Posted via web from kevinsteady

      The International Film Festival of India, a ten to eleven day film festival then drew huge crowds in December of each year to Panaji Goa.   In 1979, when we were surviving in Bombay, Susan and I took the steamer to Goa, and by chance we ran into Vincente de la Cruz, my filmmaker friend from Manila.   After checking out the Film Bazaar with him, he insisted that we go with him to a screening of his latest film, Enfant Terrible.   Naturally, we talked about Elpidio and Nick.   In fact, he had become so interested in the two and their heroism as revolutionary guerrillas that he had made a film about them.   (The military investigation into their deaths had already been exploited by the Manila press and had caused quite a stir throughout the country.)

      After the screening Vincente took us to a party and after that to his room.   The way Elpidio and Nick died was very much on my mind.   Vincente, on the other hand, had become obsessed with the notion that they were national heroes, on perhaps even the scale of Rizal and Bonifacio, which seemed absurd to me…though after I thought about it I thought perhaps Vincente felt that way because he needed “modern-day heroes of epic statue” for his movie.   It was my cynicism showing.   You see I could no longer trust Vincente.

      “Was Nick honored by the University of the Philippines,” I asked Vincente.

      “Yes, along with all the students and faculty who died as a result of The First Quarter Storm and the struggles that followed it,” he said.   “Nick wasn’t singled out, but I thought he should’ve been.   That was why I made the film I did. How he died, I think, was unique and certainly dramatic.”

      “Were you happy with the film?”

      “I certainly think it was my best effort.   By then, Basilan was unsafe.   The Navy was trying to enforce a blockade.   Though I did sneak in once, and spent some time in Zamboanga, to get a taste of the war and a feel for the setting, we shot most of the film in Sabah.   With the difficulties I’ve had with Marcos, to attempt it in the Philippines would’ve been sheer folly. But I was deeply committed to making this film, wanted to make it soon after the story broke.   I liked the idea because of it’s potential…sure we have Ninoy Aquino, but I thought there was room for Nick too.   He went to Mindanao, died on Basilan, and was murdered like Aquino, and you can hold Marcos responsible.   You have admit that there was an amazing twist to Nick’s story, to tell a friend to “go ahead and finish me off,” and then have that friend shoot him in the mouth.   I heard you knew Elpidio.   Then in the Philippines, we’re always looking for heroes.   It makes us feel proud.   There is a bit of a feeling of inferiority left in us.   Nick’s story, I think, provides a needed antidote for that.   He gave up a cushy office for the jungle of a war torn island, but he shouldn’t only be remembered for that, or how he died…remember he spent time in prison.”

      “Nick couldn’t have been the only modern-day martyr with his history,” I observed.

      “When I first knew him, he was trying to fit into the university, where he remained relatively quiet.   I think it was a difficult thing for him and particularly with all of the revolutionary turmoil around him, so we didn’t see him lead the demonstrations until the end, and that meant that people like Nur Misuari got the jump on him.   He never wanted to be a college professor.   That was his father’s idea.”

      “That’s surprising,” I said.

      “I suppose he never got living in jungle camps out of his system.   We had a lot of long conversations, during which he talked about growing up in Central Luzon and what being the son of a Huk meant to him.   We also used to pal around together.   He had a restless side.”

      “As you may remember, we traveled together to Central Luzon and down south,” I said, “but I didn’t anticipate that he would join the Moro movement.”

      “Yes he joined, and that I think is what makes his story so compelling…especially since he was a Christian.     No one anticipated that he would leave the university and take up the banner of the Muslims.   He saw it as a chance to right a wrong and do something significant; and it didn’t matter to him that they were Muslims because he maintained a worldview and saw that their struggle was all part of a bigger one.   He felt he couldn’t go back to the University of the Philippines and knew that he’d been placed on Marcos’ enemies’ list.   To him he didn’t have a choice.   He was still the same old Nick, an intellectual and an academician, except now he didn’t have an academic home.   He wrote some long essays for the Moro movement and wanted to put out a revolutionary newspaper.   He pitched the idea but wasn’t successful, but just think what we would be saying about him now had he been..”

      “In that regard, he might’ve gotten further by staying at the university, where publishing is expected,” I said.   “He seemed so suited for academia.”

      “He did, of course, have tenure and I suppose he could’ve weathered the storm and could’ve disappeared there.   But I don’t think he ever felt satisfied in that role.   Anyway, we don’t have to speculate about what ifs when he left behind a precise record.   In fact, I think that’s why we can so easily make a hero out of him.   Not that he wasn’t one.   If he hadn’t joined the Moros, I feel he would’ve let himself down.   You see he knew his destiny.   When he first went to Basilan, the war hadn’t really started yet there, so we can say he was one of the architects of it.”

      “Around then Susan and I ran into him in Zamboanga, and he showed us the jungle camp he shared with Elpidio.”

      “No!   I didn’t know that.   You two simply disappeared, so I thought you had overstayed your welcome.   It was a busy time for me, with all the raw footage of the battles in front of the Congress building and Malacanang I had, and fighting with Marcos over the censorship.   Nick pretty much dropped out sight too, because one day I saw him and the next day he was gone.   It was just before the bombing at Plaza Miranda and then Martial Law, and you have to know that that unnerved me.   As far as I was concerned, my world had ended.   Moreover, I was shunted for some reason.   Many of my friends had disappeared or turned against me.   The entire time I was isolated.   It took news of the investigation of Nick’s death for me to get my bearings, as I closely followed the whole thing, but tried to keep my emotional distance.”

      “Why was that?”

      “Yes, it was all very difficult for me.   He lost his life at the height of martial law and clearly it was a civil rights violation, but he wouldn’t have thought of it in that way.   He went to the Sulus with a purpose.   I think he fulfilled it many times over.   I found all the revelations incredibly sad and difficult.   The way he died completely blew me away.   But then I never knew Elpidio, but the more I learned about him and about his and Nick’s relationship, the more heroic they both seemed.   As I said I ran the blockade of Basilan to get where it all happened, the ruined coconut plantation and the library where Nick’s work was found.   I couldn’t stop kicking the dirt.   In some places I couldn’t walk without stepping over coconuts…the bombing had been that extensive…before they were captured.”

      “So your movie is accurate?”

      “As accurate as I could make it.   I went to see for myself the actual spot where they were murdered.   I had just decided to make the movie, and Nick, I decided, would be my hero.   (I now think Elpidio deserved the honor, but it’s too late now to bestow it on him.)   I was eager to get an impression of what it was like for him, but my own feelings kept distracting me.   ‘Could this have been me?   Could I have said ‘go ahead, finish me off?’   Or could I have stuck a .45 in a friend’s mouth and pulled the trigger?   Nick seems to have preferred that to an execution.   I imagined he wanted to stage his own death once he saw that they weren’t going to be brought back alive.   It was in many ways the same as when Rizal faced the firing squad and at the last moment turned his body so that he ended up lying on his back, with his face to the sun.   I tried to work on something else and not make the movie, but as I said, I felt left out and now I had a way of reconnecting…that an American girlfriend having left him had something to do with him becoming a martyr didn’t occur to me until I was well into the production.   ‘But would anyone get to see it?’ I kept asking myself.   I never know how a film will turn out, whether it will be any good or not and began to dread the prospect of finishing it.   By then, I had become very paranoid.   And there were good reasons for that.   I knew I stood a chance of offending everyone who would eventually see it.   Generally, the only thing that kept me going was my own ego.   There was no way I would give up.   One day, I put a loaded .45 in my mouth, and I let my imagination go on and on, and I came close to pulling the trigger.   I had just shot their capture, and we were between takes.   I was exhausted from dealing with the authorities in Sabah, while at the same time making the movie.   I shot the killing over and over.   I couldn’t get it right.   Finally the actors revolted…it upset them too much.   After that, I said ‘to hell with it,’ and you’ll see the sloppy results if you ever see the film.   They say they even caught me napping, but I never told anyone that I had had it.   I thought it would be banned back home.   It surprised me that it wasn’t…that it got licensed.   To some critics it’s my best film.”

      “Then why aren’t you screening it here?”

      “I know it won’t make money.   It’s too dark, and with the ending, audiences feel betrayed.   It’s ironic, because with Enfant Terrible I’ll make money.   After all, it’s a comedy and, as you heard tonight, the critics here say they like it.   And then I realized that I had a death wish, but I’m over that now.   I’m doing very well.   I often feel guilty, and I often think about Nick, but I don’t miss him because I think I’ve recreated him fairly accurately.   It’s really extraordinary to me that he is more alive to me now than when he lived.   And I feel gratified that I’ve turned him into a household name and, for now, a national hero.   Whenever I find myself thinking of him, I can’t help thinking of Rizal and Bonifacio.   I’m glad the success of the film doesn’t depend on ticket sales.”

      “But doesn’t the memory of Nick mean more to you than the success of your movie?”

      “But how can you really justify him giving up the platform he had at the University of Philippine after he was granted tenure?”

Randy Ford

I watched ABS-CBN’s special election feature “Harapan” last weekend.

10 random thoughts:

1. My loudest laugh of the night was hearing Brother Eddie Villanueva merge the names of two spiritual icons into one name. Meet Mohammad Gandhi.
2. Erap Estrada really cannot understand English well. It was a little bit sad watching him struggle to understand a simple question of one of the students. If I could only remember what question that was…
3. Noynoy is the fortunate beneficiary of the stellar and courageous reputations of his parents. He isn’t as ignorant of politics as I thought he was… but I still hold firm to my statement (since the death of Cory Aquino) that Noynoy is not Ninoy, nor will he ever be.
4. But my fearless forecast is: he will win. My sentiments about this possible eventuality… his heart may be in the right place but the focus of his attentions seems to be elsewhere other than the more immediate and pressing problems of our country.
5. Most Presidentiables right now (with the exception of Gibo Teodoro) seem to be single-mindedly focused on completely burying GMA six feet underground. Which begs the question: are any of them ever gonna take their eyes off GMA long enough to actually do their jobs and focus on what’s important?
6. That conference confirmed my initial preference of voting for Gibo. Reading up on the platforms of the Presndentiables a few weeks ago through Cheche Lazaro’s documentary made me see back then that of all Presidentiables, he was the only one who (a) seemed to have a solid grasp of what it takes to run a country; (b) had a solid and clear platform; and (c) had his priorities straight. Most other candidates’ platforms were both unclear and essentially, non-existent. This latest coverage of ABS confirmed that Gibo indeed knew what he was talking about.
7. But then it also got me to have doubts and second thoughts about voting for such a smooth-talking lawyer. Not that I don’t like lawyers. Sometimes, a person that intelligent could be quite dangerous. My husband seems to think though that in context of the political landscape of this country, he would more likely end up being a puppet.
8. Manny Villar did not show up. Makes one wonder why. That was an important show, it got thousands of the voting public to talk about all that had transpired and all that was said in the show. He should not have missed it.
9. Dick Gordon is another viable candidate. Personally, I also like Bayani Fernando. Call them hardcore traditional politicians – but at least they have integrity. If we’re talking about results, Dick Gordon has the clearest and most tangible results to boast of.
10. Goodness. Every elections, we have nuisance candidates. JC delosReyes, Nicanor Perlas – who the hell are those??? I sometimes marvel at the infancy of our electoral process and how we comprehend the democratic process. It’s anyone’s right to run for office. But seriously now… that on earth makes them think they even have a chance in hell to win? Unless they decided to run for the simple reason that they wanted votes to be distributed between many different candidates. But what’s the point, and to what end??

As of this writing, I am still undecided about who to vote for. It’s still a toss-up between Gibo and Dick. Who knows though what else happens in the course of the next few months?

—–

What is unusual for me though is that this is the first elections where I’ve really taken the effort to know the issues, have a stand on what issues I think need to be prioritized, and choose candidates not simply on the basis of their reputation but on their genuine capacity to make this country a better place.

It’s not just about a squeaky clean reputation and image. Sometimes, people with a squeaky clean image tells me that maybe they’re never willing to get their hands dirty and take risks that could potentially overturn a bad situation. This is not to condone immoral and unlawful acts. It’s about a presidentiable who can exercise resourcefulness. To think out-of-the-box (pardon me, I’m in the Communications business) and consider all possibilities, especially possibilities that no one else had ever considered – in finding solutions to this country’s problems. And this presidentiable should have guts of steel to withstand all the negative publicity and criticism that he will get from a citizenry and political opposition who won’t stop at nothing to bring him down for taking unusual risks or exercising what some would call – unpopular measures.

I think after decades of watching this country sink deeper in poverty as the days go by, desperate times calls for desperate measures. So next year, when I place my vote on that ballot, it will be with the desperate hope that whoever it is I’m voting for will win, and will do what he can to try to make things better for all of us.

Here’s a prime example of how corrupt an ordinary high school student can get: Say hello to me, Edge.

No, not really. Sometimes I delve into evil just to understand why there is evil, and I think I’ve found the reason why there is sustained corruption. I think it goes somewhat like this:

Step One: Introduce corruption into system. That’s a given. I’m not trying to undo that, I’m trying to undo its effects. So let’s skip explaining that step.

Step Two: One needs to use corruption to get into the system. It’s always a given danger if someone who isn’t corrupt gets into the system, so there are always untraceable assassinations. Poor Ninoy Aquino. Such a good man gone with a bullet.

Step Three: Blackmail. The man might regret his course of action, and rat out the whole system, so people shut him up. There’s been a recent (around 2, 3 months) news article about this. Familial threats, personal threats, stuff like that.

So you see, once someone goes corrupt, it’s hard to get him out. Seriously, witness protection programs do not work here. The Mob, the Mafia, they get places, they have high connections, and it’s never safe to assume that the cops are going to protect you, especially here.

What do we need to exterminate a corrupt system?

Right now, I’ll keep that a secret. I might need to use it, and it’ll be no use if my blog rats out for me.

Edge

With the dearth of credible presidential aspirants, should we just elect the imaginary alternative?

Ninoy Aquino has become a graphic design sensation of sorts. Along with the nostalgia for all things yellow, spurred by the death of Cory Aquino, we are now inundated with a barrage of Ninoy-themed merchandise. His iconic monotone image is now plastered on shirts, bags, car plates, and whatnot. This retro wave can be attributed largely to the much-publicized iamninoy campaign, which mobilizes a strong band of artists and retailers like Team Manila, Analog Soul, Bench and Penshoppe.

Recently, a group of graphic designers going by the (strangely patriotic-conyotic-almost-sarcastic) name of Oh-We’re-So-Filipino (OWSF), unveiled a very curious instance of this Ninoy-ism: the Ninoy for 2010 t-shirts. In an article about the shirts, the group describes the brand of “fun patriotism” that they wish to put forward in light of the upcoming elections:

Sportscaster Mico Halili said his group wanted to introduce the radical idea to make people think: What if Ninoy were alive today? What could he be doing during these tumultuous political times? How can the country be better with a President like Ninoy?

Halili explains that the brightly-colored graphic tees, bearing the iconic image of Noynoy and following the retro aesthetic of a 1980s election campaign, encourage people to act. “Wouldn’t you want your next president to be someone like Ninoy?” he asks. How the shirts actually instigate action (or what kind of action it wishes to instigate, for that matter), however, is not exactly clear.

The rise of the cult of Ninoy marks an important stage in our national consciousness vis-à-vis the Gloria Arroyo regime. First, it indicates that the blatant corruption of the government under Arroyo has reached the point where it is a generally acknowledged fact. Everybody agrees that the system under Arroyo has become so sickening, and we are left to collectively grapple for alternatives, immediate or otherwise, to her rule. Unfortunately, the system has been so developed under the auspices of imperialism, bureaucrat capitalism and feudalism that there is hardly any way out, at least nothing easy, foreseeable or seemingly “possible.” The famous slogan of the May 1968 uprising in Europe said it best: Be realistic, demand the impossible! The only true solution, after all, is a total rejection of the whole reigning order—thus, socialism, communism?—and for one to fully grasp and embrace that entails a high level of consciousness, willpower and courage, as well as a lot of idealism. These are traits which are not easy to sustain, let alone come by.

Radical chic: Rallying without actually having to rally.

Political Adolescence

The “impossibility” of the true alternative thus leaves Filipinos in a quandary. There are those who propose reform and compromise, an awkward and difficult integration into the current system like a skin graft which may or may not succeed. There are those who can afford to choose not to deal with the situation, who maintain a certain sense of apathy and distance, reveling in their middle- or upper-class comforts or even literally escaping from the problem toward the seemingly greener pastures overseas.  Others choose to stick it out and continue the fight, immersing themselves in the prolonged struggle of oppositional movements. Some resort to wistful nostalgia, drawing from the handier depths of memory—easy, convenient and best of all, free. This last category is where the cult of Ninoy falls under.

Thus, while the popularization of Ninoy’s image indicates the growing awareness regarding social ills, it also signifies a certain socio-political immaturity which hinders us from being collectively decisive on such ills. If the Philippines were Britney Spears, we’re currently at the Crossroads, and we’re not a girl, not yet a woman.

OWSF's "Cory Magic" design (left): "While it’s easy to associate the shirts as offshoots of the 'Cory Magic' sparked by Mrs. Aquino’s death, Halili said that OWSF is different..."; iamninoy Phase 2 (right): Will iamninoy and iamcory transform the "magic" into a vehicle for Noynoy's presidency?

The Straw Man

OWSF’s Ninoy line is a glaring example of this awkward period. It is political, but not exactly. It looks radical, but isn’t really there yet. It claims to encourage action, but towards what? Ninoy Aquino, in this case, is the political equivalent of a straw man argument, a false and/or irrelevant proposition which diverts attention from the issue at hand.

“Ninoy 2010,” if we consider the rationale put forward by OWSF, is simply a vague campaign. Despite the obvious Aquino imagery, they deny supporting Noynoy’s presidential bid, but do not seem to be endorsing anyone either. It is naïve to distance Ninoy from Noynoy because in all aspects, from color choice to name recall, one cannot deny that the cult of Ninoy is inseparable from his son’s candidacy. Halili says that those from the older generation which actually experienced EDSA 1 and Martial Law are “confounded and confused” precisely because of this Ninoy/Noynoy dissociation—and for good reason. Noynoy’s meteoric rise as a political Messiah figure of sorts, after all, is founded on popular support for his parents, rather than on his own merits as a politician. (Again, this is another sign of political immaturity, a vestige of the dynasty politics deeply ingrained in our political culture after centuries of colonial rule.) Regardless of OWSF’s intentions, the popularization of their Ninoy 2010 line, in the context of the May 2010 elections, will benefit Noynoy.

The Campaign: Young, or Childish?

Halili explains that their line’s target market is the youth, a sector which, forming around half of next year’s voters, will prove decisive in the polls’ outcome. “Young people understand our message,” he says. “There really has to be creative thinking to generate humor.” This is perfectly logical, because the young bourgeois market, those who can afford the expensive Ninoy 2010 shirts, are either part of the sheltered/apathetic middle class culture as previously explained, or simply too young to really know Ninoy and understand his context. The target market possesses a low level of political maturity, matching that of the t-shirt line.

Then, of course, there is the “hip” factor, what with the resurgence of retro, Helvetica and Bauhaus typography, day-glo colors and 80s fashion, the shirts simply look “cool.” Patriotism is reduced to a “fun” and fashionable exercise, nationalism reduced to a trend, and political statements shifted from the streets onto shirts. The Ninoy apparel, then, celebrate not the youthful idealism of EDSA 1 and the First Quarter Storm, but rather the infantile naïveté which hinders us from fighting back against a more ominous retro phenomenon: the return of Martial Law.

Growing Up

It is easier to propose the hypothetical candidacy of Ninoy Aquino the icon (not necessarily the person himself), because he has been mythologized and institutionalized to the point that it is almost sacrilegious to contest his nobility and heroism. Turning to fantasy is not uncommon, given that the culture of elections and governance in the Philippines is structured in such a way that it disallows genuine representation of the marginalized majority at an equally fantastic level. Only politicians from the enchanted world of the rich, whose hands are inevitably sullied by corruption, are likely to be able to run for and clinch a spot in ruling the kingdom. This is a culture which has brought about a flawed “democracy,” which in reality is merely an egalitarianism of the elite, where wealthy landlords lead the government, where elections are tainted by “magic,” where honest and qualified citizens’ chances of clinching the Presidency are dashed simply because they cannot afford to campaign. Choosing a presidential candidate is not really much of a choice, only an exercise in selecting “the lesser evil.”

Evil is the norm, and we are left to conjure heroes like Ninoy to slay the corrupt beasts, even if only in our imaginations. Like all adolescents, though, someday we have to get over our fairy tales and move on to the less desirable task of facing the nitty-gritty. A line of cryptic t-shirts simply wouldn’t do the job. In light of the Ampatuan massacre and the Arroyo regime’s mad scramble to cover up its dirty tracks by way of dictatorship, one can only hope that this rude awakening comes to us soon.#

Political involvement: the new "it" accessory?

Images from http://owsf247.multiply.com

The year 2010 is fast approaching and we have to say goodbye to 2009. Are you ready with your New Year’s resolutions? Before that, do you recall what you’ve done in the past 12 months?

As I reminisce what had happened this year, I’ve come up with my top ten lists of the most talked about incidents here in the Philippines.

10. Celebrity Video Scandals

We all know that the site YouTube has played a big part in the lives of some Filipinos. From the discovery of international talents such as Charice Pempengco and Arnel Pineda, to Moymoy Palaboy in the local scene, YouTube really helped Filipinos find their good opportunities. But some personalities took part of the scene and created scandalous videos that aroused conflicts among women, doctors’ association and showbiz.

9. Facebook

The most popular social networking site today here in the Philippines. Yes, Friendster has already been dethroned from being the most visited site here. Due to the unpatched bugs of the latter website, Friendster users abruptly shift to Facebook for it offers the *Web 2.0 and rich internet applications  making it more interesting and worth visiting.

8. GMA’s Dinner in New York

The controversial $20,000 dinner at Le Cirque in New York stayed in the news headlines for a couple of months and produced several movements and television ads against the President.

7. Efren Peñaflorida

The first Filipino to win the CNN Hero of the Year 2009 which is actually the first award giving body founded by CNN. Efren, together with his team, the Dynamic Teen Company wanders all over the province of Cavite to educate street children. This man caught the attention of everyone, most especially the youth. He is without a doubt an inspiration to all of us.

6. Manny Pacquiao vs. Miguel Cotto

Who doesn’t know Manny “Pacman” Pacquiao? I believe none. Being featured in the TIME Magazine, won 7 boxing titles, defeated boxing champs with technical knock-outs, no wonder Manny Pacquiao created a history.

5. Maguindanao Massacre

The political battle between the Ampatuans and Mangundadatu was said to be the cause of the tragedy. As of now the number of victims reached 57 and that includes some media men.

4. A (H1N1) Outbreak

The Influenza A (H1N1) virus often called swine flu by the public media. Certain number of people died from different parts of the world especially Mexico.

3. Death of Michael Jackson

Almost the whole world mourned for the death of the King of Pop Michael Jackson. There are lots of issues regarding the truth about his death but that remained in doubt. Instead, the movie “This Is It” earned million dollars and was given good credits from the movie industry.

2. Typhoon Ondoy and Pepeng

No one has ever predicted that typhoon Ondoy and Pepeng will wreck the National Capital Region and the Northern Luzon. Filipinos somehow became united to help each other cope up from the adversity.

1. Death of Cory Aquino

Everyone wept for the death of Tita Cory. Every Filipino participated in honoring the first female president of the Philippines through tying yellow ribbon outside their houses, offering prayers, watching the necrological mass and the burial ceremony or even singing the “Tie a Yellow Ribbon Round the Ole Oak Tree”. Cory Aquino’s death touched the lives of the Filipinos. For all the things she have done for the country, she won’t be easily forget by her fellowmen.

“Make the most of yourself for that is all there is of you.”

- Ralph Waldo Emerson

*Web 2.0 – commonly associated with web applications that facilitate interactive information sharing, interoperability, user-centered design and collaboration on the World Wide Web.

Ninoy: The Journalist

Today, we celebrate the birthday of a hero to whom we owe the freedom (at least in the ideal sense) that we enjoy today. Ninoy, who fiercely assailed Marcos and his martial law, died through a single bullet and with his death sparked outrage and indignation against the regime which, consequently, toppled the dictator.

However, most of us remember his death more than his birth. Likewise, we remember him as a politician more than as a journalist.

Before he entered the political arena, Ninoy worked for The Manila Times as a journalist then as a correspondent of the paper during the Korean War. I will not dwell much on the details of Ninoy’s life as a journalist. Nick Joaquin is the undisputed authority to that in his book, “The Aquinos of Tarlac” and in Asuncion David Maramba’s edited book, “Ninoy Aquino: The Man, The Legend” where Joaquin was a contributor. Instead, I will focus on Ninoy’s transformation as a man in the Korean War.

At the age of 17, or my current age, Ninoy was made to cover the Korean War. Most of the senior and more experienced journalists did not want to get the job as majority of them are family men already. Thus, Ninoy, who was always up for adventure, took the assignment much to the dismay of her mother.

In the war, Ninoy, at a very young age, saw the ills of waging battles through artilleries and tanks. There, he saw gruesome images unimaginable for a teenager like him and there, he matured at an early age.

Witnessing blood in war is something that really shaped Ninoy’s political beliefs. I believe that Ninoy’s strong opposition to the use of force influenced the way he ruled as a politician as he became a witness of how the rule of force works in reality. That’s why he strongly opposed martial law and the use of violence in society.

With this opinion, it lead me to think that perhaps, our leaders should be part of army operations in Mindanao and see the real picture of what war is like. If Gloria Arroyo joins the Army in operations, perhaps she would have the same eye-opener like Ninoy. However, that may seem to be impossible with GMA although I am hopeful with the others.

War is a result of a confict between two aggrieved or disable parties. I still believe that all problems can be settled or at least come up with a compromise and the use of force is the least among the leader’s options.

Just like what Ninoy believed in.

WHAT IF ALLEN GINSBERG WAS A FILIPINO?
Or how I syncopated the essence of “Hadda be Playin’ on the Jukebox”
José Mario Alas

Hadda be flashing like the Philippine Daily Inquirer
Hadda be playing on Wowowee
Hadda be loudmouthed on The Buzz!
Hadda be announced over loud speakers
The military and the Abu Sayyaf are in cahoots
Hadda be said in socialite language
Hadda be said in Pinoy headlines
Aguinaldo, Magsaysay, and Aquino stretched and smiled and got doublecrossed by low life international goons & agents
Gay bankers with criminal connections
Dope pushers in NBI working with dope pushers from China working with big time syndicate Parañaque City
Hadda be said with a big mouth
Hadda be moaned over factory foghorns
Hadda be chattered on barber shop news broadcast
Hadda be screamed in a rural slaughterhouse
Hadda be yelled in the plazas where young lovers are petting it out
Hadda be howled on the streets by newsboys to jeepney barkers
Hadda be foghorned into Pásig River
Hadda echo under hard hats
Hadda turn up the volume in cheeky high school proms
Hadda be written on unused library books, footnoted
Hadda be in headlines of Sagad, Hataw, and Toro
Hadda be barked over TV
Hadda be heard in side alleys thru KTV bars
Hadda be sent via SMS
Hadda be cellphones ringing, comedians stopped dead in the middle of a comedy bar joke in Las Piñas,
Hadda be GMA, NEDA Neri, Mayor Atienza, and COMELEC Ábalos golfing together weekends or whenever/wherever –
As reported by almost all dailies across the islands
Hadda be the Freemasons and the neocolonialists together
Started war on Mindanáo, poison on Recto, assassination of Luna and Aquino
Hadda be dope cops and the kidnap-for-ransom crooks
Kidnapped all those filthy-rich scions in Chinatown
Hadda be the NBI and the military working together in cahoots against the leftists
Let Lucky Manzano campaign for both mommy and daddy… family relations, party fidelities, political madness
Hadda be religious goons bribing cross-eyed officials with vote-rich members, singing gospel gobbledygook, praising money and recruitment
Hadda be heard inside the classrooms:
Nationwide brainwashing by UP professors
Hadda be the police, and organized crime, and the military together
Bigger than Gloria, bigger than ZTE-NBN!!!
Hadda be a gorged throat full of murder
Hadda be mouth and ass a solid mass of rage
A red hot head, a scream in the back of the throat
Hadda be in Obama’s brain
Hadda be in Clinton’s mouth
Hadda be the Pinoy language committe, pidginizing our tongue,
erasing our identity, forgetting who we are, what we were…
The Palace, the military, the billionaire cronies, the police, UP historians teaching the leyenda negra,
Protestants and Freemasons,
Dope pushers and sadists,
One big set of criminal gangs working together in cahoots
Hitmen, murderers everywhere, outraged, on the make
Secret drunk brutal dirty rich
On top of a heap of slovenly prisons, industrial cancer, burned plastic bags, garbage cities, Hollywood movies, Erap’s resentments
Hadda be the rulers, wanted law and order they got rich on
Wanted protection, status quo, wanted junkies for poll watchers, wanted influence, wanted Magsaysay to die in an air crash, wanted war over the Spratlys for oil to feed their diamond-laced cats
Hadda be the police and organized crime and the military and Gary V.
Multinational capitalists’ strong arms squads,
Private detective agencies for the very rich
And their armies, navies, and air force bombing rival political clans and their hapless supporters.
Hadda be neocolonialism, the vortex of this RAGE
This “gobbleization”
Man to man
Nation to nation
Hayden to Katrina
Horses’ heads in the haciendero’s bed, Luisita turf and farmers’ rallies, hit men, gang wars across political landscapes,
Bombing Basilan with “firecrackers” will not settle the score (because they never wanted to settle the score for hunger for funds)
Joma’s red democracy bumped off with the Palace’s pots and pans, a warning to rural local governments
Secret armies embraced for decades, the military and the Palace keep each other’s secrets, the Freemasons and the anti-Catholics/Protestants never hit their own,
The KKK and Ku Klux Klan are one mind
Brute force and full of enmity
One mind, brute force, and full of enmity!
One mind, brute force, and full of enmity!
One mind, brute force, and full of enmity!
One mind, brute force, and full of enmity!
It hadda be rich, it hadda be powerful,
Hadda hire history from US universities
Hadda murder in Indonesia — 500,000
Hadda murder in Indochina — 2,000,000
Hadda murder in Czechoslovakia
Hadda murder in Chile
Hadda murder in Russia…
Hadda murder kids over 10 in Sámar
Hadda murder in the Philippines — 1,250,000

Hadda milk us more till we fall apart…

11/24/09

Bongbong: A New Twist in the 2010 race

Bongbong Marcos added an interesting twist when his Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL), the party his father founded, coalesced with the Nacionalista Party for the 2010 election. As this development unraveled, I remembered an election that never happened.

That election was the supposed 1973 presidential polls. It did not transpire for a year before Marcos’ term would have ended, the dictator proclaimed martial law and sealed his tenure in the country’s highest post for the next 16 of his 20 year term. Many observers at that time knew that Ninoy would run for president and would surely win. He was the most popular senator with his incomparable charisma and fiery speeches. He captured the heart of every Filipino and he would have been the emergent winner.

Marcos, being a clever political tactician, knew this too. Any politician from his ranks would surely lose against Ninoy. He could have been the most formidable adversary but the 1935 Constitution prevented him in running for a third term after he had already served in an unprecedented two terms as president.

Back in the 60s and the years that precede it, elections wasn’t a royal rumble between parties, it was a one-on-one coalition between Nacionalistas and Liberals. Macoy was the NP, Ninoy was the LP. Seemingly, the rivalry between these parties have resurrected with Manny on one side and Noynoy on the other. Plus, the first has included a Marcos in his Senate line-up.

After almost 40 years that the world witnessed the bitter rivalry between Aquino and Marcos, the sons are up in adding another chapter to it. With a Marcos in the NP and for Senator and an Aquino in the LP and for President, Bongbong’s and Noynoy’s candidacies have a deep historical implication.

This implication is what I see as an inevitable: Filipinos would tend to search for the pages of our history when the Macoy-Ninoy fight happened and if this election will really be a fight between good and evil, then definitely, the son of Macoy is the evil as history judged his father and the son of Ninoy is the good as history judged his father.

Moreover, if history plays a role in next year’s elections, Bongbong will emerge a loser and Noynoy will emerge a winner. Their parents’ legacies will decide on it. Marcos was a symbol of tyranny and Imelda was a symbol of extravagance while Ninoy was an icon of democracy and Cory was an icon of simplicity.

L for Luisita: It's not a burden, it's a test of leadership

The crucial test of leadership for Noynoy Aquino is to take the lead in resolving the Hacienda Luisita issue once and for all.

Noynoy is an Aquino by name but more importantly, he is a Cojuangco by blood. No matter how small his stakes may be, he is still a stockholder of the 6,300 hectare sugar estate in Luisita, Tarlac. Inevitably, the Hacienda Luisita issue is pinned on him in his presidential candidacy.

At first glance, the issue may be a burden to his campaign but an efficient leader can transform this bane to a bastion of victory, not just in agrarian reform, but in asserting that he is a leader, a true leader, that empathizes with the plight of his constituents and fuels inspiration to a race that has long submerged itself to the pool of despair and resignation.

If he delivers well in leading the initiative, he will also unleash a spate of arrows clad with fire to his detractors who claim that he was just a sitting lawmaker in the lower House and an unproductive legislator in the Senate. Yes, it’s true, the public remembers him not for his legislative accomplishments but because he carries the name of a martyred hero revered by those who struggle for freedom to attain it. He is known as a “Benigno Aquino”, a name rich in history; a name that has been etched since his grandfather served as assemblyman during the Commonwealth years.

The Hacienda is his test of leadership and of political will. If he delivers, I say that he will finally emerge from the shadows of her well-loved parents. Cory, herself, failed to resolve the issue during her term and that’s one of the many flaws of her administration that the son could vindicate.

This would also create a new face to the “Benigno Aquino” name: that of a champion for agrarian reform and rights of the farmers, the nation’s backbone.

The Hacienda Luisita issue can have its closure in a simple but not too easy way. The hacienderos, that’s the Cojuangcos, should give up their control over the land and give it to the farmers who till it, who really deserves it. To do this, he needs leadership. To accomplish this, he needs a strong political will.

He must adopt to the notion that farmers must till their own lands and its produce is for themselves to earn. That’s what Hacienda Luisita should be and all the other haciendas in the country.

What Noynoy Aquino should do is to lead the change of control in the estate.

If he is able to do this, he will not just win the presidency, he will also have his name written in history, and on the good side of it.

]]> http://pcyjourneyhome.wordpress.com/2009/11/14/events-impacted-me/ Sun, 15 Nov 2009 01:07:11 +0000 Philip Yan http://pcyjourneyhome.wordpress.com/2009/11/14/events-impacted-me/

All of us experience some events and share lives that affect us more than others do.  I have had my share of family, community, Philippine and world events that made an impact — some were causes of celebration, some were tragedies.  Somehow, each of these events and people left a mark in my heart and in my psyche — marks (sometimes, scars) that helped shape what I am and how I think today.

***

Cover of the Yan Clan History, a book published a couple of years ago.

My father was my type of hero.  Strong, silent, unheralded.  He was not a world figure.  He was not known nor admired by anyone but his family.  He was not rich and famous — just an ordinary man living an ordinary life. The lessons he taught me were lessons learned through the examples he set — examples I strive to emulate, but have never been able to live up to.

Mariano “Menito” Yan was never blessed with wealth, comfort, or luxury.  We, his sons, did not inherit material wealth or goods.  But his whole life was spent trying to build up a nest egg he could leave behind for us.  He never succeeded, but he left a legacy for me whose value far transcends a peso (or dollar) sign.

I will never forget his zest for life, and the laughter that accompanied it. I will always treasure his commitment to family, a commitment that forced him to leave us behind and work overseas — Vietnam at the height of the Vietnam war, Malawi in Africa, and finally Oakland, California — for so many years, just to be able to provide for us.

He showed me how life should be lived, how adversity should be met, how failure should not defeat my spirit.

My heart will forever cry when I remember his words when Rica and I were finally together in the US in July of 1986.  ”Now I can die in peace — you are here and the family is whole again.”

For Thanksgiving Day in 1986, he and my Mom drove down to West Covina from their Hayward home to spend my first US Thanksgiving Day with us.  He never made it back to Hayward.

The Sunday after Thanksgiving, he and my Mom were supposed to drive back to Hayward.  He woke up feeling lost and disoriented.  We called 911, and the paramedics took him to Queen of the Valley hospital, where they diagnosed him as having a stroke.  In fact, he had died, but they resuscitated him.

He spent the next six months in a coma that he never awoke from, and died on March 13, 1987. My lifetime’s hero was gone, and I have never stopped crying.

Like him, I cry silently and alone.  Like him, I never show the tears of loss.  Like him, I never share the pain and emptiness I feel in my heart.  But they’re always there…the pain of loss, the sadness and emptiness, the tears mourning the time we never had together..

To me, in my mind and heart, in my pain and sorrow, my Dad lives…

Wait for me, Dad.  We’ll laugh together.  Take long walks together. Together we’ll make up for the time lost.  Share the dreams we never shared, the triumphs we never had, the glorious days of a son reveling in his father’s embrace, the warmth of your love, the resolve of your strength…  We’ll be together, Dad, with no more tears.

***

Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972.

On September 21, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos, citing a national security emergency, declared martial law through Presidential Proclamation 1081.

In the beginning — and for many years — I believed in what martial law could do, if implemented with fairness, dignity, and integrity.  I believed in the need for discipline, and after so many years of “democracy,” I then believed the Filipino has begun to lose all sense of responsibility.  I also believed the Filipino studentry at that time had exceeded its moral limits, and the communist-inspired bombings, rallies and protests actually served the ends the communist element rather than the Filipino people.

The Sunday Express headline. The Express became a pro-Marcos newspaper after martial law was declared.

I still believe I was right — that the communist elements were the true benefactors of the lack of Filipino discipline.  What I was wrong to assume was that Marcos was the leader who would inspire and maintain dignity and integrity among the Filipino people.

After two or three years of laudable change immediately after he declared martial law, Marcos — through indifference, a lust for power, and greed — allowed, and even fostered, the growth and empowerment of an oligarchy with his cronies as the beneficiaries of his government’s policies.

Marcos would remain in power for 14 more years, until February 25, 1986.  The people finally took to the streets in a show of national defiance and, using what has now come to be known as People Power, forced Marcos and his family and close circle of supporters to leave Malacanang Palace for exile in the United States. It was the same pride I felt when Marcos declared martial law that I felt when he was overthrown.  It was a pride that stirred my heart, when he left.

I recognized then the value of the many lives that had been lost among those who fought the degenerative policies of the Marcos administration.  It took the deaths of two men for me to finally understand that no good end will ever be served by the destruction of human rights.

***

Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino: his assassination in 1983 marked the beginning of the end of the Marcos regime.

August 21, 1983 marked the actual end of the Marcos regime. Although Marcos remained in power for three more years, the assassination of Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, his most influential critic, sparked what was to become the People Power revolution. Ninoy was gunned down by Armed Forces soldiers as he alighted from a China Air flight that brought him home from Boston, Massachusetts.  Although the Marcos regime insisted that he had been shot in the head by rogue soldier Rolando Galman, no Filipino believed that neither Marcos nor wife Imelda did not have a hand in his murder.

The murder and funeral of Ninoy.

I will always remember sitting and staring at the TV as they played and replayed the last moments of Ninoy’s life.  From the moment soldiers boarded the China Air flight to the moment his dead body was ignominiously dragged and dumped into a waiting Armed Forces truck, the coverage was absolutely numbing.

To be sure, it was not truly unexpected, but the reality of what we, as a nation, had collectively feared was too much to absorb in one sitting.  So as one people, we all sat in our homes, watched, and prayed.  Prayed that somehow what we had witnessed was not real.

***

Edgar "Edjop" Jopson: the "grocer's son" became a major thorn in Marcos' side.

Ed Jopson was the president of the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP) during his student days.  He was also my classmate, a dear friend with whom I had spent many childhood memories.

His parents owned Jopson’s Supermarket, and we would occasionally stay at his house while our parents went out together.  As president of the NUSP, he was more popularly known as “Edjop.”  He was also named one of the country’s “Ten Outstanding Young Men,” an award bestowed annually by the Philippine Jaycees — one of the most prestigious awards in the country at that time.

A career as a labor leader and union organizer led him into notoriety. He was a moderate, and even met with Marcos occasionally.  Then at one meeting Marcos said something that changed Edjop from a moderate oppositionist to an active member of the Communist Party, then headed by Jose Ma. Sison. At a Malacanang meeting, Edjop continually urged Marcos not to run for another term.  Marcos cut the discussion short by saying “Who are you to tell me what to do?  You’re only a grocer’s son.”

Eventually captured and tortured, he escaped and headed for the hills of Bataan to continue his struggle among his “brothers” in the CPP and NPA.  On September 21, 1982 — the tenth anniversary of the declaration of martial law, Edjop headed home from visiting NUSP friends.  Late that night, he heard noises, peeked out the window, awoke six other people in the house, then fled. He was gunned down and killed as he ran…

***

President John F. Kennedy visited the Berlin Wall on June 6, 1963.

August 1990 marked the start of the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the ignominious symbol of the “Iron Curtain” that divided the East and West during the Cold War, which lated for decades. The East German Republic (probably egged on by the Soviet Union), began the construction of the Berlin Wall in August of 1961.  It effectively cut off passage between East and West Berlin, and encircled West Berlin completely.

The Berlin Wall was made up of 96 mi (155 km) of barbed wire barricades and concrete walls with an average height of 11.8 ft (3.60 m). The Wall divided Berlin for 28 years.

"Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall." -- President Ronald Reagan, June 12, 1987

In June of 1987, President Reagan stood before the Wall at the Brandenburg Gate and challenged the Soviet Union with those famous words, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.” In an unexpected development, a press conference was held on November 9, 1981, where the SED government announced that travel restrictions for East Germans had been lifted.  That night people from East Berlin flooded into the western part of the city and hundreds of thousands celebrated throughout the city.

The Berlin Wall was demolished by the people of Berlin in 1989.

Soon thereafter, the infamous Wall that hundreds had died trying to cross came down.  The Cold War between the US and USSR thawed,and eventually ended.

On November 9, 2009, Berlin celebrated the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall with a “Festival of Freedom”, during which over 1,000 foam domino tiles over 8 feet tall were stacked along the former route of the wall in the city center and toppled.

***

John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963.

John F. Kennedy, 35th President of the United States.

On November 22, 1963, I was walking home from SLU.  As I turned right on Session Road from Assumption Road, I was surprised by the scattered newspapers fluttering in the wind on Session Road.  I picked one up and as I read the red headline, my heart sank. “Kennedy Assassinated.”

The words rang through my mind and for a brief moment, I went numb. The next 24 hours were spent watching TV coverage and reading newspaper accounts of the assassination, the swearing in of Vice President Lyndon Johnson, the capture and killing of Lee Harvey Oswald, and the Walter Cronkite announcement of JFK’s death.

I did not feel that the world was right, and I silently mourned JFK’s death.

On ______, Robert Kennedy suffered the same fate as his brother John.

I did not feel the same deep sadness again until years later, when JFK’s brother Robert, who was on his way to becoming President of the US, suffered the same fate in a hotel in Los Angeles after winning the California Democratic primary.

The Kennedy legacy — many called the Kennedy years “Camelot” — ended when youngest brother Ted died in 2009 from cancer of the brain.

Jackie Kennedy moments before JFK was shot and assassinated.

But to me, Camelot ended with the death of Jackie Kennedy Onassis, JFK’s widow, on May 19, 1994.  To my mind, Ted Kennedy took a leftist path that his brothers John and Robert would not have followed. Today, the Kennedy era is dead…never to be forgotten, but never again to be relived in all its glory, splendor, hope, inspiration, and faith.

***

US newspaper the day US astronaut Neil Armstrong walked on the moon.

July 21, 1969.  On this day, man first stepped on the moon.  US NASA astronaut Neil Armstrong took that first step, and uttered those now-famous words, “One small step for man, one giant step for mankind.”

(Ironically, it was the same day that Ted Kennedy was charged in the drowning death of Mary Jo Kopechne.  See article on lower left of the front page of the newspaper.)

This was the culmination of John Kennedy’s commitment in his inaugural address:

“Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it.  He said, “Because it is there.”  Well, space is there, and we’re going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there.  And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God’s blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.” Within ten years, as JFK had promised, man was on the moon.

***

]]> http://panalongkuha.wordpress.com/2009/11/12/panalong-kuha-november-6-11-2009/ Thu, 12 Nov 2009 04:29:33 +0000 panalongkuha http://panalongkuha.wordpress.com/2009/11/12/panalong-kuha-november-6-11-2009/ http://wagnalang.wordpress.com/2009/11/11/gibo-miriam/ Wed, 11 Nov 2009 15:42:12 +0000 king del rosario http://wagnalang.wordpress.com/2009/11/11/gibo-miriam/

Crazy ideas are just crazy ideas until people take a good second look at it. I believe before, say during the time of Galileo, people actually got shot or burned at stake because of some crazy ideas that society did not want to exist.

Right now, to heck with society. Thanks to the ever-dependable Freedom of Expression excuse defense, simple people like me have all the avenues to tell the world both sensible and senseless ideas we have at hand without fear of persecution. Ridicule perhaps. And oh, on certain special occasions, there’s still persecution.

Anyway, as I was saying, thanks to the legacy of the real and actual Tita Cory and Ninoy Aquino, I have this somewhat respectable blog of which I can easily utilize to say what I feel like saying right now:

HOW ABOUT A GIBO-MIRIAM TANDEM?

Please don’t shoot me. I’m serious, really. If it’s not gonna be Miriam, and Gibo ends up with the likes of Loren, Chiz, Ronnie, Edu, Bong, Kuya Germs Manoling, Eddie Gil, and the Usual Suspects, I will still vote for Gibo, but as Veep, I’d go with this guy instead.

Why Gibo? Simply put, I believe he is the best candidate from those that have formally expressed their intentions to run for Presidency to achieve the following: 1.) economic reforms; 2.) cultural reforms; and 3.) political reforms.

#1 is based on his globalized ideas in contrast to the more protectionist stance of the other candidates. I hate protectionism. It sucks. As for #2, I believe there should be a clear line between Church and State. Gibo’s platform and opinion on the RH Bill, etc., clearly informs me that he’s the one who will make the unpopular decision for the benefit of our country.

As for #3, I know no one is capable to singlehandedly straighten out the mess we have called Government, but with his record in Department of Defense, I think he has a good start. My decision to vote and actively campaign for him also stems out from his professional and professional achievements in life. I believe he has what it takes to move our country forward to 2010 and beyond and not dwell in the ghosts of the Martial Law Era past.

Finally, I think he has the SMART-orientation, meaning he assesses goals as something that should be Specific, Measurable, Attainable, Realistic, and Timebound. In addition, he gives concrete ideas and decisions. I’m a business-kind of guy. I think our country needs someone who underpromises yet overdelivers. Me thinks that is what Gibo has in store for all of us.

At work, I don’t want a boss that I could easily outshine, outsmart, or outlast. He has to be so much better than me for him to deserve my respect. I’m a lousy subordinate, trust me. So why should choosing a President be any different?

Finally, I saw his plight to gain endorsement from the Admin as a very good example of how strategic and goal oriented he is. He knows what he wants and he knows how to get it. That’s very Presidentiable, well, at least in my own definition.

Why Miriam? She almost became President and we all know the reason. She is a staunch supporter of reforms and God-knows-what-will-irk-her-within-the-next-24-hours. Inasmuch as I have no questions about her intellect and achievements, I also don’t have any doubts about her sanity and sincerity. Yep, I was able to interview her for a Leadership & Strategy project way back when I was still in Ateneo. It was a big thing for me because at that time, her son, well, you know, had just died. For her to accept our invitation to barge into her office was a very heartwarming gesture. She might be perceived to be boastful, arrogant, and a megalomaniac, but come on, Miriam is really larger than life.

Now with Gibo’s dynamism, Miriam can compliment it with Seniority and Experience. Man and Woman. Meek and Fierce. New Generation with, uhm, the not so New One.

I know, I know, the Presidentiable and the VP should be aligned and should come from the same party. But as I said, this is just a crazy idea. But if this happens, it will surely spice up the race. Me thinks only Miriam can match Mar Roxas for the #2 spot.

      There seemed to me to have been always a vast difference between what Americans thought they were doing in the Philippines and what the natives perceived, or this was another example of my naivete.   Our trying to “help” other nations, rightly or wrongly, had often been “misinterpreted” as an illustration of self-interest, as we unintentionally placed ourselves on a pedestal.   I’m not sure where I came up with this; whether on my own or had read or heard it somewhere.   On a personal level, perhaps I was simply trying to justify why Susan and I should remain in the Philippines, whether we belong there or not.

      Elaine had become an activist.   If she had been an activist in her own country, there may have been justification for it; but what did she think she was doing, as American in the Philippines, standing in the rain with a sign on Lawton Avenue in front of the gates of Fort Bonifacio?   Maybe she should’ve seen the irony and the contradiction, from the Filipino perspective, between what Bonifacio stood for and what she did, and should’ve made her stand in some other way.   For starters, she could’ve gone with me to the American Embassy.

      What she perhaps didn’t realize was that she could’ve easily been gotten rid of by the military and ended up in a cell next to Nick.   Arrests of militants continued throughout 1970 and 1971, even before Marcos declared Martial Law after the bombing in Plaza Miranda, when the president used the event to seize more power.   On the Filipino stage what influence did Elaine think she had and did she really think she could “embarrass” the government into releasing Nick?   (Both the regime and protest movement were embroiled in a bigger battle and had their focus elsewhere.)   Since the battles in front of the Congress building and Malacanang, the total number of students arrested was unknown.   This was before the celebrated arrest of Senator Ninoy Aquino, an upstart, a great orator, and an opponent of Marcos, who incidentally was also incarcerated in the “luxurious” detention center at Fort Bonifacio.   But this historical event wouldn’t occur until after Marcos declared Martial Law and well after Elaine set up a cot in front of the main gate of the fort.

      It would’ve been easier for her and perhaps more effective, I concluded, had she instead camped out in the American Embassy compound, but since she didn’t, I couldn’t say then what the results would’ve been.   I could see, however, the connections that could’ve led to success and did play a part in Nick’s eventual release.   Coming from America, I took for granted political freedom; that was until Nick’s arrest.   Before then, I had been very casual about it.   I felt that America’s influence should’ve been great enough to assure Filipinos the same freedoms that we enjoyed.   Since America was an influential country, powerful and all that, I thought its traditions of freedom would naturally extend to its former colony.   And since American imperialism seemed prevalent, why hadn’t the good, along with bad, stuck?   ”It’s a different place,” Susan said in response to my question.   “Of course, in Makati, you may consciously think with a supermarket that you’re still in the States (and because of the presence of IBM, Chase Manhattan, American Express, and the like), but you’re not.”

      A few agonizing days after Joe Wilson’s visit, I found myself walking through the Luneta toward the American Embassy on Roxas…slowly ambling along, thinking.   I wasn’t in a hurry, but I didn’t have as much time as I thought. I   never dreamed that I would have any trouble getting into my embassy.   I had only been there once before then and that had been with Susan shortly after we arrived in Manila and, as an American, we hadn’t had any trouble then getting into the embassy because we wore shoes.   Although I still owned a pair of shoes, I generally wore sandals.   (I had even found sandals made from automobile tires that I thought were pretty cool.)   I didn’t expect a long line either because it was in the middle of the afternoon.

      So I ambled along, enjoying the huge national plaza.   It was 2 p.m., and the walk gave me a chance to unwind a bit…too much had happened in too short a time, and I had a lot on my mind.   (Elaine had asked me to picket with her in front of Fort Bonifacio.)   When I finally got to the embassy, I took my place in a line outside the gates with mainly Filipinos seeking visas and a legal way to enter the United States…on this particular day I didn’t see any protestors.   I waited patiently and would’ve resented anyone who would’ve tried to break in line; but there were a couple of Marine guards alertly standing at the gates to make sure that didn’t happen.   They were also scrutinizing everyone by asking for identification.   Some people resisted giving them any, which generally held everyone up while they discussed the matter.   I, too, was feeling a little annoyed as the line crawled and as I realized that maybe I hadn’t allowed enough time.   There were, I don’t know, maybe two or three hundred in line, and we were all standing out in the hot sun.   I kept thinking that there had to have been a better way. I  t seemed as if those of us who were Americans shouldn’t have had to stand in line; but that wasn’t to say that everyone shouldn’t have had their own turn.   There were times when the guards opened the gates for cars, and I wondered what kept people in line then.

      Back in front of the main gate of Fort Bonifacio, Elaine, who had by then taken up residency on her cot, had proclaimed a hunger strike.   The military guards, whose responsibilities included maintaining the Filipino flag in front of sentry post, checking identification stickers on cars as they came and went, and raising and lower the arm that served as a gate, perhaps didn’t know what to make of Elaine.   But it would only be a matter of time before they’d pick up the phone and ask what they should do about her.

      Randy Ford

Benigno Jr. and Benigno III; Ninoy and Noynoy, Namesakes but not "nicknamesakes"

The registration for new voters has ended and the Comelec is now on its second phase of work for next year’s elections: the filing of the certificates of candidacy (COCs) among aspirants for elective positions. The deadline is originally set on November 30 but was later moved to the first day of December following the extension of the registration yesterday.

Noynoy, as I posted yesterday, has already a lot of vote-generating mechanisms in his arsenal and as an unsolicited advice to him and to his political strategists, they can opt to file Noynoy’s and the Liberal Party’s COCs on a historic date; historic, at least for Noynoy and the LP.

That day is November 27, or the birthday of Noynoy’s father and namesake (but not “nicknamesake” though), the late Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. Counting the years, it would be Ninoy’s 77^th birth anniversary and if we play with numbers on the historical sense, it is ironic that 77 is a multiple of 7 and Ninoy’s archrival, Ferdinand Marcos consider the number seven as his lucky number.

Proof of this is Marcos’s infamous Proclamation 1081 where he declared martial law in the entire country. The date was September 21; a multiple of seven, but it was officially announced in national television two days after its purported date of the proclamation.

The late National Artist Nick Joaquin had a lot of interesting stories to tell about the events that had shaped up leading to Ninoy’s birthday in his book, “The Aquinos of Tarlac: History as Three Generations”.  My recollection about those events are vague and I don’t have access to the book which I borrowed from the Mass Comm Library since I’m still in the comfort of my home savoring the last day of my sembreak.

If I am not mistaken, Joaquin emphasized in his first chapter about Ninoy that his father, assemblyman Benigno Sr., was not on his wife’s side, Doña Aurora, when she gave birth to Ninoy. Events during that time were heating up among politicians on who among them will secure Philippine independence from the US. Benigno Sr. was part of the OsRox (Osmeña-Roxas) mission and he was thousands of miles away from the place where his namesake was born.

Joaquin, too, considered Ninoy also as the “wonder boy” of Philippine politics since even at the start of his life on earth, politics already involved his birth. Consequently, he would become the country’s undisputed youngest mayor, vice-governor, governor, and senator.

If we take Joaquin’s description of Ninoy as politics’ wonder boy then invoking the name of his father will surely work wonders in the already wonderful candidacy of Noynoy. November 27 is the most ideal date for Noynoy and his party to file their COCs as it will draw more fuel in their campaign through Ninoy’s birth anniversary.

November 27 is the day Ninoy was born

Hopefully, November 27 will be the day Noynoy will set the stage in continuing the legacy of democracy.

]]> http://francesbea.wordpress.com/2009/11/04/only-in-da-pilipins/ Wed, 04 Nov 2009 11:56:39 +0000 Bea http://francesbea.wordpress.com/2009/11/04/only-in-da-pilipins/

1. Does a boxing champion moonlight as a singer. (He has an album, for crying out loud)

(That’s Manny Pacquiao right there, singing on Jimmy Kimmel Live.)

• It’s cute how the crowd is so into it. But I suspect that like, 40% of the crowd is Filipino (or has Filipino blood. Everyone manages to have a Filipino connection anyway)
• The band adjusts to Manny when his timing is off. Tis cute also.
• Manny, better stick to boxing. BOXING ONLY NO SINGING AT WALANG POLITICS OK. Ok, I’ll let you have the singing, just stay away from politics.

2. Do political ads resemble station IDs. (eh kasi, tadtad ng local celebrities)

Compare: (edited to replace video with ABS-CBN’s new Christmas Station ID)

to this:

—

I’ve been watching more local news recently, and it makes me sad to know that many of the people in power are dumdums. Yes, I said dumdum. :|

In 1998 I began my first job in government as a member of the legislative staff of one of the reps belonging to the first batch of party-list representatives, Sanlakas’ Rep. Renato Magtubo.

It didn’t take a full month before my idealism was tested, or shaken. In an elevator with older congressional staff members, I overheard them talking about the contenders for the House Speakership––Manny Villar, Sonny Belmonte, and Joker Arroyo.

You’d think that the staff members were debating about the merits of the three congressmen, but they weren’t. They were talking about rumors (later echoed in news reports) that Villar was paying off each member of the Lower House to secure their votes, to the tune of Php200,000.00 each.

That bit of news I was familiar with. I had frequently tagged along with Cong. Magtubo in dinner meetings with Cong. Arroyo and fellow supporters, and with each meal I noticed that our numbers were dwindling. So I had a pretty good idea why.

What I found troubling about the discussion between the staffers was that––despite knowing that Villar was paying off congressmen left and right––these staffers wanted Villar to win the Speakership.

Why?

“Siguradong masmataas benepisyo natin kung si Villar maging Speaker.” (Our benefits will surely be greater if Villar becomes Speaker.)

The conversation was so disturbing that I wrote a letter to the Manila Times––a letter that was printed with my name withheld to protect my principal––that condemned this kind of thinking, the kind of mentality that has made Congress truly deserve its title of “The Lower House.”

More than a decade later, the same thing is happening again, but this time, there’s more than the Speakership at stake. Now it’s the presidency on the line, and if the recent SWS Survey is any indication, it seems that Villar’s billions are again working in his favor.

I don’t know if my outrage is an indication I haven’t changed since ‘98––if that’s the case, then I’m glad. Because the moment I lose my capacity to be angered by what is undeniably wrong, then I’ve lost myself to the cynicism and pragmatism I promised I wouldn’t give in to when I swore to give my last breath to making my country A Better Place To Live In.

And make no mistake about it, Manny Villar sitting in Malacañang is just plain wrong. And the fact that most of our people are eating up the crap being shoveled down their throats by his ads is even more wrong.

For God’s sake, this is a man who, eleven years ago, practically bought the House Speakership––a fact not proven in a court of law, of course, but a factoid that was oft-reported in the news at the time.

This is a man who says that comedian Willie Revillame is qualified to be a Senator of the Republic, for crying out loud!

A candidate who exploits loopholes in our election laws to engage in widespread, heavy, very premature campaigning!

A so-called leader who does not have the courage to even face his constituents to present his plan of action for this country––preferring instead to have his younger, more articulate proxies speak in his stead!

Is this how far we’ve come over a quarter century since Ninoy was killed? From a nation of cowards we’ve now become a nation of idiots? Or worse, a nation of people who can’t tell right from wrong?

So Villar says he can give us jobs, and his billion-peso empire is proof of it––so we just say, fine, we’ll forget your propensity to shell out cash whenever you need or want something? So, okay, he spends his own money to save abused OFWs from their oppressive employers––is that better than him having a concrete plan for our overseas workers?

Are we so easily bought? Do we so willingly buy this crap?

We complain endlessly about how everyone and everything in this country can be had at the right price. The problem is, we’re all talk. When faced with what could be the most important presidential election in our generation, most are content to complain, to hem and haw, to wish and hope.

Enough talk. We want good leadership, we have to work for it. If most of our countrymen can’t see the light, then we––those who feel and believe we know better––have to help the unenlightened realize that those courting their votes are not the sum of their political ads.

Kung hindi tayo kikilos, sino? Kung hindi ngayon, kailan pa? (If not us, who? If not now, when?)

This article is written by Jed M. Eva III, reposted with permission from Thinking Aloud.

Upon seeing the “Di ka nag-iisa” political advertisement of Noynoy Aquino, I heaved a sigh and uttered to myself that indeed, hindi siya nag-iisa, ang dami niyang kasamang artista.

The prospect of a Noynoy presidency started on a day that would forever be etched among Filipinos who come from the ranks of the yellow. That day is August 5 or the day the second longest funeral march was recorded in this country, that of former president Cory Aquino. The longest is held by none other than his husband, Ninoy.

The Cory magic, which has transformed to the Noynoy euphoria, could well be the driving force for Aquino to land in Malacañang but in addition to that, he has the memories of his parents to invoke and all other media outlets that unwittingly fuel his run for the presidency.

The music video was the latest addition to the media hype that Noynoy enjoys. Let me enumerate the others.

The first is his youngest sister, Kris. As my political science professor remarked, of all the Aquino children who would inherit Ninoy’s charisma, it was Kris. When I had the chance to view, through Ninoy Aquino TV on YouTube, the speeches and programs that featured Ninoy, I could not help but be amazed by his eloquence, his wit, and his passion for public speaking that is clearly a show stopper and a crowd drawer. Kris does the same, not on the political arena, but on entertainment or show business. She’s one of the top endorser of products in this country and she even has her own magazine! She, too, is a major rallying point in his brother’s candidacy.

The second is the country’s leading broadsheet in terms of readership and circulation, the Philippine Daily Inquirer, or the Inquirer for short. When Cory died on August 1, the paper changed the color of their nameplate from blue to yellow and filled the entire front page with a yellow background and Cory stories the next day. That was “yellow” journalism on the literal level and it ran for a week. It also made a repeat on August 21, Ninoy’s death anniversary and that was also the day that the May-Noynoy or Noynoy-Mar tandem for the Liberal party surfaced.

The third is the number of showbiz personalities who offered their “endorsements” to Noynoy for free through the help of Kris. The stars transcended the network wars as Kapamilya and Kapuso stars alike rallied behind Noynoy as seen in the music video. To name some are Regine Velasquez, who sang the song, Ogie Alcasid, Dingdong Dantes, Marian River, Sharon Cuneta, Boy Abunda, and Anne Curtis. These stars have a huge fan base and a huge following. The presence of stars  not only generate listeners in provincial sorties, they also generate votes.

The list is long and it continues to get longer.

Noynoy's new video: Who's da man?!

Hindi Ka Nag-Iisa
Artist: Regine Velasquez
Director: Onat Diaz
Cast: Sharon Cuneta, Kris Aquino, Boy Abunda, Regine Velasquez, Ogie Alcasid, Bea Alonzo, Dingdong Dantes, Marian Rivera, Ai-Ai delas Alas, Mariel Rodriguez, Bianca Gonzales, Erik Santos, James Yap, Kerby Raymundo, Willie Miller, KC Canaleta, Cyrus Baguio, Enrico Villanueva, LA Tenorio, Larry Fonacier, Paulo Bugia et. al
2009

It all seems so easy. No obstacles, no pain, no sadness, no struggle, not even a drop of sweat. Halaman lang ang sagabal. Whoever thought hope and change would be this effortless—and beautiful?

Noynoy’s latest campaign video, the music video “Hindi Ka Nag-Iisa,” mobilizes a strong troupe of Kapamilya and Kapuso players, all clad in yellow, all bearing torches and candles, marching through the darkness to bring light, blazing and yellow, to the country. The splendor and magnificence of the spectacle, however, brings to mind the age-old aphorism, the standard precaution to consumers: If it seems too good to be true, it probably is.

The revolution, Mao Tse Tung said, is not a dinner party. “It cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous.” Yet here we have a movement which is practically a dinner party—dinner na lang ang kulang. The crowd advances leisurely and gently; people light each others’ torches kindly and courteously; the stars’ march restrained and magnanimous, all smiles, no sweat, and as Marian Rivera would say, beautifool.

Look at the stars, Noynoy, look how they shine for you. And everything you promise to do. Yeah, they were all yellow.

Ang pinakamagandang ralyista sa balat ng lupa. Ano'ng feeling mo, Marian?

Supported not just by stars, but even the proletariat?

Of course, there are the token “masa” representations—the farmer, fisherman, nuns and Muslim women—but the representations are just that, token, and all other instances of the ordinary (read: non-showbiz) people are either blurred in the background or are directly supporting the primary actions of the artistas. Even the title, “Hindi Ka Nag-Iisa,” aside from its 1980s etymology, reflects a bourgeois individualist perspective. The phrase highlights the primacy of the self, a gesture of individual sympathy rather than the resolve of a collective tayo.

Nonetheless, there is clearly some kind of unity going on. But what is this unity based on? Save for the yellow outfits which provide an aesthetic (read: cosmetic) harmony, or perhaps the Aquinos’ broad (showbiz) influence which brought the artistas together, there is no apparent platform on which can be forged a broad unity.

Perhaps, no platform is needed. The video artfully shows us that personality and patronage politics will gloss over the real issues, that the torches will shed light onto actors’ beautiful faces but leave in the darkness real issues like agrarian reform and human rights. That even in the broad bourgeoisie solidarity, not everyone is on equal footing. Someone’s torch burns higher and brighter, someone stands higher than everyone else, someone will be at the center—or at least, someone can afford to, not just financially, but in terms of social capital as well.

The spectacle of Noynoy’s apparent uniting of the two traditionally un-uniteable network giants, ABS-CBN and GMA-7, is taken to be a preview of the broad unity Noynoy can achieve if ever he clinches the presidency. However, let us emphasize that conflict among the bourgeoisie (ie, the network wars) is different from conflict between social classes (ie, Hacienda Luisita). As EDSA 1 shows, the bourgeoisie can form tactical—and audiovisually spectacular—alliances to protect their class interests. But if we learned anything from EDSA 1 and the broad anti-Marcos anti-fascist struggle that led to it, it is that we must uphold the interests of and form solidarity with the broad majority, the workers and peasants, and not the landed elite.

The (mass?) demonstration: A show of showbiz force.

Make your momma (and poppa) proud: The flag of nostalgia.

In the video, there is a clear reference/homage to two prominent EDSA 1 icons, Noynoy’s parents Ninoy and Cory Aquino. In his campaign, Noynoy recycles EDSA 1’s most iconic quality (the color yellow) as well as its biggest failure: the sustaining of bourgeois supremacy. Beyond that, however, the fact still remains that after years of being a congressman and senator, Noynoy himself has not done anything politically notable, whether to go beyond his class background and courageously advance the interests of the majority like his parents did, or even to at least make amends for the injustices committed by his landed family.

Perhaps the showbiz solidarity of “Hindi Ka Nag-Iisa” is not a preview of what Noynoy can do. Perhaps it is already a showcase, early in the campaign, of exactly how far politically another Aquino presidency can go. Perhaps the unity of bourgeois interests is the campaign line, the selling point and the presidential platform and mission, all rolled into one.#

The torchbearer. "Ika'y mamuno, kami ay susunod... Handa kaming kumilos, handang umalalay."

- – - – -

APPENDIX

A collective struggle privatized: ‘Ang laban ni Ninoy at Cory’

If there is anything stark about how election campaigns are shaping up, it is that there is a general agreement that the current Arroyo administration is so horrible, so corrupt, and indeed so dark (ang “paligid ay madilim”) that there is an urgent need for a way out. But decades of personality politics and the class-biased nature of our democracy and elections have and will still practically forbid the possibility of having any presidentiables from the middle/working class by mere virtue of the huge costs of an election campaign. The song “Hindi Ka Nag-Iisa” reflects this hopelessness—and more strikingly, the passivity of the bourgeoisie (“ang Pilipinas ay naghihintay, kami ay susunod”).

Of course, to deflect focus on this passivity, the song uses images of activism and rallies (“magkapit-bisig tayo”), which is strange because these are the very techniques that many petty/bourgeoisie deem “outdated” and “ineffective.” Apparently, the image of a mass demonstration (most notably used in Boni Ilagan’s historical documentary “Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo,” definitely a more progressive and highly contextualized use of the sulo imagery, which you can watch online in six parts: 1 2 3 4 5 6) remains acknowledged as the most powerful tool in the collective struggle for social change—and while those in a comfortable social position are wont to avoid it like the plague, they are also quick to use it in pursuit of their own interests.#

Hindi Ka Nag-Iisa
Composed by Ogie Alcasid
Performed by Regine Velasquez

Sasamahan ka namin
Kahit paligid ay madilim
Iilawan ang daan tungo sa magandang kinabukasan
Ika’y mamuno, kami ay susunod
Pagkakaisa’y ating itaguyod
Ang Pilipinas ay naghihintay
Handa kaming kumilos, handang umalalay

Hindi ka nag-iisa
Sa paggising ng bayan
Kami ay kasama, hindi ka mag-iisa
Isasapuso ang dangal ng ating bayan
Sa tulong at biyaya ng Maykapal

Magkakapit bisig tayo
Ituloy natin laban ni Ninoy at Cory
Nang bawat mamamayan
Pagmamahal natin sa bayan
‘Wag na nating itago, ‘di tayo susuko

Hindi ka nag-iisa
Sa paggising ng bayan
Kami ay kasama,hindi ka mag-iisa
Isasapuso ang dangal ng ating bayan

Sa tulong at biyaya ng Maykapal
Magkakapit bisig tayo
Sama-sama bawat Pilipino
Mula noon, ngayon at kailan pa man
Hindi ka nag iisa