenous movement faithfully and skillfully. For details read our awareness book “Brahmanwad Ki Giraft Me Dam Todta Samyavadi Inkelab” (Dying Communist Revolution in dead-grip of Brahminism by Sheetal Markam et.al. pp.480, Price Rs. 150/- language Hindi, Send MO to Mrs. Sujata Wasnik, 14, Thaware Colony, Nagpur – 440014 for your copy) This awareness book has contributed significantly to the devastation of these Arya-Brahminist fake communist parties in 2009 parliamentary elections. This awareness book is a final nail in the coffin of the Arya-Brahminist fake communist parties of India.

3) TRS and SAD are also deceptive Brahminist Parties since their leadership comes from upper caste Arya-Brahmins. TRS and Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) collectively lost 7 seats.

3) These Brahminist parties together have lost 66 seats to various parties.

4) We know that total gain of Brahminists parties is 93 seats. Out of which they have gained 66 seats from camp of their own Brahminist parties. This clearly  establishes that there was mutual secret understanding between the all Brahminist parties to transfer their votes to candidates having better prospects of defeating candidates of OBC, Dalit, Adivasi Parties. As a result there was a shift of 66 seats in favor of parties in alliance with communal-casteist Congress.

This makes it crystal clear that Brahminists Parties were able to snatch 93-66 = 27 seats from the parties of OBC, Dalit and Adivasi. From table 8 below we find that these 27 seats are snatched mainly from RJD, SP and JMM who lost in all 37 seats.

Table 8 : OBC, Dalit & Adivasi Parties who gained.
	Marginal Gain Parties			Significant Gain Party
Years	BSP	TDP	DMK	JDU
2009	21	06	18	25
2004	19	05	16	11
Difference	02	01	02	14
Totals	5			14

From the above table we find that i) BSP, TDP and DMK have improved their position very slightly. ii) and JDU has gained significantly (14 seats). The significant gain of JDU establishes that whenever there is a Bahujan alternative before the indigenous masses, they prefer Bahujan parties over the Arya-Brahminist parties.

Future of Parties of Indigenous Bahujans

We shall analyze future of the major parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi indigenous Bahujans after the communal-casteist Congress has captured the crown of India. The big question which must be discussed with all sincerity is “What is the future of parties of indigenous Bahujans such as BSP, TDP, DMK, JDU, RJD and LJP ?

1) Future of Bahujan Samaj Party

In order to predict the future of BSP, we need to objectively analyze its performance the 2009 parliamentary elections. Table 9 below gives details of party position on contested seats.

From table 9 we find that BSP has won on 21 seats while it was second on 51 seats. The BSP leaders were confident that they would win maximum number of seats in Uttar Pradesh and without BSP support no one would be able to form government at centre. Their assumption was sensible considering that BSP is the only party which has been consistently increasing its vote share. Nationwide increase in BSP votes is 6.7%. Therefore, BSP can hope if they convert their second position into first they shall win 21+51 = 72 seats. With these 72 seats they shall be in dictating position. Let us analyze whether this assumption is supported by objective reality conditions ? We shall consider factors that go against BSP and those in its favor so far as it’s next election performance is concerned. Following are the negative points which go against BSP.

1) Table 10 below displays the seats that BSP lost in this election. BSP had 19 seats out of which it has lost 13 seats. BSP lost its prestigious seat of Akbarpur which was won by BSP supremo Mayavati herself. The vote loss in Akbarpur seat is -18.84 which is highest vote loss among the seats lost by BSP. The % seat loss of BSP is 13/19 = 68.42% seats.

In addition to the loss of above seats, BSP has suffered vote loss in Bahraich (-5.98%), Kheri (-5.23%), Pilibhit (-4.47%), Moradabad (-3.59%), Misrikh (-3.42%), Hamirpur (-2.97%), Amethi (-2.31%), Chandauli (-2.27%), and in Aonla (-1.75%). Above loss in % votes indicate that both the Arya-Brahmin and the non-Arya-Brahmins BSP votes have migrated to other parties. This means a section of Bahujans are developing frustration and dislike for BSP.

From the table below it becomes crystal-clear that BSP is very rapidly loosing its Dalit Vote Base in Uttar Pradesh itself. Because out of 17 seats reserved for SC caste category BSP was able to win only two seats. Thus BSP has won only 11.76% seats from seats reserved for Dalits. 88.23% reserved seats are won by other parties.

Samajwadi party (10) and RLD (1) has won 10+1 = 11 seats out of 17 seats which amounts to 59% of Dalit seats. Communal-casteist Congress and fascist BJP have won 2 seats each. This proves that Dalits are still aversive of communal-casteist Congress and communal fascist BJP and therefore they preferred to vote for non Brahmin parties.

Among the 19 seats BSP held in 2004, BSP has lost its vote percent in 17 constituencies and lost 13 seats. This makes it clear that BSP became unpopular in places it had gained power.

However it is not that BSP has only lost. Rather BSP has won 14 new seats. Table 12 below specify seats BSP newly Won in 2009 Election. Some constituencies were renamed and newly created. Since the election commission did not provide their old name it is difficult to know which of the newly named /created seats indicated by * were earlier held by BSP .

From the table 11 we find that BSP won its seats mainly from SP and RLD which amounts to 13 seats and remaining 4 seats from Arya-Brahmin parties (from BJP=3, INC =1) The 3 seats that BSP also won in year 2004 are now in 2009 won from SP. thus out of 20 won seats BSP has won 13+3 = 16 seats from Bahujan parties while has won 4 seats from Arya-Brahminist parties. These 4 seats are won as a result of tough multi-cornered fights.

BSP was also able to increase its vote % in few more seats. Table 13 below gives seats where it’s vote increase is above 5%.

BSP has increased its votes in 20 seats that BSP could not win. BSP vote increase which is less than 5% are  observed in constituencies such as Kanpur (4.71%), Mathura (4.15%), Bulandshahr (3.89%), Ghosi 3.80%), Phulpur (3.73%), Hardoi (3.54%), Shahjahanpur (3.42%), Agra (2.88%), Aligarh (2.71%), Kaiserganj (2.24%), Robertsganj (1.77%), and Hathras (1.62%).

Now it is known to everybody that Arya-Brahmins had helped BSP in Assembly elections simply to defeat Samajwadi Party. But Arya-Brahmins are not ready to vote BSP and defeat BJP and Congress. 2009 Parliament election results have proved this. Barring 4 seats BSP won all the seats from Bahujan parties such as SP and RLD. It means that general category candidates of BSP to great extent were supported by those respective upper castes to see that their candidates are elected with the help BSP votes.

From the above findings we can conclude that 1) BSP is rapidly losing its base among Dalits. 2) BSP lose most of the seats it wins. 3) On BSP seats large number of upper caste candidates are won and in fact BSP win is to large extent due to win of upper-caste candidates on BSP tickets. 4) BSP has won most of its seats from other Bahujan parties like SP.

The basic vote base of BSP has been Dalit votes. The big question is why the BSP is rapidly loosing its Dalit vote base ? and why it could not consolidate the seats it previously held ? Following explanations are offered in this connection.

1) According to Kanwal Bharati (well-known column writer), the BSP office bearers have transformed into brokers. Without giving them their commission no Dalit can get job, benefit of state government schemes and even their legitimate rights such as old-age pension. Those who pay them commission only their  work is done and those who do not pay keep on visiting and develop frustration. The office bearers and in-charges meant to watch them come once and stay in five star hotels and collect their decided commission and send favorable report to party leadership. According to Kanwal Bharati BSP did not remain the party of poor people. (Lokmat Samachar, 17 June 2009)

2) Because large number of rich and influential Arya-Brahmins are admitted in the BSP and placed at higher posts, BSP could not retaliate against the atrocities committed by Arya-Brahmins upon Dalit-Muslims and OBC masses fearing that it will make Arya-Brahmins angry and so called social-engineering of Mayawati shall be jeopardized. Critics of BSP have been persistently claiming that BSP has become tiger without teeth in this respect. Therefore atrocities on Dalits and_Muslims especially increased.

3) BSP leaders had started accepting criminal elements in party who have been committing atrocities upon poor Bahujans in unison with Arya-Brahmin exploiters.  Above all large number of criminals were given BSP tickets in the 2009 election. The slogan of BSP “Chadh Gundon Ki Chhati Par,  Batan Dabake Haathi Par” was in reality experienced by masses as ‘Laat Lagake Chhati Par, Chadh Gaye Gunde Haathi Par”.

4) While BSP on one hand incorporated Arya-Brahminist anti-people criminals in its party fold and gave them party tickets and importance, on the other hand with the help of Arya-Brahminists of BSP and its government popular Dacoits such as Dadua and others belonging to extreme backward castes  who like Virappan were protecting their community men from Arya-Brahminist exploiters were gunned down. This has annoyed masses because BSP government had done nothing to save masses from exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahminists and had killed those who were protecting them. As a result fresh wave of atrocities upon masses were unleashed. Therefore, during election campaign BSP hoardings etc. were absent in large area of Dalit and backward caste areas who considered these dacoits as their saviors. Recently police of BSP government in its special operation has gunned down Dalit Dacoit Ghanshyam Kewat. According to reports, Ghanshyam Kewat was killed after he fought with 400 armed policemen had taken arms to avenge upper-caste Thakurs. His sister was raped by Thakur Brijbhan and when went to file FIR in Rajapur police station they refused to file complaint, insulted and drove him out. Ghanshyam Kewat started killing Thakurs and in the very beginning he gunned down Brijbhan who had raped his sister. Police has kept a price of Rs. 50,000/- on him. (Lokmat Samachar, 21 June 2009)

5) There are reports published in newspapers such as Mahanayak from Maharashtra that BSP workers who have devoted decades in working among Bahujan masses to spread BSP were denied tickets. BSP cadres were disappointed to see that tickets are sold to rich candidates, weak candidates are filed to ensure win of Arya-Brahmin parties, stooge leaders co-opted with Arya-Brahmin parties did not involve themselves in election campaign, in some cases BSP candidates themselves were apathetic for their own election campaign. This clearly indicate that there had been secret understanding developed by BSP leaders as well as by some candidates with Arya-Brahminist Parties in lieu of money. BSP supporters in general were disappointed and frustrated with the situation. BSP workers therefore, not only protested before these BSP leaders and party in-charges but even blackened their face and beaten them up. When such is the wrath of party workers, one can understand the feelings of Dalit masses.

Earlier we has observed that in Uttar Pradesh among the 19 seats BSP held in 2004, BSP has lost its vote percent in 17 constituencies and lost 13 seats. Thus BSP could not consolidate what it had. This is not a new phenomena. The condition of BSP has been increasingly deteriorating in the states BSP once had a strong hold. For example, Punjab is the state where Dalits are in very large number. In Punjab BSP had won Firozpur Loksabha seat twice in succession, first in 1992 and then 1996. BSP had won also Hoshiyarpur seat in 1996 and Phillaur seat twice in 1989 and 1996. After 1996 there is no win in Punjab. BSP votes have been continuously decreasing in Punjab. Similarly, in past BSP had been growing very strong in Madhya Pradesh when Kanshiram was alive. BSP had won from Satna in 1996. In Reva  BSP has won thrice first in 1991, then in 1996 and now in 2009. During Kanshiram’s time BSP win certainly indicated the win of mission. Now BSP can not claim this because ready-made leaders having some mass base defected from other parties win on BSP tickets. In their victory BSP plays a role of supportive tool.

6) On ideological level great number of BSP workers were annoyed with “Sarvajan Hitay” formula of Mayawati. This formula neither suits Bahujans nor it suits the Brahminist parties. It does not suits Bahujans because how the exploiter and exploited class can be clubbed together when their interests are diametrically opposite ? Therefore no Bahujan liberation warrior including Buddha spoke of Sarvajan Hitay. This formula contradicts earlier formula of Kanshirm that “Vote Hamara Raj Tumhara Nahi Chalega” (Vote Ours Rule Yours Will not Do). According to Siddhartha Sarjapurkar, Amravati as a result of this powerful slogan of “Vote Hamara Raj Tumhara Nahi Chalega” the Brahmin number in parliament which was over 300 was reduced to just 50. (Mahanayak, 6 June 2009) The formula also does not suits Brahminism because Brahminism consider Arya-Brahmin supreme race meant to rule the Bahujans in any brutal manner.

Why BSP leaders adapted this formula of “Sarvajan Hitay” when both the aware Bahujans and Arya-Brahmins disagree with this formula as it has no ideological basis ? According to Mr. Kanwal Bharati, total Brahmin population in India is merely 3%. From this 3% Brahmin population 99% Arya-Brahmins are in BJP and Congress. Then why the Bahujan leaders are so compelled to lure 1% of Brahmin population {which amounts to 0.03% of Indian Population} by organizing “Brahmin conferences” and admitting exploiter Arya-Brahmins into their party and appeasing them with big party posts and also electing them in election while denouncing legitimate claim of dedicated party workers ? Is not this because Brahmins have money whereas Bahujan leaders have votes ? Hiding one’s such selfishness in the drama of “Sarvajan” and calling it a travel from “Manuism to Manavatawad (humanism)”, indigenous masses are being befooled. (Lokmat Samachar, 8th April, 2005)

The critics say that “this formula of Sarvajan is adapted because it is profitable business slogan”. Without this formula how BSP leaders would have sold party tickets to Arya-Brahmins desirous to get elected at any cost ? If party had filed candidates from those poor workers who have devoted decades in party mission then BSP leaders would have to spend from the party fund. On the contrary when the party tickets are sold to highest bidders not only BSP leaders get fabulous amount, they are also saved from spending in their election campaign because these Arya-Brahmin candidates spend themselves for their own election campaign. Thus the profit of “Sarvajan Hitay” formula for BSP leaders is double (Ek Ka Do)

Leaders of Arya-Brahminist parties are very happy because the party tickets they were compelled to give to OBC, Dalit, Adivasi and Minority Bahujan candidates, can elect their Arya-Brahmin candidates from the same seats through the party tickets of Bahujan parties.

All electioneering parties of indigenous Bahujans are Bahujan in name only.  On the tickets of these so called Bahujan parties more and more Arya-Brahmins are being elected. Dalit Sena of Ramvilas Paswan (Now LJP) had elected 18 Arya-Brahmins for Bihar assembly while only 4 Dalits were elected. The same is the condition of all Bahujan parties.

In addition to that this formula also enables BSP leaders to bring Arya-Brahmins in their party fold and give them important party posts. Why ? Mayawati herself knows better. BSP founder Mr. Kanshi Ram had said that more severely the Arya-Brahminists curse and condemn you, you should feel happy because it is proof that you are on correct path and are delivering severe blows to the interests of Brahmanism. If Brahminists are not condemning you then you must become alert and check whether you have deviated from the correct path ? Kanshiram never allowed members of exploiter Arya-Brahmin class to enter into BSP. He had strictly kept BSP the party of Bahujans viz. 85% exploited communities of India. But today BSP leaders are indulged in bringing Arya-Brahmins into their party and appeasing them with big posts. The situation is dangerous like the “Trojan Horse”. The citizens of troy had made a mistake to bring enormous wooden horse in to their impenetrable walled city. Inside the belly of this enormous horse selected warriors were hidden who came out in night and captured Troy city.

The critics say that the Arya-Brahmins who are given party tickets are not promoted to this position due to their years of missionary work after they were duly tested and found missionary in character. On the contrary they are the dissidents from other Arya-Brahminist parties. Aware Bahujans do not understand how they can be transformed overnight into cadres of Bahujan mission ? If the sole criteria of giving them ticket is their ability to spend in election and they have no ties with indigenous Bahujan  masses which result from intensive working with masses for years then how long can they remain loyal to BSP ?

The proof of betrayal is  given several times in past by Arya-Brahmin members elected from the parties of Bahujans. Arya-Brahmin members elected on  Ramvilas Paswan’s party ticket defying Paswan, tried to form BJP government in Bihar. Congress had avoided the formation of this BJP government by dissolving Bihar assembly through its governor of Bihar. Arya-Brahmin candidates elected through BSP also have defected several times. We have seen that the MLAs elected on BSP tickets have defected to other parties in unison. It happened in Bihar, recently in Rajastan and in past several times in Uttar Pradesh itself. In Rajastan 6 MLAs were elected on BSP tickets. After election all of them had joined communal-casteist Congress to share power. In spite of that, for the sake of money, giving tickets to Arya-Brahminists is being continued shamelessly allege BSP critics. More the Arya-Brahmins are elected, more will be the risk of such defection.

To ascertain how many Arya-Brahmins and how many OBC are elected on the tickets of Parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasis on non SC-ST seats, we analyzed data provided by election commission of India. Results are summarized in table below.

We were surprised to see that as per election Commission data not a single OBC is elected on any non SC-ST seat. Do the Arya-Brahmins controlling election commission want to hide the real number of their Arya-Brahmins elected to parliament mentioning all non SC-ST candidates as General ? Or are OBC candidates ashamed to write their OBC caste category ? Why the Arya-Brahmins controlling election commission of India do not want to mention the actual OBC and Arya-Brahmin figure ?

Other parties in table above are AUDF, AGP, HJCBL, JKN, JDS, KEC(M), Shiv Sena, SWP, BJD, SDF, MDMK, RLD, RSP, AIFB and Independents.

7) The work of Bahujan Mission can be done at various levels such as 1) developing awareness among white collar employees, 2) developing awareness among white collar as well as among common masses 3) launching agitation of white collar employees for their various demands. 4)  launches nationwide agitation of common masses on the issues vital to common masses. 5) actually inflicting severe blows to parties of Arya-Brahmins and weaken them by launching unending persistent campaign of exposing and negating them completely. 6) Severely inflict harm to the Arya-Brahmin interests at all levels by strengthening nonpolitical roots of the mission. 7) Developed ability to protect masses from the attacks of armed terrorist organizations of Sangh-Parivar and exploitation and oppression system of Arya-Brahminist by retaliating in their own language.

BSP under Kanshiram used to organize cadre camps at all levels of party where cadres were trained with Bahujanist ideology. Now BSP has stopped organizing cadre camps which are meant to educate Bahujans in Bahujanist ideology. Previously BSP had started print media at regional levels and was meticulously maintained with the material help and guidance of central leadership. In Maharashtra there used to be several weakly being run. But now not a single print media is run. This gives impression that BSP leaders do not want masses to become ideologically aware. BSP has completely stopped awareness campaigns to educate masses ideologically and reduced the whole ideology to a single slogan of “everything to win elections” does not stand even at first superficial level. Now the big question is How long BSP leaders will keep their missionary party-cadres  in BSP when it seems that BSP has been transforming completely into a non-missionary party ? It is certain that in the event of damaged missionary spirit of BSP workers day by day BSP is transforming itself into a non-missionary party. If this state continues or deteriorate further how BSP shall exceed in elections ?

On the contrary non-BSP Bahujans are running state-wide Marathi daily newspapers Such as 1) Mahanayak, 2) Samrat, 3) Vishva Samrat, and 4) Loknayak. Non-electioneering non-BSP organizations are running their weeklies, fortnightlies and monthly periodicals. They also organize awareness functions.  BAMCEF and Rashtriya Mulniwasi Sangh presided by Mr. Waman Meshram seems to be working at some of these above mentioned levels. Therefore, BSP supporters and workers have been increasingly attracted and participating in the functions organized by the BAMCEF and Rashtriya Mulniwasi Sangh presided Mr. Waman Meshram. To check this attraction, Mayavati had revived its own BAMCEF. It should be remembered that after formation of a political party BSP founder Kanshiram had dissolved BAMCEF but did not stop political education of masses. However the BAMCEF remained functioning by its other founder members. But the BAMCEF that Mayavati formed could do nothing to prevent the Bahujans from joining BAMCEF and Rashtriya Mulniwasi Sangh presided by Mr. Waman Meshram. There are several other factions of BAMCEF but most of them seem to be fixated at first level hence they are lagging far behind the BAMCEF and Rashtriya Mulniwasi Sangh presided by Mr. Waman Meshram. It will be a tough task for BSP to retain its Dalit vote bank in the wake of its “Sarvajan Hitay” formula.

Many organizations are formed by the BSP mass leaders who left party after differences with Mayavati. Mass leaders such as Fulsingh Baraiyya of Madhya Pradesh were expelled from BSP because they had some differences with Mayavati. Fulsingh Baraiyya had formed his own party. Same has happened in Uttar Pradesh. Though these parties are weak,  they expose before masses the dictatorship of BSP leaders in party, lack of democratic functioning in party, monopoly of rich and Arya-Brahminists in party and transformation of the whole party into the party of Brokers. This has greatly damaged the reputation of party and morale and determination of cadres are day by day shattering. Therefore, BSP which once was a solid party is becoming brittle day by day.

9) Unaware Bahujan masses have been consistently voting in favor of Congress in order to prevent communal-fascist BJP coming into power. BSP leaders are therefore confident that that in spite of their misdeeds, Bahujan masses will vote for BSP to defeat communal-casteist BJP. This is true where BSP is strong enough and has possibility to defeat communal-fascist BJP or communal-casteist Congress. But in places where BSP is relatively weak the votes of this section of Bahujan masses shall go to communal-casteist Congress because unaware Bahujan sections are inclined to prefer communal-casteist Congress when they compare it with communal-fascist BJP. More the BSP become a party of rich Arya-Brahmins, more the indigenous poor masses lose faith in BSP,  BSP will continue to become weaker and weaker and the Bahujan masses will i) transfer their votes to other Bahujan parties ii) having no indigenous party capable of defeating commnal-fascist BJP unaware section shall vote for communal-casteist Congress iii) large number of Bahujans shall prefer not to vote. This is a danger signal for BSP.

10) Because on the one hand the parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi have been repeatedly vouching that communal casteist Congress is secular and on the other hand they are proving themselves communal by their own actions as specified earlier, the unaware common Bahujans have been developing a feeling that when the communal-casteist Congress is secular then why they should vote BSP which has been protecting communal-fascist BJP leaders. BSP will have to retain its Dalit vote Bank at all cost if it does not want to lose more seats.

11) Non-BSP Dalit votes are mainly divided in i) Brahminist parties ii) Stooge Parties like RPI factions that use the name of Dr, Ambedkar and other Bahujan liberation warriors and iii) Parties formed by BSP dissidents and Bahujans having difference of opinions with BSP.

When compared with stooge parties such as RPI factions the Dalits will prefer BSP at least in election in spite of its lot of weaknesses mentioned above. Therefore, BSP will swallow parties and factions of stooge leaders. In Maharashtra BSP will make RPI factions to completely extinct.

So far the organizations of BSP rebels are concerned BSP leaders know that even if they expel missionary leaders from BSP they can not become a formidable threat to party leadership because such mass leaders lack economical resources to coordinate and keep active contact with their newly formed party units. Such parties being the representatives of poor aware section usually fail in election  as they lack necessary finance for contesting election. Because they are small factions and do not pose major threat to  Brahminist parties, masses are less inclined to vote for them. Therefore in a due course such parties automatically vanish when they follow the path of election. Therefore BSP leaders are least bothered about parties of rebellion leaders. In Uttar Pradesh small parties of non Arya-Brahmin leadership are 1) Vanchit Samaj Party, 2) Apna Dal, 3) Aklavya Samaj Party, 4) Ambedkar Samaj Party, 5) Bahujan Sangharsha Party, 6) Rashtriya Samanata Dal, 7) Rashtriya Macchua Samaj Party Bahujan Shakti, 9) Shoshit Samaj Dal, 10) Bahujan Uday Manch, 11) Bharatiya Eklavya Party, 12) Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party, 13) Gondwana Gantantra Party, 14) Gondwana Mukti Sena 15) Akhil Bharat Ashok Sena. Such small parties with their limited resources are able to draw some Bahujan votes. Such parties can only weaken the chances of BSP in election only to some extent.

So far the Dalits in Brahminist organizations are concerned BSP had developed the only strategy of giving party tickets to the economically strong Dalit dissidents of Arya-Brahmin parties. BSP leaders know that there are always disgruntled mass leaders in all parties and therefore some of them are bound to approach BSP for tickets when are denied tickets by their own party. BSP leaders have adapted the policy of incorporating such powerful dissidents in party so that BSP get their community votes. With this policy BSP votes do indeed increase temporarily though it is not the missionary votes. But since the onset of “Sarvajan Hitay” formula these Dalits are less likely to get BSP tickets because they can not stand before Arya-Brahminists in financial and other resources. Therefore chances of attracting Dalits under the influence of Arya-Brahminist parties is less likely at BSP’s own efforts. BSP hopes that it will benefit from the work of non-BSP missionary Bahujan organizations. Non-BSP organizations such as BAMCEF organize cadre camps to educate their cadres in Bahujanist ideology. For the same they develop printed literature, audio and video CDs and DVDs. Many aware Bahujans have also developed their awareness literature. Their literature attract Bahujan masses of various castes towards missionary organizations such as BAMCEF etc. for missionary activities and in election towards BSP. This way to some extent BSP is being benefited from the missionary activities of others in election. But organizationally BSP shall become less and less reliable.

We have tried to discuss most of the positive and negative factors that can influence the performance of BSP in coming elections. Considering them together it seems to us that in next parliamentary elections on one hand BSP shall lose most of the existing seats and on the other hand may win some new seats if its prestige does not shatter further. In that case the final tally of BSP would be something around 25 seats. These findings thus shatters the assumption that BSP shall win minimum 21+51 = 72 seats in next election if it converts second position into first.

2. Future of RJD, JDU, SP and LJP

It seems that JDU was in better position in Bihar because it did not act as feet-licker of either communal-casteist Congress or of communal fascist BJP. They have created an image that they have been using BJP and fascist Sangh-Parivar organizations to capture power in Bihar. It also seems that after having allied with communal-fascist BJP the the JDU leaders might have taken sufficient care to behave in secular manner in practice to win the confidence of its secular voters. On the contrary, on one hand Lalu Prasad Yadav posing himself secular has been visiting temples of Brahmin religion and was getting the blessings of the saints who are staunch communalists and supporters of Sangh Parivar. It was Lalu Prasad Yadav who had built the temples of Brahmin religion all-over Bihar and surpassed communal-fascist BJP in its faith in Brahmin religion and had given his party ticket to a killer of Dalit District Collector and saw him got elected. Similarly then RJD government in Bihar had declared Naxalites as terrorist but could not dare to declare “Ranvir Sena”, the terrorist organizations of Arya-Brahmins who have been killing Dalits and OBC communities. Lalu government had refused to declare Ranvir Sena as a terrorist organization and turned down the public demand. Thus Lalu Prasad Yadav has been exposing himself to the extent that masses lost faith in him. In most of the constituencies RJD candidates are defeated with wide margin.

After excellent performance of JDU in election, important RJD and LJP leaders are joining JDU in large number. Therefore, BJP has developed a fear that if JDU reached its majority in Assembly at its own then Nitish Government may not need support of communal-fascist BJP. To us it appears that mass-base of Lalu Yadav which is mainly in Bihar and some parts of Jharkhand, under these conditions would shift to parties that show more ideological dedication to the cause of Bahujans.

Unless the parties of Bahujans return sincerely to their Social-Justice agenda and actually struggle for it, there is no hope of their growth.

3) How if All Indigenous Parties Form their

United-front Against Arya-Brahmin Parties?

Aware Bahujan masses are speedily realizing that their prime need is to destroy all Brahminist fascist parties such as Congress, BJP, and fake Communist parties of India. It is speculated by the aware indigenous Bahujans that if all the major indigenous parties join together to form a united front against Arya-Brahmin parties then they can oust the Arya-Brahmin rule from India. We shall try to objectively assess this assumption.

Table 15 below displays the combined percent votes of major indigenous parties of the various states of India where combined percent is greater than 4.0% From the table it becomes obvious that if in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh indigenous parties form joint front they will oust Arya-Brahmin parties in these states. Number of seats in these 3 states alone amounts to 162.

High success states where indigenous parties together shall win most of the seats are Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Tamilnadu, Zarkhand, Chandigarh, Uttarakhand, and Haryana. In these states there are 231 seats. In some success states there are 133 seats. If we assume that few seats that indigenous parties can not win in high success states, the same loss may be compensated from some success states. Therefore, All indigenous parties together may win minimum 200 seats in first election and shall be single largest front.

On the other hand, it is difficult for Arya-Brahminists parties such as communal-fascist BJP and communal-casteist Congress to join into single front they shall not be single largest front after election. If they form post-poll alliance, they shall get fully exposed in the eyes of indigenous masses under their grip and in next parliament election Arya-Brahminist parties will come in minority and shall lose power.

Therefore the strong fear is aroused in the hearts of many Arya-Brahmins that Brahmin rule will come to an end if alliance of parties led by non-Brahmin indigenous Bahujans comes in to existence. But the Brahmin think-tanks are 100% confident that such alliance will never materialize due to following insurmountable obstacles.

Various Obstacles in

United Front of the Parties of Indigenous Bahujans !

The main obstacles in forming united front of indigenous Bahujans are specified below.

1) Personal enmity between leaders of indigenous parties :- Arya-Brahmins spared no opportunity to create enmity between Mulayam Singh Yadav, Mayavati, Lalu Prasad Yadav etc Bahujans to the extent that these Bahujan parties have no hesitation in forming election alliance with communal-casteist congress, communal-fascist BJP and other parties of Arya-Brahmin leadership, but the parties of Bahujans are extremely averse to make alliance with each other.

In assembly elections conducted in 2005 in Hariyana, Zarkhand and Bihar Arya-Brahmin Congress craftily created enmity between Laluprasad Yadav and Shibu Soren; and between Ramvilas Paswan and Lalu Prasad Yadav by offering some of them more seats than the other. As a result of this enmity these Bahujan leaders tried to victimize each other’s candidates. As a result Arya-Brahmin candidates were elected in large number. Neither Lalu government in Bihar nor Shibu Soren government in Zarkhand could be retained. When Stiphen Marandi of Zarkhand Mukti Morcha resigned from Rajyasabha, Congress led UPA instead of declaring the same seat to Zarkhand Mukti Morcha Congress voted for Lalu candidate to create enmity between Lalu and Soren.

The enmity between the Bahujan leaders have reached to such a level that they can make alliance with communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and with any Brahmanist party but they can not even tolerate the sight of each other. Then question of alliance between them is almost impossible.

2) Struggle for existence Among Indigenous organizations :- Every indigenous leader wants to retain power at the expense of his rival leaders belonging to other indigenous parties. SP and BSP in Uttar Pradesh and RJD and JDU in Bihar are out to destroy each other. They have been defecting MLAs of each other into their party. In Bihar, Lalu Prasad Yadav had defected BSP MLAs into his party. On the contrary, Arya-Brahmins have been successfully retaining their alliances in Bengal and Kerala since several decades.

BSP in Bihar has become threat to other parties as it has developed potential to cause them defeat in many seats. From table 16 we find that because of BSP RJD has lost in all 3 seats (Gopalganj, Karakat and Madhubani). But BSP has also benefited RJD in Buxar and Maharajganj. Thus the net loss caused by BJP to RJD is of one seat.

BSP has caused defeat of communal-fascist BJP in two seats viz. Buxar and Sasaram. But because of BSP communal-fascist BJP could win 3 seats viz. Katihar, Nawada, and Madhubani. Thus communal-fascist BJP was in benefit of one seat due to BSP. Because of BSP the LJP lost the Nawada seat to communal-fascist BJP. BSP caused defeat of JDU in Maharajganj but was instrumental of win of JDU in two seats. These seats are Gopalganj and Karakat. Thus JDU is benefited by BSP by one seat. Communal-casteist Congress has lost Katihar seat but won Sasaram seat because of BSP. Thus communal-casteist Congress is not in loss because of BSP. If BSP had secured 425 more vote communal-fascist BJP would have lost Bhagalpur seat to RJD. JDU would have lost Jahanabad seat to RJD if BSP had secured 2637 more votes. Similarly RJD would have lost Vaishali seat to JDU if BSP had secured 3958 more votes.

On the contrary in Uttar Pradesh RJD, JDU and LJP is not in position to send any harm to BSP. Therefore, BSP will be less inclined to form united front with RJD, LJP and JDU and will try to weaken their strength in Bihar.

3) The enmity created by Brahminists regarding reservation :- By dividing all communities according to their backwardness and giving them reservation according to their population proportions and setting in each block sub quota for creamy and non creamy layer will ensure that no community is deprived from their reservation. But Arya-Brahminists riding the government have 1) have placed undeveloped and less-developed communities in a single caste category, and 2) in different states the same castes labeled as SC / ST / OBC / NT / VJ and so on to divide we Bahujans and create conflict between us. As a result the undeveloped castes blame that they can not avail reservation because all reserve seats of their category are grabbed by somewhat developed castes.

Communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and all Brahminist parties have also created issues such as genuine Adiwasi and fake Adivasi to create enmity and hate between Bahujans. The conflict is so intense that the rival castes within SC, within ST and within OBC do not come to form a united front. Infiltration of Brahminists in indigenous organizations have widened the gap and intensity of enmity between the leaders of indigenous organizations to such an extent that they criticize each other lowering themselves to lowest level. But they will never criticize any Arya-Brahminist leader to this extent and level.

4) Mass-base of parties of Bahujans is in limited region :- Another  obstacle in the nationwide united front of parties of Bahujan is that they can not be of any help to each other because they are non-existent in each other’s state. For example TDP and PRP is only in Andhra Pradesh, DMK is only in Tamilnadu, RJD and JDU is mainly in Bihar and Jharkhand. SP is mainly in Uttar Pradesh. JMM is only in Jharkhand and Bihar. BSP is a recognized national party but is relatively weak in states other than Uttar Pradesh. Therefore, a nationwide alliance between them would be on paper but materially non-existent. Therefore, each of these parties think in terms of their local equations where  SP-BSP in Uttar Pradesh, RJD-JDU-LJP in Bihar, TDP-PRP in Andhra Pradesh, DMK-? find each other rival in their respective states.

As nun of them can capture power at centre, to obtain share in power at centre they are compelled to make alliance either with communal-casteist Congress or with communal-fascist BJP. This dependency is the main reason that indigenous parties which pose themselves secular can not declare communal-casteist Congress their formidable enemy and launch a decisive campaign to demolish communal casteist Congress. If any Bahujan organization attempts to do that communal-casteist Congress will give preference to other faction of Bahujans in that very state. Every Bahujan organization to keep the opponent Bahujan party out of central power is ready to support communal-casteist Congress. Communal-casteist Congress did it in Tamilnadu with DMK-ADMK, With SP-BSP in Uttar Pradesh, with RJD-JDU in Bihar. The illusion of secular parties Vs. Communal parties created by Arya-Brahminists have put communal casteist Congress in a position to dictate its terms to Bahujan parties because joining communal-fascist BJP in alliance meant certifying themselves communal and non-secular. Therefore, when  an opportunity of forming a formidable third front under the leadership of V.P. Singh was possible the Bahujans leaders did not miss the chance. But now there is no formidable third front and when Bahujan leaders are divided in camps hostile to each others they have no alternative but to woo communal-casteist Congress so that they may find their share in power. Because of these dependency they are shamelessly certifying communal-casteist Congress as secular.

Lalu Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav and Ramvilas Paswan had have been repeatedly vouching to remain faithful soldiers of Sonia Gandhi. After defeat, Ramvilas Pasvan is repenting and declaring publicly that not allying with communal-casteist Congress was his grave mistake. Lalu Prasad Yadav has also expressed the same feelings repeatedly. Lalu Prasad Yadav at his own declared his party support to candidate of communal-casteist Congress in Rajyasabha election for the seat vacated from Jharkhand. In Jharkhand RJD has 7 MLAs. SP state chief and member of parliament Mr. Akhilesh Yadav  in a statement said that the women reservation bill in its present form with very little changes can be accepted if it is brought down from 33% to 25%. (Lokmat Samachar, 15 June 2009) RJD leader Lalu Prasad Yadav have been keeping tied lips regarding share of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi women in women’s reservation Bill. Thus in their attempt to woo communal-casteist Congress the SP, RJD, RLD and LJP is degrading themselves to lowest possible level.

It is Sharad Yadav,  the JDU leader who gave an emotional mass-appealing statement that he will commit suicide if the women’s reservation bill is passed without ensuring quota for OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi women. Even Mr. Vinay Katihar and Uma Bharati of BJP and ex-BJP reiterated their commitment for ensuring quota of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi women in women’s reservation Bill. Therefore, behavior of Lalu. Mulayam, Pasvan is disgusting considering that communal-casteist Congress is determined to pass women’s reservation bill without ensuring quota for indigenous women to grab all the seats for their Arya-Brahmin women.

BSP’s unasked unconditional support to Congress makes people conclude that if communal-casteist Congress is well-wisher of Bahujans then where is the need of BSP ? Daily Mahanayak called it grave mistake of BSP to give unconditional support to communal-casteist Congress when it did not even ask for Mayavati’s support. According to Mahanayak the list of supporters that communal-casteist Congress submitted to the president of India, did not mention the support of Samajwadi Party and BSP as Congress does not need their support. (Mahanayak, 25 May 2009 p.7) In spite of that by declaring unasked unconditional support to Congress Mayavati has made herself the “miserable-lady” contrary to her widely propagandized image of “iron lady”. It appears to us that if these parties do not learn from experiences and revert back to their basic agenda of social justice RJD and LJP may soon be replaced by JDU in Bihar and SP-BSP shall become progressively weak in Uttar Pradesh and shall be soon replaced by communal-casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP. By certifying communal-casteist Congress as secular the parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi have dug their own grave and shall be soon pushed into the grave they have dug for themselves.

5) Greed of Money and Power :- Selfish electioneering party leaders are slave of their own shallow lusts therefore their main intention is to attain, name, fame, power and wealth by any means. To meet this intention they make masses partially aware so that the masses blindly do what these leaders ask them to do and never question their actions. Brahmins want to get elected by any means, therefore they are ready to spend huge amount. Many organizations of Bahujans after receiving huge amount from these Arya-Brahmins and apply following strategy to benefit these Arya-Brahmins :-

i) Such parties of indigenous Bahujans may file weak or strong candidates depending upon whether the party wants to let a particular party win or lose the seat. For example, on seats mentioned in table 16 if BSP had filed all weak candidates in Bihar on those seats the parties who lost the seats would not have lost them. Critics of BSP claim that in lieu of money BSP leaders file weak or strong candidate depending on whether the “deal” with that particular party is finalized or not.

ii) Parties of Indigenous Bahujans contest election on those seats only where they are strong and leave remaining seats for Brahminists to win;

iii) they contest seats in such a way that votes of Bahujans get divided among themselves and a particular Manuist candidate is elected ;

iv) Knowing fully that the votes of Arya-Brahmins are never transferred to indigenous Bahujan candidates, they make alliance with Brahmanist parties such as fascist BJP and communal-casteist Congress and hide from masses that they have received huge amount from these Brahmanist parties. Sometimes they ask Bahujans to vote for Congress and sometimes to vote for BJP whosoever is the highest bidder at that time.

v) Some parties of Bahujans receiving huge amount from Arya-Brahmins give Arya-Brahmins their party tickets by denying legitimate claims of sincere party workers and see that these Arya-Brahmins are elected.

6) Grip of Brahmin-Religion :- Priestly class is the backbone of every exploitation system as they enslave the minds of the masses to make exploitation and oppression of masses possible. Priestly class of every kind is basically Brahminist as it always protects privileged class. Because the minds of the vote-begging leaders of the parties of indigenous Bahujans are under the firm grip of Brahmin religion they can not take any decisive step mortal to Arya-Brahminist interest. Their life is controlled by priest even before they are born and continue even after their  death in the form of rituals of Brahmin-Religion. From the date and time of filing nomination to date and time of resuming chair it is the priests who dictate them to perform, Puja, Havan, and dictate which parties and their leaders are lucky and unlucky for them.  Leaders are seen wearing rings, sticks, necklace etc. especially prepared by  priests for their luck.

These Bahujan leaders have developed a false belief that unless they drink the water used to clean Brahmin feet, they can not enjoy power, prosperity and the haven after death. Because of this mental slavery imposed by Brahmin religion no minister of Mulayam Singh ministry in Uttar Pradesh could dare to occupy his ministry chair before performing “Yadnya and Hawan” by the Brahmins”. How shameful it was to see that the chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav who belongs to OBC community had abolished the districts made after the names of Gautam Buddha, Saint Kabir, Jyotirao Fule, Shahu Maharaj etc., Bahujan warriors. Ex-chief minister of Bihar Mr. Lalu Prasad Yadav in his regime started campaigns of building temples of Brahmin religion in record number. Nobody not even the BJP during its rule in Bihar could dare to do so. Mr. Lalu Prasad Yadav was fooled by a Brahmin priest who gave him a “miraculous stick” made from precious mettles and claimed that it will save him from all dangers. The stick proved false and the Ex-chief minister suffered more. But it has definitely proved that then Bihar chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav is a slave of Brahmin religion. In his resident, tape of Gayantry hymn of Brahmin religion was seen always singing to leave no doubt about his being a slave of Brahmin religion. Because of this mental slavery such leaders can not form a genuine front of Bahujans intended to destroy Brahminism and its exploitation system. The parties of communities who consider themselves “Kshatriyas” (servants of Brahmins) will always proudly serve Brahmin exploiters. Therefore, such parties will never join sincerely the united front of indigenous Nag-Dravid Bahujans. Only those can launch a genuine struggle against system of Arya-Brahmin exploitation and oppression whose minds are free from the influence of every kind of priestly class.

7) Arya-Brahmins in Bahujan organizations :- Greed for money and power leads selfish leaders to woo rich and influential Arya-Brahminis into their party. These Arya-Brahmins who are rich and resourceful are shrewd enough to identify selfish indigenous Bahujan elements in party and corrupt the whole party with their help. The whole party structure is transformed from revolutionary Bahujan organization to an organization incapable of offering any kind of resistance to exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahminists. Soon these organizations function as slave of Arya-Brahmins.

Blood relations with Arya-Brahmins :- Brahminists using their tried and tested ancient evil plan have been marrying their daughters in reputed families of indigenous Bahujans in power so that these indigenous persons could be used as “Shikhandi” to protect Brahminism and in enslaving Bahujan masses. RPI leaders Ramdas Athawale, Prakash Ambedkar, Justice party leader Mr. Udit Raj (Ram Raj), Ramvilas Paswan of Dalit Sena (Now LJP), BJP leader Gopinath Munde, Ex-Chief minister of Maharashtra Mr. Vasantrao Naik, etc. are few examples who established blood relations with Arya-Brahmins. Such leaders who feel obliged by marrying a Brahmin girl have become slaves of Brahmanism and are striving hard to push Bahujan masses in to poisonous marsh of Brahmin religion and destroying Bahujan struggle against the exploitation and oppression of Brahminist-Zionist Tri-Iblis. Under the same policy Arya-Brahminists have made one son of their family Sikh and thus corrupted whole Sikh religion and paralyzed it with the poison of Brahmin-religion. Under the same evil policy, Arya-Brahmins have converted to Islam and poisoned their religion with Brahminism and ensured that backward Muslims always remain backward and real power lies in the hands of converted Arya-Brahmins. These all converted and not converted Arya-Brahmins in unison are protecting Arya-Brahmin exploitation system and ensuring that indigenous masses remain slaves of their system.

Because of these above mentioned reasons party organizations of indigenous Bahujans will never come together to oust Arya-Brahmin exploiters from power. They will continue to support exploitation system of Tri-Iblis while befooling people by their lip service and mock struggle.

Arya-Brahminist Parties are out for

Demolition of OBC, Dalit, Adivasi Organizations !

After communal-casteist Congress has come to power, its first declared task is to demolish indigenous parties which are threat to Arya-Brahmin Crown. Their immediate target will be to demolish the weakest indigenous party with the help of their indigenous enemy parties. Communal-casteist Congress knows very well that unless it regains stronghold in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, it will have fear of being ousted from the power. Therefore  SP and BSP of Uttar Pradesh and RJD and JDU in Bihar is top in the hit list of communal-casteist Congress. They want to finish them one by one. In Bihar communal-casteist Congress is determined to destroy RJD and LJP first. Because JDU is in BJP camp, RJD and LJP can not join it and thus is fully at the mercy of communal casteist Congress because BSP is also immerging as a mortal threat to them. According to Lokmat Samachar (15 June 2009) communal-casteist Congress having {secret understanding with BJP} has declared its decision to contest alone in Bihar so that by selectively voting it can inflict maximum possible harm to RJD and JDU in favor of Arya-Brahmin candidates in general. So that in net result communal-casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP immerge as main parties.

Communal-casteist Congress has always been pretending and intensively publicizing as well-wisher of Dalits and reaping benefits in election. After they have achieved their intention they are always betraying the very Dalits. The racist and hypocrite Mr. Mohanlal Karamchand Gandhi the grand-grandfather of Mr. Rahul Gandhi was famous for his drama of visiting Dalit localities, posing poor like Dalits and preaching Dalits to be proud of their filthy life and slavery. According to Jawaharlal Nehru Mr. M. K. Gandhi was a hypocrite. According to Sarojini Naidu, to pose M.K. Gandhi as poor Communal-casteist Congress had to spend fabulous amount. (L.R. Bali : Kya Gandhi Mahatma The ?) M.K. Gandhi used to sleep naked with several of his female followers stripping them completely naked, including his own grand-niece Manu (V.T. Rajshekar, Why Godse Killed Gandhi)

It may be remembered that Before the election Rahul Gandhi following footsteps of his grand-grand father visited Dalit villages, stayed in the houses of Dalits  and ate in Dalit huts. Therefore, the drama of Rahul Gandhi, of visiting Dalit localities and eating with them did not surprise anybody as this strategy is not New. Like his grand grand-father he did not lag behind in betraying the very Dalits whom he made subjects of his wide propaganda to reap the benefits in parliamentary elections of year 2009.

According to Daily Mahanayak, in its article in Marathi entitled as “Lastly Rahul Gandhi As Well as Congress shown their Caste” wrote that Rahul Gandhi during his election campaign in Vidabha region of Maharashtra had visited the house of Kalavati the wife of a farmer who had to commit suicide {as a result of anti-people policies of communal-casteist Congress}. Kalavati has a family of nine persons and is still being crushed under the debt of Rs. 90,000/-. Rahul Gandhi had showered fake sympathy and fake promises on the disadvantaged Kalavati and her family. Rahul Gandhi had stayed in her hut for several hours to exploit the situation politically. Rahul Gandhi also repeatedly referred her name in parliament and a wide propaganda was made to give impression that now the calamities of Kalavati are over and prosperity has come to her doorsteps. Government officers also promised her haven. Kalavati had applied for the promised facilities in writing believing that her family calamities are about to go. They were so overwhelmed with joy that they expressed their gratitude for Rahul Gandhi and his communal-casteist Congress. The communal casteist Congress took this very opportunity to publicize her feelings of gratitude widely and intensively and reaped the benefits in election. But Kalawati was made more miserable. Even after repeated visits to all officers concerned, no promise was fulfilled. Finally the officers told her that she should no come to them; as the promises were made by Rahul Gandhi so she should visit him and ask for the fulfillment of the given promises. To remind Mr. Rahul Gandhi of his promises she went to Delhi to meet him {perhaps again borrowing loan from the money lender to meet her Delhi travel expenses} and remind him of his promises. But Rahul Gandhi did not meet her. (Mahanayak, 11 June 2009)

Like the commercial companies who pay several million rupees to glamorous film actors and sport-stars for advertisement; communal casteist Congress has also been paying millions of Rupees to agencies for its election advertisement hoardings, election-Songs and what not but the Kalavati whom they used as their star advertisement Dalit-figure for their election campaign to fool Dalits and Bahujan masses did not receive a single penny but on the contrary is still being persecuted by the communal-casteist Congress in the manner described above. This is the tradition of communal-casteist Congress. It has to be seen to what extent Mr. Rahul Gandhi imitates his grand-grandfather in his hypocrisy and other experimentations.

Communal casteist Congress had decided to celebrate the birth day of Rahul Gandhi as “Samajik Samarasata Day” throughout India and especially in Dalit localities of every village of Uttar Pradesh in a grand fashion and advertise him as the savior of Dalits. Communal-casteist Congress on the occasion had organized joint-dining programs with Dalits. In several places public meetings for Dalits were also organized. (Lokmat Samachar, 15 June 2009, Mahanayak, 20 June 2009)  The same Drama is likely to be done at large scale and shall be published intensively and churned day and night to influence Dalits in favor of communal-casteist Congress. It has been the tradition of Arya-Brahmins of communal-casteist Congress to purify themselves through the rituals of Brahmin religion after they come back from such drama as visiting Dalit houses and eating  in their company.

Having politically benefited in election from this hypocrisy and cruel dramas, the communal casteist Congress has declared its intention to capture Uttar Pradesh by demolishing SP and BSP. Communal-cateist Congress to lure Dalit votes has appointed Meera Kumar (daughter of Jagjiwan Ram) as speaker of Loksabha and Mr. Mukul Wasnik as cabinet minister (Social Justice). The BSP use to raise slogan. “U.P. Hui Hamai Hai, Ab Dilli Ki Bari Hai, After the victory of communal casteist Congress, their party workers reverting BSP slogan are raising their own slogan as “Dilli Hui Hamai Hai Ab U.P. Ki Bai Hai”.

Communal-casteist Congress has used its stooge RPI leaders and after realizing that BSP has taken hold of their mass-base, communal-casteist Congress itself ensured  defeat of Mr. Ramdas Athawale, Prakash Ambedkar, Rajendra Gavai etc. in this very election because now the communal-casteist Congress does not want to appease these mass-less stooges by sacrificing share of their party leaders for nothing and invite wrath of their own loyal party leaders.

Communal-casteist Congress knows very well that united front between parties of indigenous OBC, Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi can not be formed because of the reasons explained earlier. Because the leaders of parties of vote-begging indigenous Bahujans have realized that by their very selfish personality they are incapable of launching genuine struggle against exploitation system of Arya-Brahmins which is part and parcel of world exploitation system of Tri-Iblis. Therefore, they are left with no other alternative than deceive indigenous Bahujan masses and accumulate as much power and wealth they can.

Arya-Brahmins know that leaders of indigenous parties have developed a feeling that they can only get share in power at centre either by allying with fascist BJP or allying with the communal-casteist Congress. Communal-cateist Congress as well as communal-fascist BJP will not allow parties like  BSP, RJD or any party of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi a share in power which can become a threat to communal-casteist Congress in any manner. Arya-Brahmin parties will form their Arya-Brahmin government by secret or open alliance between the communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership. If at all share in power is given to some of the indigenous parties, these parties will have to remain underdogs. In such situations these indigenous parties will become completely useless so far struggle against economical oppression and exploitation of indigenous masses is concerned.

What Parties of Indigenous Bahujans Must Do ?

In order to bring Bahujan parties in dictating position following measure must be taken by parties of indigenous Bahujans if they do not want to be extinct either by the Arya-Brahminist parties or the missionary Bahujan organizations engaged in genuine missionary work

1. Launch formidable campaigns to finish Congress-BJP-Communist etc. Brahminist Enemy Parties.

Parties of indigenous Bahujans can be saved from being extinct only if they demolish the myth which they themselves have created that the communal casteist Congress is secular. The basic need is to make masses realize that communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadershi are equally communal, casteist an fascist. To leave no doubt among the masses, they must call these parties with prefixes before their name such as “communal-casteist”, “Arya-Brahminist”,  “communal-fascist”, “Arya-Brahmin fake communists”, “enemy of Bahujans” and so on. Unless this “Secular Vs. Communal” illusion is not blown-up the dependency on communal-casteist Congress can not be demolished. BAMCEF presided by Waman Meshram is doing excellent in its campaign especially launched to expose communal-casteist Congress, fascist Communal BJP and other Brahninist organizations completely.

BSP founder Kanshiram took every care to expose before masses that there is no difference between Communal-casteist Congress, communal-fascist BJP and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leaders. He use to call them “Nagnath, Sanpnath and Astin Ke Sanp respectively. Therefore, to capture power to implement party programs he made alliance with communal-fascist BJP in Uttar Pradesh. His sharing political power with communal-fascist BJP was criticized by parties and masses affected by “Secular Vs. Communal” illusion. That time we had defended BSP by saying that if sharing power with BSP if communal-casteist BJP did not become “Secular” then how the BSP has become communal ? first two regimes of BSP in Uttar Pradesh had really served Bahujan masses. Because of stand taken by Kanshiram other Bahujan Parties had dared to joined the block of communal-fascist BJP and could get out of the dependency on communal-casteist Congress.

Now the basic need is to distance from these Arya-Brahmin parties and launch and ideological campaign to expose the communal-casteist and fascist character of these Arya-Brahminist parties before the masses and do everything to demolish them. Bahujan parties can do this individually if they can not do this jointly.

2. Stop begging and start Dictating Terms to Brahminist Parties.

Parties of Bahujans do not need to beg before Arya-Brahmin parties rather they should develop determination to destroy the Arya-Brahminist parties and dedicate themselves in this work. Soon they will find that leaders of Arya-Brahmin parties come to beg before them. BSP founder Kanshiram applied the same formula of demolishing Arya-Brahmin parties and benefited from the contradictions of them at his own terms. Communal-fascist BJP and communal-casteist Cogress was helpless and had no alternative but to concede.

3. Intensify Social-Justice Campaign at Grass-root Level

Parties of indigenous Bahujans can become strong only if they develop genuine dedication for their “Social-Justice” agenda and expose true communal-casteist and fascist character of Arya-Brahmin parties. They must expose before masses the every evil measure these Arya-Brahminists have taken to deprive the indigenous masses from their rights and reduce them to pathetic state. They should aware masses to demolish the exploitation and oppression system of Tri-Iblish.

4. Develop Dedication to their own Nag-Dravid Culture

Parties of indigenous Bahujans can only remain faithful to their Social-Justice agenda if they come out of the death-grip of Arya-Brahmin religion and become really dedicated to their own indigenous Nag-Dravid Bahujan culture.

Arya-Brahmins have done everything to distort and hide the history of we Bahujans that our indigenous culture is Nag-Deavid Culture. They have done everything and imposed their inhuman Brahmin-religion  upon us to enslave and exploit us. Now we have been unveiling our glorious history and traditions of Nag-Dravid Culture. All OBC, Dalit, Adivasi and minority community people were indigenous Nag-Dravid ruling communities. The indigenous Nag-Dravid Indian culture has taken from Adivasi Shiv culture, Buddha Dhamma, Islam and paths of indigenous Bahujan saints. Parikupar Lingo, Buddha, prophet Mohammad, Baba Farid, Saint Namdev, Saint Ravidas, Kabir, Tukaram, Saint Sevabhaya etc. Bahujan liberation warriors have taught us to cling each other, be arm in arm and eat together in the same plate. All of them tried to lay foundation of exploitation free society based on equality, fraternity, brotherhood and liberty.

On the contrary, Brahmin religion used its all energy to convert us into uneducated, self-respect less slaves. Arya-Brahmins divided indigenous people into thousands of castes and compelled Bahujan castes to hate each other. Therefore, they do not salute each other from a safe distance. Forcing their Brahmin religion they compelled us to drink the water used in the washing of Brahmin feet. Brahmin religion and its culture has degraded Bahujans below the rank of animals. Brahmin religion is a curse and stigma on indigenous Nag-Dravid culture which should be wiped out at any cost. Therefore, all of our indigenous saints completely rejected and condemned Brahmin religion and its culture. For this our saints were humiliated, tortured and murdered by the Arya-Brahmins. Arya-Brahmins did not stop humiliating our saints even after their death. In spite of this, the selfish leaders of Bahujans forgetting their glorious religion and culture have became slaves of Brahmin religion. “How the slaves of Brahmin religion can fight against Arya-Brahmins ? ”

5. Launch intelligent genuine struggle

Against Arya-Brahmin Exploitation and Oppression

The only way parties of Bahujans can regain their strength is that they should launch intelligent genuine struggle against the exploitation and oppression of indigenous masses by the Tri-Iblis. Intelligent and genuine struggle is that struggle in which Bahujan masses do not suffer but instead the parties of Arya-Brahmin exploiters and their exploiter class suffer politically, economically and in several other ways depending on the situation developed. Bahujan masses receive least possible harm. Such a struggle is genuine and formidable when all sections of masses such as workers, students, and intellectual all participate in the struggle in an intelligent manner.

There is a need to launch intelligent genuine struggle against privatization of education that intend to deprive Bahujans every education. They should launch struggle against SEZs, against Displacement of Bahujans from their ancestral places, demolition of their slums, against Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization, against demonic laws created to suppress masses and destroy democracy. They should mobilize themselves against MNCs. Such a list is very long.

What Bahujan Masses Must Do ?

Indigenous masses must realize following few points if they really want to get rid of satanic system of Arya-Brahminist exploitation and oppression and establish Bahujanist Social Democracy based on equality and fraternity in its place.

Arya-Brahminists are Enemy of Indigenous Bahujans

Bahujans should realize that the Congress, BJP, Communist etc. parties of Arya-Brahmin leadership have always opposed Mulniwasi rights in the interest of their Savarna community. Did not all the parties of Arya-Brahmin leadership in power delayed OBC reservation over half century ? They declared OBC reservation “in part”, only when the liberalization, privatization and globalization could be implemented to finish the reservation. Why reservation in the judiciary is not implemented till this date ?, Why reservation quota is deliberately not filed ?, Why governments tolerated defying of Indian constitution and delivering anti Bahujan judgments by the Arya-Brahmin judiciary ? Arya-Brahmins loot us claiming our welfare. Claiming Dalit welfare they imposed Puna pact and created brigade of Dalit stooges and swallowed our rights one by one. In the name of development we Adiwasi are sent homeless and jobless; Claiming our emancipation through employment guarantee scheme existing facilities and subsidies are being removed in the pretext of creating fund for this scheme which is fraud to extract money for Arya-Brahmin industrialists. The scheme claims to give 100 days work @ 60/- rupees per day to one member of a family. If on the average each family has 5 members then each family member will get only three rupees twenty nine Paisa daily as a result of this scheme (60 X 100) / (5 X 365). Who can forget that America killed millions of people in Iraq, Afghanistan and other parts of the world claiming their liberation and welfare. Such are the shameless methods of Arya-Brahminits throughout the world.

Thousands of such questions lead us to only the conclusion that All parties of Brahmin leadership are enemies of Bahujan interest. We can only hate Arya-Brahmin leaders for whatever they have done to us. Only the open or disguised lackeys or persons with slave mentality can praise or sympathize Arya-Brahmin enemies.

Hoping Our welfare from Enemy is Futile

Is there any use in convincing the exploiters not to exploit ? How can you convince your exploiters to stop exploitation and give Bahujans their due share and rights ? They deny our Bahujan women the reservation in “Women’s reservation bill ” because they want all seats for their Arya-Brahmin women. They curse us vehemently of dividing women in castes and call themselves apostle of “women equality”. If we demand reservation which is right of our community share, they will curse and call us “anti-equality”, “disturbing communal harmony” and “dividing the country”. On cunning pretexts such as “creamy layer”, reservation is denied to well to do OBC, and the poor OBC candidates are denied calling them “not suitable”. They will displace us from our century old homes and area which we love most. If we protest they will curse calling us “anti-development”. They will demolish our little huts, destroy our life and praise themselves for cleansing dirt and converting city into Shanghai.  They will provide cheap electricity, water, land and huge public fund to their Arya-Brahmin industrialists, allow them to loot banks and thus loot the middle class investors. If we object they will curse and call us “anti-industrial growth”. They will abolish or reduce subsidies on essential items given from our own public money and transfer this amount to their Arya-Brahmin Industrialists. If we protest they will give us advice to “leave this begging attitude and be self-reliant”.

How can we convince the exploiters not to exploit, not to deprive us from our rights and our legitimate share ? Have ever anybody in the word in the history of whole mankind has succeeded ? Nobody have succeed in convincing exploiters. Then why to engage in this futile attempt ? Why keep any hope in enemies ? Why not develop our strength to such height that the exploiter enemy has only alternative to concede our rights.

Why repeat futile unproductive neurotic actions ? Refute any activity which lead us to frustration and strengthen the oppressors. Treat enemies as enemies and friends as friends. When the Congress, BJP, communist etc., parties of Brahmin leadership are enemies of Bahujan interest then why to keep any hope from them ? Why to sympathize or praise their leaders ? Why to vote for enemy parties ? Why not analyze carefully every bait put forth by them ? Unless we do that we can not save ourselves from being cheated and treated as fools by the Arya-Brahmin oppressors. Let us not engage in any activity that does not lead to strengthen our struggle and weaken our enemies. If we have that determination then only we can free ourselves from exploitation. Therefore, consider class and community character of a person. Accordingly analyze his strength, limitations and his motives. If we do not break these fetters then our several generations would remain slaves in Manucracy which is great agony than dying as a lion.

Genuine Struggle For “BSG” is the only Alternative

We must not forget that whatever facility we Bahujans have got it is not due to the begging and crying before the exploiters. It is due to the bitter struggle that our liberation warriors such as Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar, Periyar etc. launched to capture state power in the hands of masses. The frightened Arya-Brahmin exploiters had no alternative but to make “temporary agreement” to calm-down the struggle. Brahmins at the time of Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar though enjoyed high positions, did not have absolute power in their hands. Brahmins either were under the rule of Muslim, or British, Dutch imperialists. World imperialists also fought among themselves for snatching colonies from each other. These foreign imperialists were compelled to help Bahujans fearing they may support the opponent imperialists, the Muslim rulers or the communism. Imperialists were phobic of communism. Therefore, Dr. Ambedkar and other Bahujan warriors could receive safeguards for the Bahujan masses oppressed socially and culturally. Today the situation is hundred times difficult because inhuman Manucracy is part of world imperialism. Manucratics of India have become a strong ally of Israel and America and act as their lackeys. There is no communism to frighten them. Hence, the shameless unconstitutional Manucracy in Gujarat could arrange state sponsored massacre of Muslims with hidden support of Israel and America.

The Manucracy, is so shameless and unconstitutional that you can not expect justice but only persecution and torture from them, because Arya-Brahmins have proved themselves worst enemies of Mulniwasi Bahujans. All commissions (human rights, SC/ ST, Women’s etc.) which lack any power to do justice are constituted to 1) appoint Arya-Brahmins on higher posts. 2) to deceive people in the hope of justice and 3) to act as an agent of exploiters in weakening Bahujan struggle. To deceive people, these commissions must create illusion of justice by false propaganda with rare incidences of insufficient justice. People countable on fingers get lottery still the millions go after it. The same principle is applied by these commissions to deceive the Mulniwasi victims. The higher authorities of the concerned department will not respond whenever it goes against Arya-Brahmin interest. It does not matter which authority you plea. You will not receive any reply from them. In writing letters and reminders to president of India, governors, all the commissions, ministers and chief minister you will only spend your money, time and will get only frustration. We ourselves are sufferer. We have no genuine Bahujanwadi media or it is very weak. No matter how just and right we are ! No matter how genuine is our side, the Manu-media will declare that we are totally wrong. In the big loud noise of Manumedia our voice have always been remained unheard.

No hope from judiciary. Judiciary is anti-Bahujan and act on the behest of Manu-Smriti to protect Arya-Brahmin interests. Have you forgotten the big Statue of Manu raised in the foreyard of Rajastan high court in Jaipur?  In giving anti-Bahujan judgements it does not hesitate to go beyond its powers, and make contempt of constitution says Waman Meshram.

Therefore, our main objective must be to destroy the exploitation system completely and establish firmly the Bahujanwadi Samajik Ganatantra (Bahujanist Social Democracy). Our every action must lead us ahead in that direction. Any action which does not accomplish this function is a misleading activity. When the exploiters are afraid of loosing their state power they beg Bahujans to accept concession such as reservation and other facilities. Those who hold the reins of state-power has the ability to give concession to others. Therefore, when the Irish nationalist Redmund asked Karson the leader of Alster to agree for united Irish state and get whatever facilities and concessions he needs. On this Karson replied, “Down with your concessions, we do not want to be ruled by you at any cost.”

“Manusmriti” deprived OBC, Dalit, Adiwasis from education and respectable jobs. The same is being achieved by speedy implementation of Liberalization, Privatization & Globalization” (LPG). The LPG and SEZ are modern Manusmriti. We must realize that the liberalization, privatization and globalization (LPG) and SEZ which is “modern Manusmruti” is being implemented to exploit and enslave laboring masses of the world by imperialist countries.  Arya-Brahmins are part of world Tri-Iblisi imperialist alliance. Therefore, fighting against Brahminism & LPG and SEZ  involves struggle against world imperialism. Considering oppressive capacity of world imperialists and their ally Arya-Brahmins, think and visualize the nature of struggle would require and prepare ourselves for it.

When Arya-Brahmins shall find themselves incapable of retaining power through the elections, they will abolish parliamentary system and impose dictatorship over the toiling masses. Then struggle will be the only alternative left with the toiling masses to free themselves from exploitation and to establish Bahujanwadi Samajik Ganatantra. Therefore, genuine struggle is a fundamental need while the electioneering shall be always secondary and complementary to the basic struggle.

Parties of Vote-Beggars are incompetant for Genuine Struggle

Are our Bahujan organizations of this kind ? Our Bahujan organizations are no different from the herd of goats. They are merely the parties of “Vote-Beggars”. Our organizations can not think beyond “vote-begging”. Our agitation is nothing more than the goats bleating in pain, in unison. Gathering in thousands to bleat and cry before the Arya-Brahmin exploiters we have spent huge amount of our hard earned money, lost our precious time and energy and got nothing. Once our Bahujan organizations of Tamilnadu accused Brahmin chief minister Jaylalita that she is spreading Brahminism. Jaylalita replied “Yes I am spreading Brahminism do whatever you like !”. Listening this reply our organizations simply kept mum. Such is their misery. We can not even bend a single hair of the Arya-Brahmins. We can only bleat.

Arya-Brahmins know that birds will only flutter their wings and goats would beat their legs when they are slain. They know that this would not send them any harm. Therefore, Arya-Brahmins without any hesitation, break our bones and pierce bullets in the bodies of we Bahujan workers, peasants, students and youths through our own Bahujan police. Whenever we begged and bleated we got our bones broken. Police left no space for our escape. It happened with we Honda workers of Haryana. It happens every day with us all over in this Manucratic India. L.P.G. And SEZ the modern Manusmriti is being speedily implemented to enslave us for ever. If we protest Arya Brahmin exploiters will keep on killing we Mulniwasi Bahujans in the hands of Bahujan police while the Arya-Brahmins remaining completely safe.

Bahujan Stooges of Arya-Brahmins kept masses busy in ritualism. We paid them money, participated in processions and rallies, suffered police caning, firing occasionally, and voted for their candidates. But not a single sentence was delivered by them to assign us a missionary task that really weaken Arya-Brahmins and unite Bahujans. They never made us realize that nowhere in the history of mankind exploiters have themselves destroyed their exploitation system, surrendered their privileges and made means of production a social property. Therefore, Arya-Brahmins being exploiters, will never give us our rights so easily. Exploited Bahujan masses are never made aware to develop organizational skills to control their struggle as well as leaders of the struggle. Rather we are fooled in non-missionary activities. We never organized ourselves in the way that Arya-Brahmins have no other alternative but to concede our rights.

How long will it take we Bahujan masses to realize that our ‘vote-beggars’ have no capacity and desire to become lions. They are only after vegetable leaves offered by the Arya-Brahmins. How long should we act neurotically on the behest of our Arya-Brahmin enemies and their stooges ? Hoping that the cows will fly and fish will run on the ground ? That a moneylender will distribute his land and wealth among the landless laborers ? That a leader who himself is caught in the net of Brahmin religion will fight Brahmanism ? That the stooges of Arya-Brahmins will fight tooth and nail with their Arya-Brahmin masters ? How could the lackeys or devotees dare to fight with their Savarna masters ? Political parties of “vote-beggars” organized in a hodgepodge fashion will retaliate militantly the Arya-Brahmin terrorist organizations ? Those who hope all these will realize are living in the fool’s paradise. Enough of living in fool’s paradise !

What alternative is left with us other than : 1) Becoming slaves of Arya-Brahmins and bear all kinds of oppression for us & our generations. 2) Follow the “vote-beggar goat-leaders” and face police caning or firing but receive no justice.  3) Become lions and leave no opportunity to pounce on the hunters who are out to kill us. “Lion is never slain only goats are slain” says Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.  Are all people goats and morons not to identify the real oppressors ? Is a billion dollar question ! The answer is “Bahujans were never goats, they are made to think that they are goats.” Many Bahujans have come out of this illusion and attained self respect by recognizing their sharp teeth and sharp nails of a lion. How long will it take we Bahujan masses to realize not to follow goats but to become lions themselves as Dr. Ambedkar told them to become, and pounce on the real culprit.

The Only Alternative for the indigenous Masses !

1) All parties of Brahmin leadership are enemies of Bahujan interest. Enemies are fought tooth and nail. Solidarity is developed between the friends. Hence it is our sacred duty to destroy these organizations. We must never trust our enemies and analyze their every sugar coated poison proposals with extreme caution.

2) Dr. Ambedkar has clearly instructed us not to depend on any leader for our emancipation of any kind. Our emancipation lies in our own hands, and in our own efforts. The basic need is to aware masses for decisive struggle against every facet of Arya-Brahmin exploitation and oppression system. Dr. Ambedkar wanted exploited Bahujan masses to become politically aware, launch missionary activities themselves and develop organizational skills and control mission and its leadership. Therefore, every exploited Bahujan considering his own efficiencies, weakness, resources and responsibilities has to dedicate himself for the missionary activity of his choice and priority. “A missionary activity is that activity which unites Bahujan Samaj, strengthen its struggle and weakens Brahmanism”. Unless missionary activities are started by exploited aware Bahujans themselves, we can not destroy exploitation system, free ourselves from oppression and establish exploitation free social system.

a) Never worry of difficulties no matter how great they are ! Instead, welcome them for the cadres are tempered and steeled by surmounting difficulties. Only by surmounting difficulties our struggle can grow. Therefore, whosoever does not welcome difficulties to conquer them but lament an shed tears can not be regarded as an aware Bahujan. Such a person is only a lazy, devoid of intellect, coward, selfish or slave in mentality. We the children of “Fule, Stalin, Ambedkar” are born to win !

b) Think not in terms of individual organizations but in terms of “whole process of struggle” between us and our exploiters. In this “process” many Bahujan organizations would be friends some with their limited capacity, some will remain in mission only to a point only. Therefore, do not expect anything beyond the capacity of friends & the friendly organizations and strive to fulfill by your own efforts whatever is lacks in the Bahujan mission.  The enemy and their lackeys would strive to deceive and destroy our struggle. Therefore, identify our friends and the enemies, assess their strength and weaknesses, identify “cracks” in enemy fort, use them to demolish the enemy fort.

c) “Followers” of Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar, are reviving Fule, Shahu, Ambedkarism buried under ritualism and devoteesm. They don’t carry Bahujan idols on their heads but understood life mission of Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar to implement their teachings in their struggle against the exploitation and oppression. They spend their every penny on creating awareness among Bahujans, punishing the oppressors and on missionary activities leading to destruction of the Arya-Brahmin exploitation system.

A) We must form “Fund to Resist Oppression”

In every village and locality “Fund to Resist Oppression” must be formed by aware persons. If a locality or village has many groups of Bahujans each of them can form their own “Fund to Resist Oppression”. Groups of various types such as lawyers, workers, students of respective colleges and schools, women of the locality, various professional groups etc. can form their own “Fund to Resist Oppression”

Such a fund can be easily raised by diverting the fund collected to celebrate birth days of our liberation warriors such as Buddha, Ambedkar, Fule, Shahu and so on. Instead of wasting huge amount on decoration and such other wastages if the amount is properly used to give proper answer to those who burn our houses, rape our women, humiliate and kill us. What can we expect from the “vote beggar” leaders who continue to spent millions of rupees on Sammelans, conferences, election campaigning, their birth days, arrange meetings in five star hotels but are not ready to spend a single penny to support victims against the oppressors. Therefore, the above mechanism should be developed by aware common masses themselves.

There shall be no office bearers of the “Fund to Resist Oppression” and every decision shall be taken collectively by the contributor indigenous Bahujans of the fund. They shall collectively decide with whom the amount of “Fund to Resist Oppression” shall be kept. Each fund shall be completely autonomous and informal. Similarly they shall decide the nature of help and retaliation to be offered by their “Fund to Resist Oppression” appropriate to their abilities and resources. Every “Fund to Resist Oppression” is self reliant and autonomous and answerable only to its member contributors. The member contributors shall decide unanimously some members to coordinate between the resources of each similar program funds.

After an incident of atrocity on Dalits, Adivasi OBC Bahujans is known, any fund representative may announce the meeting of representatives of all existing funds in the region to decide the nature of resistance and help. The representatives gather together to simply coordinate with the help and retaliation program decided by each “Fund to Resist Oppression”. Because each “Fund to Resist Oppression” is autonomous they may unite in the groups having similar retaliation and help program. Such groups of “Fund to Resist Oppression” shall unanimously choose persons who can accomplish needed responsibilities of the decided help and retaliation program.

The lackeys of the Arya-Brahmin organizations and oppressor class may try to infiltrate and would try hard to make centralized organization of the funds so that they can resume control and fool the masses with fake measure and distract the funds from implementation of genuinely effective program. How can cowards implement strong measures ? such cowards will avoid strong measures even if they are most essential in the given situation. Therefore, the success of funds depends upon the direct control of masses over each of their respective fund.  Therefore no centralized formal committee of funds at any level shall be formed. Similarly centralization of their resources shall never be accepted. Representatives of each “Fund to Resist Oppression” shall help victims in their own supervision about the utilization of their contribution to ensure proper use of such fund  is made.

The victims can be provided help in many ways  such as :-

1) Atrocities continue because the victims are dependent on their oppressors for their jobs. Whenever any kind of resistance is offered the Arya-Brahminists apply their age-old tested and proven method of boycott of the victims. The victims of Arya-Brahmin oppression can be supplied sufficient quantity of food and money that last for several months. This shall make the boycott of victims by their Arya-Brahminist oppressors of the village futile and ineffective. If the victims depend for their job on the Arya-Brahminists, they also depend on the labor of victims for the production in their fields.

2) The possible actions taken against the atrocities committed can be as mentioned below :-

a) With the help of aware Bahujans in the radius of 100 miles of the pace of the victims an intensive campaign can be launched against the i) MLA and its party of the area and fully expose the anti-people character of that party and take an oath to demolish that party and defeat the existing MLA,

b) Expose all those who have been supporting the criminals and oppressors and expose them before masses.

c) ensure the economic, political and other loss of the oppressors and their supporters. For example we can start the boycott of the work in the field of the oppressor by organizing field-workers.

d) establish “protection committee” of the persons in the radius of 50 miles which shall act immediately to provide legal and other such affairs resulting after the oppression.

e) they should see that not only decision of the court comes in the favor of victims but also the oppressors suffer financially as a result of maximum possible heavy compensation.

f) other ways of punishing the oppressors and their interests can be investigated and actions be taken.

g) The oppressed Bahujans should organize long-march rallies for Bahujan-rights which should pass through every village / Taluka of every district, understand and solve local issues of oppression there itself in the presence of mob gathered in the rally. Persons residing in the towns and cities should help the people participating in rallies by every means such as supply of food, money and other resources. It is the duty of every person belonging to nearby place to attend the rally till it is in the radius of 100 kilo meters of their residence. Those who can accompany rally beyond that must do so. The problems which can not be solved there itself, awareness, mobilization and action plan must be decided there itself so that the exploitation, oppression is duly answered.  In “Dalit Adhikar” Patrika published from Rajastan (India) mentions such a rally which solved untouchability and other related issues there itself in the presence of large mob. Police was compelled to help in their lawful persuasions. (Dalit Adhikar, Nov. 2004). The rally should camp itself in those villages in which weaker sections are exploited, victimized and oppressed. We can aware and mobilize masses, launch extensive propaganda campaign till the issues are solved there itself. The oppressed of the villages must be assured that their every oppression shall be avenged in all conditions. Such rallies generates tremendous confidence and self-respect among the oppressed and acute fear among the oppressors. In Telangana of Andhra Pradesh (part of Nizam state), landless laborers and small farmers used rallies most effectively. At the time of rallies the oppressors used to run away from the village and town.

h) Considering Bajarang Dal, Soldiers of Hindutva, etc. Sangh-Parivar terrorist organizations the need of a retaliatory force has increased thousand fold who can aptly answer these fascist organizations in their own language by better means than theirs. Without such retaliation force, the organizations of indigenous OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi Nag-Dravids are just like the lions without teeth and nails who can not bend a hair of the Arya-Brahmin oppressors but can become their tail wagging pets. Therefore, Bahujans must organize themselves to form a retaliatory force and train themselves accordingly so they are able to give proper reply to our oppressors. Considering fascist nature of Arya-Brahmin organizations, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had formed retaliation organizations such as “Samata Sainik Dal” and “Pranyadnya Dal”. Such organizations ready to sacrifice their life would compel the oppressors to think thousands time before committing such atrocities. Answering the oppressors in the language they understand is a sign of a community full of self respect. “The protective mechanism” should apprehend Savarna offensive in advance. Bahujan volunteers in cooperation with all people must make the oppressors realize that they can not shed Bahujan blood unless they shed their own. If Bahujans depend on oppressors for work, the oppressors also depend on Bahujan labour. “The assembly of workers and peasants” came from neighboring places can handle it in the presence of govt. authorities (if they are ready) or in absence of them. Bahujan organizations will loose confidence of people if they do not support the masses.

B) We must form “Community Self-reliant Centre”

The aware Bahujans with the help of each other should form “community self-reliance center” in their area or villages. If in a village or area sufficient number of members are not available then area of community self-reliance center should be expanded.

a) The “community self-reliance center” with the help of unemployed youths should conduct a survey of daily needs of residents of the area. With the help of politically and socially aware Bahujans they should obtain the orders for the supply of products of their daily needs. These items may include :- i) rice, wheat etc, oils, vegetables, snacks such as Biscuits, chocolates, potato chips, mixtures, bread, pickles, souse, noodle etc, fruit juices, Murabba etc ii) grinded spices, chilly powder, turmeric powder etc., iii) Hair oil, soaps, Blue, tooth powder, cosmetics iv) stationary for school going children, v) foot-wears etc., articles. Some of these articles shall be produced in “Community self-reliance centers” while remaining shall be bought directly from the Bahujan peasants and the producers and supplied to the people of the area.

At the initial stage, “community self-reliance center” should start with 2-3 items considering its resources. As the resources increase, number of items should be increased. Thus the community self-reliance center shall i) give employment to youths, ii) people shall get unadulterated articles, and iii) peasants shall be freed from the exploitation of middlemen and the market monopolists.

The things which can not be produced by the community self-reliance centre, shall be bought from the capitalists who are opposed to Tri-Iblisi capitalists and who agree to employ Bahujans in their factories.

Arya-Brahmins have defamed our Bahujan warriors and did everything so that we forget them or consider them insignificant before the Arya-Brahmins. Therefore, everything that is produced by community self-reliance center shall bear the name of our Bahujanwadi warriors for example, Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar, Periyar, Chakradhar Swami, Namdev, Ravidas, Kabir, Guru Ghasidas, Tukaram, Shahid Bhagat Singh, Shahid Udhamsingh, Baliraja, Ravan, Jarasangh, Zalkaribai, Ahilyabai Holkar, Kumra Bhimu, Tantya Bhil, Shiwaji, Auragjeb, Fulan devi, and so on who fought against exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahmins. This will help to develop unity between the various section of indigenous masses and highten their self respect.

Community self-reliance center must have an awareness campaign department which shall : – i) launch a campaign to boycott articles produced by capitalists of Gujrat who are supporters of fascist Tri-Iblisi organizations that engineer massacres of Muslim indigenous masses such as in Gujrat and in various parts of India. It is the duty of every Bahujan to boycott the articles produced by such capitalists.

But no Muslim organization ever felt the need to start campaign to boycott articles of capitalists belonging to Gujarat because these Muslim organizations are led by upper-caste Muslims and are aided by countries whose rulers are slaves of America and Israel. Such organizations can only deceive Muslim masses.

Jamat E Islami Hind launched an all India campaign to deceive people in the name of opposing communalism. It arranged lectures all over India and invited pro RSS Arya-Brahmin speakers. Such a campaign is no different from the “Samajik Samarasta campaign” launched by RSS family organizations. In fact, Jamaat E Islami is part of the same RSS family. Jamaet E Islami leaders shamelessly visited RSS headquarter at Nagpur. Many Muslim organizations openly campaigned in election in favor of BJP.

The capitalists have entered into the business of farming and milk production and its sale which have suffered the business of our “Gavali” community brothers and the poor farmers are being destroyed. The land of farmers is losing its fertility due the use of chemical fertilizers and insecticides imposed on them for the benefit of foreign and Indian capitalists who produce and sell them to farmers consuming subsidy.

The awareness branch of community self-reliance center shall aware masses about the evils of consumer culture which is imposed by exploiters on masses to extract anything that is left with toiling masses. Awareness department will propagate the benefits and happiness of developing Pradnya, Sheela, and Karuna and living a simple meaningful and socially useful life and shall spread and strengthen Bahujanwadi Culture among the toiling masses.

A portion of the profit of community self-reliance center shall be used in strengthening the struggle of indigenous masses against exploitation and oppression of Tri-Iblis and in helping families of the warriors of this struggle.

Running community self reliance center is such an experience that train masses and develop in them the ability to establish and run the productive units of Bahujanwadi Samajik Ganatantra (after revolution) and remove the difficulties that they may encounter.

It is absolutely certain that organizations of vote-beggar leaders shall never think of starting and running community self-reliance centers because they never want that the masses should become aware, unite themselves and develop the ability to control and rule.

(If you really want to fight against Tri-Iblisi exploitation then please read either “Tri-Iblisi Shoshan Vyuh Vidhwans” Part I & II for every details. It is the handbook of people’s struggle written in Hindi language; or read E-books on this very blog in “Social Change” category)

References

Aaj ka Surekh Bharat : Nagpur

Ambedkar B.R Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches, (Volumes published by Govt. of Maharashtra, Edn. dept.) Bombay – 32

Ambedkar Mission Patrika : Chikohra, Post Anishabad, Patna – 800002 (India)

Anandabazar Patrika, Kolkata, India

Bahujan Sanghrsha : Editor Nagesh Chaudhary Rahate Colony, Jail Road, Nagpur

Bali L.R. : Kya Gandhi Mahatma The ?

Bhaskar : Nagpur

Dalit Voice, 109/7th Cross, Palace Lower Orchards, Bangalore – 560 003 India

Frontline, Chennai India

Haqdar : Editor : Pannalal Premi, Amarsinghpura, Bikaner, Rajastan (India)

Indian Express

Lokmat Samachar Nagpur

Mahanayak : Gala No. 173, Lam building, Sathe buiscuit Compound, Sakharam Balaji Pawar Marg, Lower Parel (E), Mumbai- 400013

Nav-Bharat : Nagpur

Outlook India

Pratham Pravakta : B-7X/114A, Safadarjung Enclave, New Delhi – 29

Rajshekar, V.T. : Dialogue of the Bhoodevtas, Who is Ruling India, 1982; Brahminism; Why Godse Killed Gandhi. Dalit Sahitya Academy Bangalore.

Samrat : Block 9, NIT Complex, Bhadant Anand Kausalyan Marg, Untkhana Nagpur- 440009

Sheetal Markam : 1) Arya-Brahmin Vengeance on Bengali-Tamil Dalits & Chakma Adiwasi Indigenous Refugees, 2) Impending Satanist World Order 3) The Secrets of Diffusing Evil Tactics of Manu-media 4) Tri-Iblisi Shoshan Vyuh vidhvans Part I Series Book 3 : Brahmanwad Ki Giraft Me Dam Todta Samyavadi Inkelab, 5) Tri-Iblisi Shoshan Vyuh Vidhvans Part I Series Book 2 : Bahujano Ki Azadi Ke Dushman ; 14, Thaware Colony Nagpur – 440014

Times of India

The Hindu : Hyderabad

The Hitwada : Nagpur

Web Pages

http://www.bihartimes.com/ CPI-ML questions decision to wind up Ranvir Sena probe

http://www.indiaenews.com/politics/20060501/ CPI-ML takes Bihar government to task over probe report

http://www.expressindia.com Ranvir Sena thriving on politicians’ support Yogesh Vajpeyi

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]]> http://southasiaspeaks.wordpress.com/2009/06/21/prof-amit-bhattacharyya-on-lalgarh-presents-wrong-facts-sambit-saha/ Sun, 21 Jun 2009 13:28:48 +0000 southasiaspeaks http://southasiaspeaks.wordpress.com/2009/06/21/prof-amit-bhattacharyya-on-lalgarh-presents-wrong-facts-sambit-saha/

Writing to “SouthAsiaSpeaks“, a web reader, Sambit Saha has responded to the posting we carried here under the title “Singur to Lalgarh via Nandigram” saying Prof Amit Bhattacharyya ” has mixed facts with fiction” in his write up on “Singur to Lalgarh via Nandigram”.

Below, we carry the reader’s response in total as a new post instead of as comments under the main article as is often done, for easy surfing and except for one tiny editing, meant for journalistic decency.

-Editorial-

From Sambit Saha -

The writer (Bhattacharyya) has mixed facts with fiction and presented a story which is half truth. And we all know how half truths are more dangerous than lies.

Here are some examples:

1)      It is said in the article that ‘a large portion’ of the land was vested with the govt for distribution among tribal people. Author cited newspaper reports to base his claim. May I ask, how much of the 5,000 acre (this figure is also wrong. its around 4,700 acres) was earmarked for tribals? Before making the claim, did he search records that it was meant for tribals? And even if a tract was earmarked for tribals, can the land use plan not be altered? If land use plans are not allowed to change, wheel of civilisation will be stopped. Even the tribals also cut bushes for farming at times. Isnt that also change of land use? Do we haul them for that?

2)      Author mentioned that tribals were ‘brutally’ displaced. Please note it was a government land. State was the owner of the plot. None had any legal right over the land. While there was some  displacement (since Jindals also bought private land directly), it was far from brutal.

3)      Author said the land was given for ‘usual’ steel plant which was turned into SEZ. As a result, requirement of environment impact assessment was dispense with. Its not the case. The project has received EIA from union ministry of forest and environment. There were many public hearings as well.

4)      It is said that tribal and forest land can not be transferred, that its unlawful. If the land given for steel plant was ‘tribal’ & ‘forest’ land, why not even a public interest litigation was filed at court? Why none raised the issue? Had it landed up in court, governemnt could not transfer land. But none, be NGOs, or any social forum has gone to court.

5)      Author said turning the plant into a SEZ is a ‘terrible deception’. May I ask, how? Surely, he does not know anything about SEZ rules and regulations. As a result, he ascribed some of the qualities which are purely mental construct. Let me list them:

A)    plant will get water and electricity free

B) No civil or industrial law of India is applicable within SEZ.

C) no environmental law is applicable within SEZ

D) There is no right to movement/strike

6)      Based on such false assumptions, he made the point that the nearby Subarnarekha river, entire forest land, will be polluted.

7)      Author said half the money for compensation was paid in cash and rest in share for land which Jindals directly bought. Firstly, there were many non-tribals literate who gave land. Secondly, entire Rs 3 lakh was paid in cash. Jindals have promised to give company shares equal to the land value over and above cash compensation. Jindal also promised one job per family. So, there is no ‘fraudulence’ as author claimed. He also mentioned that if Jindal will set up the plant and hence give job. Can we expect not the economic downturn will go away sooner than later in India and plant to be a reality?

8)      Author said Maoist insurgents “the universal whipping boy” was blamed for landmine attack on Nov 2, 2008 on chief minister’s convoy. The insinuation is that it was not done by Maoist. But the latest live interview on TV by Maoist leader Bikash has put all speculation to rest. “Yes, we wanted to kill Buddhadeb but could not do, because of wild rats cut the wire’ Bikash proclaimed on live TV.

Well, I am tired to do any more fact finding. I hope points mentioned above would be enough to withdraw such ……(edited)…. write ups.

Thanks & regards

Sambit Saha

[Writer could be contacted - sambitsaha@yahoo.com]

The Maoist violence that Lalgarh (West Bengal, India) is witnessing reminds us of the Naxalite Movement which was born 40 years ago in the same state.  Both Naxalism of four decades ago and Maoism today are symptoms of the same malady that grips the society from time to time: exploitation of one section by another. 

Naxalism and Maoism are both offshoots of Marxism.   The egalitarian society envisaged by Karl Marx as the pinnacle of social evolution is destined to be a mere dream, a mirage.  The capitalist systems have ensured that much at least. 

Where capitalism runs high socialism cannot survive.  Capitalism is based on individual enterprise and selfishness.  There is nothing wrong with that kind of enterprise and a certain degree of selfishness.  In fact, to a great extent that is desirable too.  But governments cannot afford to promote the interests of only certain individuals.  Governments are meant to look after the welfare of the whole society, the whole state.  This is where West Bengal failed.

It is ironical that West Bengal has had Marxist governments for the last 32 years and yet the state has witnessed large scale violence triggered by poverty a number of times, the present Lalgarh episode being the latest.  Marxism failed to bring any kind of progress and development in the state, let alone egalitarianism. 

But did West Bengal really put into practice the tenets of Marxism?  Did the Marxist government ever work for the betterment of the poor and the oppressed classes in the state?  What happened in Nandigram two years ago answers these questions partially.  The agricultural land of the farmers was taken over with the intention of giving it to a capitalist industrialist.  The farmers’ protests were suppressed by the government.  There was violence.  14 persons died in police firing.  Suppression of the proletariat by a Marxist government!  Karl Marx must have turned in his grave.

Lalgarh might also receive a similar response from the state government.  It is asking for the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) to take over the situation in Lalgarh so that the blame for the suppression of the rebellion and the accompanying violence on oppressed people can be transferred to some alien police force.

What is happening in Lalgarh is not a mere law-and-order problem.  This is the first thing that the West Bengal government has to realise.  It is the cry for justice of a section of people who feel helpless in the royal march of capitalist systems. 

While capitalism brings in more development and progress, it neglects large sections of people.  Marxism apparently fails to bring in development.  The equality it seems to engender is making everyone poor.  West Bengal is an appropriate example.  The government of Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has to wake up to the present reality instead of waiting for the central government to step in with solutions or throwing the blame on Mamta Banerjee (though the latter may be adding fuel to the fire).

18 June 2009

Source: The Hindu

Lalgarh (West Bengal) (IANS): Advancing security forces lobbed tear gas shells and made a baton charge to break a ‘human wall’ put up by Maoist cadres, armed with bows and arrows and pickaxes, in this troubled zone as West Bengal’s Communist government launched a massive operation Thursday to free the region of left extremists.

Two rebels as well as a lensman accompanying the security forces were injured, eyewitnesses said. There was no police confirmation of the news.

A day after being prodded by the centre to reclaim this headquarters of Binpur 1 community development block in West Midnapore district, 200 km form state capital Kolkata, from the Maoists, the state police personnel, backed by the central forces, moved in from their base camp at nearby Pirakata for ‘Operation Lalgarh’.

However, soon after, the forces came up against a ‘human wall’ at Malida, as hundreds of tribals carrying traditional weapons like bows and arrows, shovels, pickaxes and canes blocked the way by felling big trees on the road as they shouted slogans like “Inqilab Zindabad” and “Maoism zindabad”.

Using megaphones, the police warned the protesters to move away and clear the roads, but getting no response from the other side, the security forces started removing the tree trunk when they suddenly saw two Maoists standing in the nearby field with assault rifles. Immediately, the well-armed central forces came to the frontlines and the Maoists beat a hasty retreat.

The police started baton charging and lobbing tear gas shells, and succeeded in dispersing the protestors at that spot. “We will see how far we can go today (Thursday). Our target is to reach Lalgarh police station,” a police officer told accompanying journalists. Two of the protesters were injured in the baton charge, while a lensman also sustained injuries.

The police raided some houses in the vicinity and detained a few people before resuming their ‘Operation Lalgarh’.

Five companies of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and two companies of the Cobra Force, specially trained to combat Maoists, reached the district headquarters Midnapore town Wednesday. A large quantity of tear gas shells and protective shields have been provided to the security personnel.

Earlier in the day, the personnel from the central and state security forces were briefed at the Pirakata base camp to conduct a joint operation to flush out Maoist guerrillas who have been active in organising a tribal movement alongside a group called the People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA).

“We have moved forces in the morning,” Inspector General of Police Raj Kanojia told IANS.

On Wednesday, the state government had declared that it was ready to launch an operation to free Lalgarh from the control of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) even as the guerrillas shot dead three workers of the ruling Communist Party of India-Marxist(CPI-M).

In response, a top rebel leader said the central and state governments had started psychological warfare against the people in Lalgarh with its show of force.

“The prime minister (Manmohan Singh) and home minister (P. Chidambaram) have started a psychological warfare by amassing huge forces. If they start the operations, we will resist with the help of the people who are with us,” CPI-Maoist politburo member Kishanjee told a television channel over phone.

Kishanjee alias K. Koteshwar Rao hails from Andhra Pradesh but has been camping in Lalgarh. He said the rebel group has decided to call for a two-day shutdown beginning Monday in West Bengal, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand and Bihar.

He also demanded that the centre and state government should apologise to the tribal people of Lalgarh if they wanted a peaceful and amicable resolution to the stand-off.

Lalgarh has been on the boil since last November when a landmine exploded on the route of the convoy of Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and then central ministers Ram Vilas Paswan and Jitin Prasada.

Police arrested some school students and allegedly harassed tribal women following the landmine blast. In protest, angry tribals virtually cut off the area from the rest of the district.

During the last few days, the agitators have torched CPI-M offices, driven away the party’s supporters and forced police to wind up several camps, thereby establishing a virtual free zone.

Maoists have been active in the three western districts of the state – West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia. They also backed the Trinamool-sponsored movement against the state government’s bid to establish a chemical hub at Nandigram in East Midnapore district.

Violence has erupted once again. This time in Khejuri – a place in the vicinity of Nandigram, which was the base from where the CPI(M) launched its operation ‘recapture Nandigram’ on 14 March 2007. This was the red fort where the arms were collected and the goons brought in to liberate Nandigram. As one news report had put it:

‘Along with arms and ammunition, CPM flags and helmets of the kind worn by police were seized from the hideout, triggering suspicion that the men had donned uniforms and joined security forces on the day of the firing. Cellphones found on them showed they were in touch with senior CPM leaders, sources said.’

Khejuri is also the place where, just a little over a month ago, violence had flared up again. This time it was followed by the killing of Prasanta Mondol and the alleged rape of his wife. Prasanta Mondol was one of those who had left the CPI(M) two months ago and become one of the important Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders in Khejuri. The spiral unleashed by that round of violence has continued through till after the election results were out.

Now Khejuri has been liberated – this time apparently by the TMC. The buildings that once exuded power – the offices of the ruling CPI(M), now stand, as one report put it, like ghost houses, ‘telling the story of public fury against the CPI(M) leaders and cadres in the area.’ This report goes on: ‘Angry villagers had raided the building and ransacked the office, damaging property and burning documents. The floor was strewn with half-burnt party documents, including membership renewal forms, and a picture of Che. The remnants of a burnt red flag told the story of a fallen left citadel of the Marxists in Khejuri.’ The violence has been going on for more than two days now and shows no signs of abating. In the meanwhile, hundreds of CPI(M) supporters are said to have fled Khejuri. According to some reports, somewhere between 20 and 25 CPI(M) offices have been set on fire.

So what happened? How did this impregnable fortress of the CPI(M) fall like a house of cards? This area where the very sight of the red flag spoke of the might of the CPM and struck terror not so long ago; how did it turn overnight into an area of rampaging mobs baying for the party’s blood? Without any trace of resistance? How did TMC suddenly liberate this liberated area? That is a story very few want to talk about. It is convenient for everybody concerned to present the whole thing as just a turf war between the CPI(M) and the TMC. It is indeed a turf war and the TMC is indeed guilty of violence as much as the CPI(M) has been. And indeed, everyone in their right minds must condemn the TMC perpetrated violence as well.

But saying this is not enough in the context of what is happening in West Bengal today, and an an even-handed condemnation of all forms of violence will simply not do. It is misleading in the extreme to suppose that in this state that the CPI(M) has ruled with an iron hand, the TMC has suddenly become so powerful so as to start hounding the CPI(M), which has suddenly, overnight, become the hapless victim. Take for instance, a report in The Telegraph that began thus: “Yesterday’s bullied have turned today’s bullies” and then went on to say: “Around 11 this morning, around 200 Trinamul supporters went to the Kamarda CPM office, which had been attacked once on Tuesday, and destroyed whatever remained of it.” And further: “Then they proceeded to the home of zilla parishad member Himangshu Das. On the pretext of  ’searching for arms and ammunition’, they went about systematically ransacking his house and breaking furniture. Task accomplished, they turned to the house of his neighbour Makhan Panda, a CPM local committee member at Kalagachhi.” Different reports state the number of attackers differently ranging from 50 at the lowest to about 700 at the highest.

There is clearly something amiss in this picture. Elsewhere, we have suggested that the CPI(M) in West Bengal, thanks to a combination of a party organization that goes deep into every village and the panchayat machinery, today possesses one of the most formidable surveillance apparatuses anywhere. It is hardly conceivable that with such a machinery the CPI(M) would not have advance information of any such major attack being planned. After all, for the TMC to mobilize a few hundred people to burn down, not one or two but 25 offices of the CPI(M), would have required elaborate planning and collection of arms. Especially, given the fact that the local CPI(M) has had arms  in every nook and corner of Khejuri, it would have been a seriously risky business to go into such an operation without proper planning.

And yet, the attack did take place. How did it happen? Khejuri became possible, it seems, in exactly the same way that Nandigram did: The CPI(M) supporters and followers themselves deserted the party. At the very least, the flow of onformation to the party has to have stopped. In other words, even those who have not deserted it but would have got wind of the plan, have to have kept quiet about it. The other possibility is that they simply did not get the information. That means that basically, most of the organization has to have shifted allegiances leaving just the leaders. And we have three very significant clues that suggest why such a thing might have happened. One, illegal arms were recovered from a number of places, including the houses of local CPI(M) leaders like Subrata Kar, the panchayat pradhan. Ordinary people reportedly led the police to places where arms were stacked up. Second, residents told the Indian Express reporter (report cited above) that they targetted Kar not just because he was a CPI(M) leader but also because many people were angry with him after he allegedly collected nearly Rs 2 lakh from them promising them electric connection. He had allegedly collected the money six years ago but the villagers had kept silent so far because the MLA from Khejuri and the panchayats were all under the control of the CPI(M). Third, as another report in the Express testifies, the aftermath of the attack also revealed the tip of the iceberg of the massive corruption in the implementation of schemes like NREGA. Here is what the report says: ‘In the debris of the ransacked house of a local CPI(M) leader, who’s also the panchayat pradhan of Kalagachia, Durga Das, a daily wager, spotted his NREGA job card. In the past, Durga Das had approached the CPI(M) leader, Subrata Kar, on several occasions for a job under the 100-day employment scheme, but was told that since he did not have a job card, he wasn’t eligible for work under the NREGA. Now, after arms and ammunition were seized from the cowshed of Kar’s house here and the building looted, Durga Das and 19 others found their job cards from the trash.’

These instances of accumulated discontent – indeed anger – reveal the dynamic that lies behind this sudden shift of political allegiance of the people that was occasioned by the defeat of CPI(M) and its ’strongman’ Lakshman Seth in particular. There is something special about West Bengal here. Despite the democratic set-up and regular elections down to the panchayat level, the kind of power that the CPI(M) wields can only be described as totallitarian. There is no way that common people could have raised any of these issues short of defeating the CPI(M) and uprooting it. There is another dynamic however, that lies behind the violence. This has to do with the political culture spawned by the CPI(M) over the last three decades where it tolerated nothing but total control. Its battles for supremacy enveloped all – including junior allies in the Left Front. Midnapore has of course been the site of a longest ongoing war of supremacy for a long time now. Keshpur in the late 1990s and early 2000s was one such flashpoint. It was not without reason that Benoy Konar, at the height of Nandigram, threatened Mamata Banerjee by saying the ‘we will make Keshpur out of Nandigram.’ It is this culture of violence that is now finding an accentuated expression and it just so happens that now, right now, it is the CPI(M) itself which is at the receiving end.

The CPI(M) propaganda machinery is, of course, desperately trying to suggest whatever is happening and has happened in West Bengal – from Singur and Nandigram to Khejuri is simply the handiwork of the TMC and Maoists playing some diabolic politics in the state.  From the very beginning, the CPI(M) has been denying that what it was facing in Nandigram (and Singur) was popular anger. It kept up a shrill rhetoric of ‘outsiders’ – of ‘people who had come from ‘Bihar, Orissa and Kolkata and were clandestinely holding meetings’ and misleading people. The ghost of ‘imperialism’ was invoked as well and many opponents in the state (e.g. the PBKMS) were accused to receiving imperialist funds. We had written repeatedly on Kafila, drawing attention to the manner in which the issue was being misrepresented as one of a battle between two different kinds of political elites. The entire endeavour of the CPI(M) was to show that everything was basically a turf battle and Mamata Banerjee was ‘playing politics’ (while it presumably was working for a disinterested, nonpolitical thing called Development!), aided by the Maoists.

Many years ago, Ranajit Guha in his classic, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India, talked about the difficulty of extricating the voice of the insurgent peasants of the 18th and 19th centuries. Guha was, among other things, pointing towards the difficulty of treating the colonial archive as the authentic repository of the ‘truth’ about the past, where inevitably the ’small voice of history’ got lost. Guha did not find much hope even in the folklore relating to peasant militancy, for as he put it, ‘that can be elitist too’ and ‘not all singers and balladeers took a sympathetic view of it’, as many of these balladeers and singers belonged to upper-caste families fallen on hard times. Guha, however, did not lose hope. He found a way out. The prose of counter-insurgency, he said, derives directly from the insurgency and is determined by the latter in all that is essential. ‘The reports, despatches, minutes, judgements, laws, letters etc in which policemen, soldiers, bureaucrats, landlords, usurers and others hostile to insurgency register their sentiments, may be a representation of their will – but that will is in fact, predicated on another will – that of the insurgent.

Thankfully, in relation to 21st century West Bengal, we do not have to depend entirely on an archive of the past. We witness events in real time – and in an era of media explosion. The will of the insurgent – if it could worm its way through the pen of the colonial official, can certainly become manifest much more easily in our present, irrupting through the density of media representations. But if one does wish to verify Guha’s claim, one need only look at the prose of counter-insurgency on the pages of Ganashakti, People’s Democracy and Pragoti, or in the handouts issued by Alimuddin Street and AK Gopalan Bhavan and sometimes faithfully reproduced by the ‘bourgeois media’.

Guha is particularly fascinated by one aspect of peasant insurgencies: their sudden and unexpected character that is so often expressed in terms like ‘eruption’, ‘explosion’, and ‘conflagaration’. They present, in such moments, an image of a ‘world turned upside down’. ‘Such radical subversion, this real turning of things upside down, which is only another name for rebellion’, says Guha, ‘constitutes a semiotic break: it violates that basic code by which the relations of dominance and subordination are historically governed in any society.’ That code is being violated suddenly, beyond all expectation in West Bengal today.

Its Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and not Prakash Karat, who should be held accountable for the Left debacle in West Bengal ~ argues Bappaditya Paul

Introspection. That’s what the Left leaders, especially those in the CPI-M, are now pitching for after the Left’s electoral debacle in West Bengal and Kerala.    While Kerala has this tendency of alternately voting in and out the Left, the performance in West Bengal this General Elections is certainly a disaster.

After 32 years of being in power, the Left tally in West Bengal has now been reduced to only 15 Lok Sabha seats, whereas the Congress-Trinamul Opposition combine has occupied 26. In terms of geographical consideration, the Left has lost its bastions in ten out of the 19 districts in West Bengal.

As far as the CPI-M is concerned, the leading Left party has begged only nine seats. This is CPI-M’s worst ever Lok Sabha poll performance in WB in the last three decades, after that it started off with five MPs in 1967.

The obvious question now is, who should be held accountable for this disaster? The popular argument that has been instigated by an indirect remark of the ousted CPI-M leader Mr Somnath Chatterjee is that, Mr Prakash Karat be held responsible and be removed as the party general secretary.

This argument is based on the reasoning that, had not Karat pulled back support from the UPA government at Centre, there was remote possibility of a Congress-Trinamul tie up in West Bengal and thus, the Left could have easily avoided an united assault by the Opposition.

But those who are pitching for Karat’s removal should be ashamed of the very fact that after savouring power for long 32-years, they now have to rely more on a divided Opposition than their own mass base.

This shows the Left Front government’s bankruptcy that has largely been the contribution of Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee in the past eight years as chief minister.

Buddadeb has proved to be a failure both as an administrator and a politician ~ take the examples of Rizwanur death case, the Nandigram massacre, the Dinhata firing or the Darjeeling tangle.

One can justifiably ask, why Buddadeb had to defend the Kolkata Police commissioner Mr Prasun Mukherjee and his coterie of senior police officials, until the court compelled the state government to remove the sleuths for wrongfully meddling into the Rizwanur Reham-Priyanka Todi affair leading to the former’s mysterious demise?

After the infamous Nandigram Massacre of 14 March 2007, Buddhadeb has apologised several times saying that he would not have given the police a marching order, if he could even sense that the police would go on a shooting spree.

Given his statement, are we to believe that without assessing the level of possible resistance and a detailed assault plan, the police went on for the massive troop buildup at Nandigram in the run up to the massacre? That too, without the knowledge of the chief minister, who is also in charge of the Home ministry?

That, the magistrate or senior police officials who were leading the 14 March foray into Nandigram, did not contact the Writers, especially the chief minister, before triggering the bullets?

No sensible person can probably believe this story.

The truth is, in Nandigram the ruling Communists were losing out their political stake to the Opposition and thus, political considerations overlapped Buddhadeb’s administrative reasoning and he ended up facilitating the massacre.

But when it came to the Dinhata firing on the Left Front partner Forward Bloc members or the impromptu rise of Mr Bimal Gurung in Darjeeling, Buddhadeb wrongfully took a cent percent administrative approach.

In case of Dinhata, Forward Bloc had beforehand made public announcements about its proposed march on 5 February 2008 demanding a full-fledged ministry for north Bengal’s development. But in reality, it was a show of strength by Cooch Behar FB leader Mr Udayan Guha, whom the CPI-M was paying no heed after his defeat in the 2006 Assembly polls.

Had Buddhadeb been a sensible politician, utilising both his administrative and political machineries, he would have reached out to Guha prior to the march and convince him to keep the agitation pitch lower so to avoid any confrontation with the police.

But here came his CPI-M ego and he treated the Udayan Guha march only from an administrative point of view, ending up in killing five FB activists in police firing.

With this Buddhadeb earned the rare ‘credit’ for blotting the three decades’ of Left Front rule in West Bengal, first with his police killing the common people at Nandigram and then, showering bullets on the chest of his Front ally at Dinhata.

Yet, he gleefully continued as the chief minister and did not even bother to relinquish the Home ministry portfolio.

Then came Darjeeling, when a novice politician Mr Bimal Gurung rose from nowhere to denounce the proposed Sixth Schedule status for the Hills and initiated the second bout for Gorkhaland.

In late 2007, Gurung had only started to raise his head and was garnering public support for Gorkhaland through mass gatherings.

One such meeting was organised at the Sukna playground on the outskirts of Siliguri on 9 December 2007and Gurung himself was present on the dais waiting for his turn to speak. But all of a sudden, Gurung got a call on his cell phone and climbed down the stage while hanging on to the call and then left the meeting venue abruptly.

Later, his party’s Press and publicity secretary Mr Binay Tamang requested the journalists present not to publish/show Gurung’s name/images as being present at the gathering.

Reportedly, it was the then Darjeeling superintend of police Mr Rajesh Subarna who had called up Gurung on his cell and warned him of arrest on pending criminal cases, if he continued to appear in public meetings.

Till then, the fear for the administration was apparently so strong in Gurung’s mind that he in fact left the venue instantly.

Given that until then, Gurung had not been able to consolidate his support base; the CPI-M could easily try an offensive political campaign in the Hills against him. But Buddhadev, who is in charge of the Darjeeling Hills both in his party and in the government, decided otherwise and turned his party and the administration a mute spectator as Gurung grew from strength to strength.

The rest of the story is known to everybody ~ Gurung now almost controls the Sunrise at Tiger Hill!

In the light of these performance records, would it be too harsh to conclude that as chief minister and as a leader, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has become a burden for the CPI-M in West Bengal? Surely not.

Buddhadeb and his coterie ~ that spreads from the south to north districts of the state, must be shown the doors at once and thus kick-start the rectification drive so that the devastated Red citadel can again be repaired brick by brick.

(The author is on the staff of The Statesman/India)

The latest general elections and the ongoing process of forming a Central government provide an opportunity for introspection regarding India’s human rights record. The policies and practices “authorised” by the Indian state require reflection and reappraisal. The context of India, its framework and policies, shore up and determine many of its practices. The capitalistic model with its success in the West, until the recent collapse, was adopted by India with dramatic impact on its economic growth. However, the average improvement in the Indian economy actually increased the income inequality for the majority of those living in Bharat. While poverty based on headcounts has reduced, deprivation, defined as the disparity between base and mean consumption, has increased. The non-inclusive nature of India’s recent growth has resulted in development without social and distributive justice for the majority of Indians.

In many parts of the country, economic issues were complicated by a rising tide of violence. While many of these conflicts seem, on the surface, to have ideological or religious dimensions, their underlying cause is more often social and economic. For example, the deprivation of basic rights for large sections of the population and the gross disparity between the rich and the poor over a prolonged period of time lead to the disadvantaged becoming disillusioned with the democratic process. The Naxalite movement, with its philosophy of armed revolution spreading through many poor and deprived parts of India, is a clear indicator of such a trend.

Nevertheless, such conflicts are often viewed as problems of law and order. Consequently, all dissent with the government, even that related to free speech, association and ideology, is viewed as sedition. Such a world-view automatically recommends incarceration as the solution to deal with such situations. The police, who should enforce the letter and spirit of the law equally for all citizens, are more often seen as derelict in their duties, not upholding the law and directly violating human rights by discrimination, harassment or the use of excessive force. (The Gujarat pogrom demonstrated that the police was not merely indifferent but also complicit in the attacks on the minority community.) The lack of professionalism amongst members of its cadre and political control of the police force make them less than independent in protecting law-abiding citizens. India’s failure to ratify the U.N. Convention Against Torture even a decade after signing the treaty and to enact laws to prevent such forms of interrogation and treatment has worsened the situation. The absence of functional independence for the police force, the external interference in police work, the absence of an independent appointment and monitoring committee and the lack of legislation regarding police reform add to these problems. The charge of sedition, when brought up by the government and the police acting in unison, often results in a paralysis within the already slow judicial system.

Current practices

The policies in existence have resulted in many practices being authorised by the Indian state which do not conform to international law or uphold the Constitution of the country. The lists include:

Pogroms: Twenty five years after the massacre of nearly 3,000 Sikhs in New Delhi, successive governments have failed to bring the perpetrators to justice. Most of the cases have been closed for lack of evidence. The majority of the police officers, who were charged with dereliction of duty and who provided protection to the attackers, have been exonerated.

The slow pace of judicial progress in the Gujarat massacres has resulted in delay in bringing the perpetrators to justice. The failure of the government to acknowledge its failings in protecting innocent people, the persistent internal displacement of those affected by the communal riots, the continued social and economic boycott of Muslims, the harassment of those fighting for fairness and the delay obtaining justice and reparations for the victims need urgent attention.

The displacement of Kashmiri Pundits in the 1990s and the more recent attacks on Christians in Orissa are further examples of human rights abuses. Little is being done to investigate these cases and rehabilitate displaced people living in camps.

Encounter deaths, enforced disappearances: Deaths of “suspected terrorists” in staged encounters with the police are common in many parts of the country. National security is often employed to cover up major human rights violations. The police personnel involved in such extra-judicial killings should be punished rather than rewarded. The enforced disappearances and the mass graves in Kashmir need urgent investigation.

Forced evictions and deaths to create Special Economic Zones: Singur, Nandigram, Kalinganagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, the Narmada and Chhattisgarh come to mind. The policy of setting up such facilities should be clearly preceded by a careful assessment on the impact on the local population and the rehabilitation of lives and livelihoods. The rights of the poor and those who will be displaced are probably even more important than the rights of the rich who drive development. The trickle-down effect of development is talked about in theory with little actual impact on the poor who are displaced by such development. One cannot fail to see the trend in judgments, from the highest courts in the land, being pro-rich under the guise of being pro-development and at the cost of the rights of the poor. The judicial system should not abandon the most vulnerable sections of Indian society.

Prisoners of conscience and human rights workers: Dr. Binayak Sen is a good example. He was fighting for social justice and for human rights and for vocalising the concerns of many and is, hence, considered a threat to national security by the Government of Chhattisgarh. He is still in prison, two years after his arrest, despite the failure of the state to produce any evidence of any crime. He and other such workers should be freed.

Laws which allow human rights violations: The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958), the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (1967) and the Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act (2006) are examples of legislation which grant de facto impunity to the security forces. These Acts compound the provisions of Sections of the Criminal Procedure Code (1973) which require prior government permission before starting legal proceedings against members of the armed forces and the police. These need to be reviewed and repealed as they grant unfettered powers, which are often prone to human rights violations and result in complete lack of accountability. India should ratify the U.N. Convention Against Torture, legislate against inhuman and degrading treatment and enforce it.

National Human Rights Commission: The commission requires a broader mandate, greater independence and empowerment to be able to conduct its own investigations and to enforce its decisions. The Protection of Human Rights Act (2006), which has further diluted its independence, will need to be changed.

Review the new anti-terror legislation: The broad definition of terrorism and membership of groups involved in such activities, the extension of police custody without charge and procedures of appeal need to be reviewed, keeping them in line with international standards for human rights.

Death penalty: Studies which have examined Supreme Court judgments on the death penalty suggest the abuse of law and procedures, and of arbitrariness and inconsistencies in the trial, investigation, sentencing and appeal in capital cases. Contrary to the belief that it is only applied in the rarest of rare cases, the death penalty is used disproportionately against the ethnic minorities, the poor, the marginalised and the disadvantaged, all of which are factors that argue for its abolition.

Human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, have been systematically studying these issues and have been recommending changes in policies and practice in India. The changes will require the acceptance of the principle that development has to be tempered with social justice, economic growth with inclusion. Human rights will have to receive high priority. It is mandatory that violence and terror be combated with the establishment of justice, especially for the poor and the marginalised. While the country’s security concerns are genuine and India has the moral and legal authority to protect its people, sole reliance on security measures, which often result in human rights abuses, will not achieve the goals of peace and prosperity. Indian policies should focus on social justice and on inclusive growth and development, which in the long term will provide greater security for all its people.

K.S. Jacob

The Hindu – 20 May, 2009

(Dr. K.S. Jacob is on the faculty of the Christian Medical College, Vellore.)

NOTES FROM NANDIGRAM

This is a guest post by RAGHU KARNAD

May 17, 2009
Beauty is all about the details, and these beautiful election results keep parading out sweet new details for our appreciation. What I’m currently delighted about is the voters of Tamluk in West Bengal dispatching their Communist MP, Lakshman Seth.

Seth has been in the Lok Sabha since 1998, stashin’ away the crores and adding fortifications to his eerie headquarters in Haldia. People say he did a good job of developing the Haldia port. Sure enough, if the business of America is business, then the industriousness of Lakshman Seth is directed purely towards industrialization. How come? Seth is also Chairman of the Haldia Development Authority. Because he allegedly gets a cut out of every industrial operation on his turf (what we dissertation-writers call ‘rent-seeking’). There’s a theory that this is why Nandigram was chosen as the site for the Salim plant, and why the resistance was so bitterly punished when the siege fell (but this is just very plausible hearsay).

I was in Nandigram last year when panchayat elections were being held. Seth’s Sheriff of Nottingham — a police inspector named Debasis Chakrabarty — was in fine form. The party had promised to withdraw him for the duration of the polling, but he was strutting the stage like John Gielgud. He was followed, as he always is, by a personal videographer: capturing his brutishness for the memories, I guess. I watched him as he publically framed a colleague, a CRPF officer who had stopped CPI(M) mob from lynching two Trinamool men.

And I heard a bit from Lakshman Seth directly, too. I was interviewing the CRPF commander, Alok Raj, who had descended on the district, patrolling continuously to keep the peace. A brave man, possibly a hero. In the middle of the interview, Raj’s phone rings: Lakshman Seth. Raj puts the phone’s loudspeaker on, so that all the reporters who have piled into my scene can hear Seth command him to remain in his camp. Raj refuses. Seth threatens him. Raj hangs up. Later, Seth brings charges of insubordination against Raj in front of the CRPF high command.

The CPI(M) was pretty much wallopped in the polls, losing a third of the 2,303 panchayats they had controlled, including those in Nandigram. At the time I — and everybody else — wrote that this couldn’t bode well for the Lok Sabha elections. But the Tamluk party committee changed nothing about its losing formula: first they opposed the Politburo’s limp attempt to give the ticket to somebody else, and the ticket went back to Seth. Then they let Seth release his wolves on Nandigram again, and the grungy district hospital was flooded again with the victims of nighttime shootings and beatings. And once again, they lost, and Seth is finally out of power (and so is everybody else).

The thing about men like Seth — “strongmen” to the media, but to me something more like feudal lords in the industrial age — is that after a decade, their control of a district apparatus is so strong, it is impossible for even the party’s central command to oppose them. To purge a guy like Seth might require a declaration of inter-party warfare, a war in which he would obtain as many allies as you. He keeps his district in the party-fold, so it is better for you to just shut up and mind your biznazz on Alimuddin Street.

Which is why I wonder if the K.O.-punch that the CPI(M) just took in West Bengal signals the end of its road — or whether it signals renewed possibilities, a chance to cut off the Lakshman Seths in large numbers and liberate itself from the tyranny of the grassroots. Certainly the party wasn’t going to win Nandigram polls at any level until Seth was gone, even if they tried to do it at gunpoint. Now they have a chance to replace him with somebody for whom the electorate feels something less than hysterical resentment. The same argument may apply to the rest of their incumbents. Cue the news-y closing line: for the CPI(M), its time to start injecting fresh blood, and stop spilling it.

May 27, 2009
Update: as further indication that this election could be chemo for the CPI(M) — ending the malignancy without killing the party — the Telegraph reports today that the CM wants to sack Seth’s Chairmanship of the HDA.

Interview ~ Sitaram Yechuri, CPI-M Politburo member

by Bappaditya Paul

Desperate to see a Third alternative government at the Centre, the CPI-M this time is too busy in the permutation and combination of smaller parties like never before. And with its man for all seasons, Mr Sitaram Yechuri on the prowl, both the Congress and the BJP must worry about their flocks. In an exclusive interview with BAPPADITYA PAUL, Mr Yechuri throws light on the goings-on at the backstage and the proposed priorities of the Third alternative government, if that happens at all.

Excerpts:

Q After the 2004 elections, CPI-M supported the Congress to keep the BJP away from power. But this time around, what will be your priority ~ to stop the BJP or the Congress?

~ Both. We want to stop both the Congress and the BJP from occupying the power and instead, form a Third alternative government at the Centre.

Q In every practical sense, what you foresee the outcome of this polls?

~ Well, what I foresee is that the final act of this drama will unfold only post elections. This is in the nature of the political developments in the last two decades or so that, it is only post elections that the ruling front is formed. This happened in 1996 with United Front been formed post elections, in 1998 NDA been formed after the elections and in 2004 UPA formed after the elections.

So this time around what we are working for is a post election non-Congress, non-BJP alternative.

Q But is it really practical to think of a non-Congress, non-BJP front to occupy the power?

~ Well, this will be a new thing. I understand when people say, if it is viable, if the arithmetic will work? But remember when the 14th Lok Sabha ended, the total of the BJP and Congress MPs was less than the majority for the first time. So that’s an indication, in which way the wind is blowing.

And as you can see, more and more BJP or Congress allies like the BJD, AIADMK or the RJD, NCP has either deserted them or is keeping the options open. That’s why I say; concretely it will depend on the post election arithmetic.

Q Given the kind of alliances that we are witnessing this time, is ideological politics have become a thing of the past even for the Left?

~ No, no, that’s not true. We have been the one who constituently stuck to our ideological positions and we continue to do that. Because what is the necessity for such formation. You see, every time ~ 1996 or 2004, there was always the objective to stop the BJP from coming to the power which we believed, had to be achieved at that point of time for the future development of our country.

Here at the present moment, the objective is to give an alternative policy direction to the country and this we believe is very very important both for tackling the Capitalist global recession and also for the growing problems within the country like terrorism, social injustice etc. So who will affect a shift in this policy direction, that’s the issue.

Q Do you see the parties like AGP, NCP etc as potential Third alternative partners post elections?

~ As far as the AGP is concerned, I would consider it as most unnatural alliance with the BJP. Remember, the AGP was an important element in the formation of the United Front in 1996 and it was the UF that initiated the process of treating the Northeast as a special case ~ announcing special package for the NE, North East Council and so on.

All these were actually the contributions of a non-Congress, non-BJP government. So the AGP sticking with the BJP, I think its most unnatural. Lets see, what happens after the elections. Again our party is already into an election alliance with the NCP in Orissa.

Q Are you trying to woo others like the RJD, LJP?

~ Actually, today there is no need to go and woo anybody. Because the parties themselves are fairly mature and my observations in the last six months say that each of these parties are under tremendous pressure from their own social following. People are yearning for change and its now up to us, the political leadership, to give a tangible expression to the public sentiment.

Now, this pressure is working upon every small/regional party leadership and thus, some of them are already in touch (with us) for post poll tie-ups.

Q Does that include Mr Lalu Prashad?

~ Yes, he is in touch.

Q Can the Samajwadi Party also be a post-poll ally?

~ Well, we have appealed to all secular parties to come forward. We have worked with them in the past, so that should not be a problem.

Q Given the fact that both SP and BSP can’t be on the same boat, who would be your choice?

~ These are the things we will decide post elections. We have an understanding with the BSP that we would work together post elections. Now this working together is crucially depending on its political strength post elections.

Q But even after all this permutation and combinations, if the numbers are still not enough for the Third alternative to form a government, will the CPI-M concede to outside support from the Congress, like 1996?

~ Our objective would be not to have such a situation. Because, it was always the outside support that was the cause for instability of the previous governments be it (late Mr) VP Singh, (Mr) Devegowda or (Mr) Gujaral. Therefore, our objective would be to work for a government without the need for outside support.

Q So under any circumstances, the Left won’t do business with the Congress again?

~ Well, this is a question, which will have to be considered on the situations that emerge after the polls. But right now, our focus is to form a non-Congress, non-BJP alternative government.

Q You broke up with the Congress because of the Indo-US Nuclear Deal. If the Congress decides to drop the Nuclear Deal as per the Left’s wishes, will you back the Congress then?

~ If the Congress was to drop the Nuclear Deal, why it went with it in the first place? If the deal was not an important thing (for it), then why they break such a stable arrangement with us? I don’t think this will happen; much water has passed by this time.

Q But if a Third alternative really comes to power, as you are envisaging, would you rework the Nuclear Deal?

~ Yes. Certainly we will rework the deal in the sense that there are provisions in the 123 Agreement that and our objective would be to eliminate all the baggage that came with the Nuclear Deal. Nuclear commerce per se is not any problematic; the problem is the conditions that have come with it.

There are pressures on our foreign policy, on defence agreements and understanding, the logistic support like refueling etc that we have to give to the USA whenever it undertakes any military adventure. All these conditions will have to be eliminated.

Q Would the Left, particularly, the CPI-M join the Third alternative government if that really happens?

~ We are bound by our 1998 party Congress decision, which says if there is such a situation in future, the Central Committee of the time would take a decision whether to join the government or not. So now we will have to wait till the elections are over and then the Central Committee would meet.

Q So you are not ruling out the possibility?

~ Yes. I said, the CC would discuss this and take a decision.

Q Of late, the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and Mr LK Advani are involved in a debate attacking each other. How do you evaluate the episode?

~ Neither of them have anything concrete to offer to the people. They are not able to offer anything tangible to offer the people and in the absence of this, they have indulged in hurling charges and counter charges. The whole thing is so surreal. I must say, both PM and Mr Advani has stooped to the same level.

Q Coming to West Bengal, what is your take on the Congress-Trinamul alliance?

~ What was de facto arrangement between the Congress and the TMC has now become a de jure arrangement. So lets see what impact it can possibly have this elections.

Q Given the trend in the recent panchayat, by-polls in WB, do you think that the common people are shifting away from the CPI-M?

~ No, I don’t think so. Whatever loss we have suffered was primarily because of the differences within the LF allies. But now the LF unity has considerably improved and it is our great source of strength. The common people too are realising that the LF government is on the right path vis-à-vis industrialisation and development.

Q Last General Elections, the Left’s MP tally was around 60. Where would the number stand this time?

~ I am not an astrologer. But whatever be the number this time, one thing is sure that politics in India without the Left is not possible anymore.

Q It was the undivided CPI that raised the issue of separate homeland for the Gorkhas, but now your party says that Gokhaland demand is unacceptable. Has Bengali chauvinism taken over the CPI-M’s policy on this?

~ Certainly not. We are not only saying no to Gorkhaland, but are also opposed to the demand for other smaller states that exists elsewhere in the country, like Telegana, Bhidarva etc.

We are opposing not because of the sentiments in the concerned region, our opposition stands on the solid reasoning that after the loss of so many lives and debates in between 1953-56, we came to the final conclusion that new sates will be formed on the basis of dominant language.

So what we are saying that do not disturb the basis for this state reorganisation. The moment you deviate, a Pandora’s box will open up and there will be no end to it that will ultimately weaken the country.

(The interviewer is on the staff of The Statesman, India/ The highlights of this interview appeared in The Statesman on 23 April 2009)