Heinkel HE 111

TORPEDO BOMBERS JOIN ENEMY FIGHTING FORCE 

Malta photo-reconnaissance pilots are reporting large concentrations of torpedo-carrying aircraft at Cagliari, Decimomannu and Pantelleria, accompanied by a corresponding number of fighters.  An unusual number of E Boats and MAS have also appeared in Trapani and Pantelleria.  They also report a significant increase in German aircraft, including 30 JU 88s, 20 Heinkel IIIs and their transports, JU 52s, a Gotha 242 and three DFS 230 gliders.

AIR RAIDS DAWN 11 AUGUST TO DAWN 12 AUGUST 1942

Weather  Fine; visibility 10-15 miles.

0620 hrs  An enemy aircraft reports sighting of the Malta convoy.

0645 hrs  Ashanti, Ledbury, Zetland, Wilton, Bramham, Bicester, Foresight and Derwent commence fuelling off Gibraltar.

0732 hrs  Vice-Admiral Commanding, North Atlantic warns convoy commander Vice Admiral Syfret that German reconnaissance aircraft are active in the Western Mediterranean.

Convoy aircraft carriers

0800 hrs  Coltsfoot, one of the corvettes screening the refuelling operation, reports that two torpedoes have been observed position 37 degrees 56 mins north, 1 degree 40 mins east.

0815 hrs  Radar contact alerts the convoy to the presence of enemy reconnaissance aircraft.  Two sections of four fighters from the convoy take to the air and patrol in turn throughout the day. Enemy JU 88s are flying at 20,000 feet or more, making it difficult to intercept.

0839 hrs  German submarine Uarsciek which has been shadowing the convoy overnight surfaces sends a radio signal to Rome.

1015-1105 hrs  Air raid alert for 21 enemy fighters approaching Malta.  Eight Spitfires 185 Squadron Hal Far and eight Spitfires 249 Squadron Ta Qali are scrambled: they sight enemy fighters but make no contact.

1055 hrs  A message informs Syfret that a report of the convoy has been broadcast by Rome to “all units and stations”.

1128 hrs  Nelson and Charybdis report probable torpedo discharges, at about 3 miles.

1218 hrs  Aircraft carrier Furious, screened by Lightning and Lookout moves out to the port quarter of the convoy for Operation ‘Bellows’ – the delivery of Spitfires to Malta.

1229 hrs  Two flights of eight Spitfires are flown off the carrier.

Eagle is hit

1315 hrs  Eagle is hit on the port side by four torpedoes, fired from German submarine U 73, all within an interval of about 10 seconds.  Her engine rooms are damaged and boiler rooms flooded.  Operation Bellows is suspended while Lookout and Laforey are ordered to stand by Eagle.  Tug Jaunty also proceeds immediately towards the stricken carrier.

1323 hrs  Eagle heels rapidly over to port and sinks.  Laforey, Lookout and Jaunty pick up 927 survivors of a crew of 1160.

1350-1410 hrs  Operation Bellows resumes and the rest of the 38 Spitfires are flown off Furious.  One has a defect and lands on Indomitable.

1410-1500 hrs  Four Spitfires 249 Squadron Ta Qali are airborne on intercept patrol: nothing sighted.

1420-1430 hrs  Enemy aircraft approach from the starboard beam and pass directly over the convoy at a great height but do not attack – believed to be photo-reconnaissance.  Eagle’s survivors are transferred to Keppel, Venomous and Malcolm.

1634 hrs  Syfret receives a message warning that the enemy will probably make a JU 88 attack at dusk.  The convoy is made ready to put up a screen of anti-aircraft fire.

1410-1500 hrs  Four Spitfires 249 Squadron Ta Qali are airborne on intercept patrol: nothing sighted.

1515-1600 hrs  Seven Spitfires 229 Squadron Ta Qali are airborne to cover the arrival of Spitfires at Malta: no enemy aircraft are sighted.

1710-1805 hrs; 1746-1800 hrs  Four Spitfires 185 Squadron Hal Far are on patrol: nothing to report.  Seven delivery Spitfires arrive at Hal Far: one is slightly damaged on landing.  The air raid alert sounds, probably for friendly aircraft.

1810 hrs  36 Spitfires are reported to have landed safely in Malta.

1825-2350 hrs  Nine Beaufighters of 248 Squadron take off from Ta Qali, their mission to shoot up Elmas and Decimomannu aerodromes in Sardinia.  They carry out a low-flying attack; most of the aircraft exhaust their ammunition on widely dispersed aircraft.  At Elmas, one hangar and two multi-engined aircraft are set on fire and planes badly damaged.  At Decimomannu, two Liberators and two Wellingtons co-operate in the attack.  All bombs are seen to burst on the aerodrome.  Five multi-engined aircraft are set on fire, of which two explode, and several others are seriously damaged.  Fires could be seen from up to 20 miles away.  Some of the Beaufighters are hit by splinters but are still serviceable.

1700-2045 hrs  The convoy is continuously snooped by three or more enemy aircraft, closely monitored by the fleet’s own fighters.

1830 hrs  Transfer of survivors to Keppel, Venomous and Malcolm is achieved.  Operation Bellows completed, five destroyers form a screen for Furious to depart for Gibraltar.

1854 hrs  Syfret orders the Senior Officer of destroyers to station Hunt class destroyers close to the flanks of the convoy by sunset.  In the event of an attack, the screen is to increase distance from the convoy to 6000 yards.

2030 hrs  Syfret receives confirmation that Cairo and 24 destroyers have been refuelled.  Radar reports show that the air raid is approaching.

HMS Victorious

2056 hrs  15 minutes after sunset, 30 JU 88s and six Heinkel 111 torpedo-bombers attack.  Destroyers on the port bow begin firing, followed almost immediately by the cruisers and battleships, and deter the Heinkels.  The JU 88s dive from 8000 feet to 2-300 feet.  Two aim for Victorious dropping two bombs close to her stern but cause no damage; the carrier’s own guns shoot both down.  One JU 88 drops two bombs near the refuelling vessels, one of which falls between the oilers and the escort, another dives on Jaunty but she counter-attacks, damaging the bomber with Oerlikon fire.  The convoy barrage is very effective; at least three enemy aircraft are shot down by ships’ gunfire.  No damage was done to any ships.  During the raid, radar picks up evidence of some submarine activity and three depth charge attacks are made by Quentin.

The convoy’s fighters are airborne to intercept the attackers but are unable to engage them due to poor light.  Some friendly fighters attempting to return to their carriers are fired on by their own ships.

2300-2340 hrs; 0005-0045 hrs; 0155-0210 hrs  Air raid alerts for eight aircraft which approach Malta singly. Bombs are dropped on the Zabbar area.

Military casualties  Leading Air Fitter Peter Jones, HMS St.Angelo.

Operation Pedestal casualties CLICK HERE

Civilian casualties  Nil.

OPERATIONS REPORTS TUESDAY 11 AUGUST 1942

ROYAL NAVY  Hythe escorted P31 and P34 from Marsamxett to end of searched channel. Submarines then proceeded on patrol and Hythe anchored at Marsaxlokk.  A Baltimore on reconnaissance sighted Force Y 30 miles 090 degrees from Kuriat.The disposition of Italian Naval Units as ascertained by reconnaissance aircraft during the day was as follows: Taranto one Littorio and three Cavour battleships; Messina, two cruisers; Naples, one cruiser.  Otus sailed and proceeded to Gibraltar.

HMS Matchless

For Operation Pedestal Force Y, consisting of M/Vs Troilus and Orari escorted by Matchless and Badsworth sailed at 2030 hrs. Two Motor Launches escorted this force to a point one hour’s steaming from the end of the swept channel and then returned to Marsaxlokk where they anchored for the night.  Enemy warships were reported as having sailed from Cagliari at 2345 hrs, and to be steaming E at 25 knots.

AIR HQ  One Wellington attacked an enemy naval force consisting of two cruisers and two destroyers in position 295 degrees Cape San Vito, Sicily, 60 miles course 90 degrees, speed 20 knots.  Four 500lb bombs were dropped, straddling one cruiser.

Arrivals  Three Liberators, two Wellingtons from Shallufa; two Spitfires from Middle East; one Beaufort, two Marylands from LG 226; 37 Spitfires from Navy operation.  Aircraft casualties  One Beaufighter suffers engine failure and crashes into the sea; crew uninjured.  One Spitfire pilot misjudges the runway; pilot uninjured.

FORTRESS ROYAL ENGINEERS  Bomb Disposal UXB  Reported 4.  Dealt with: 1 High Explosives, delayed-action (500kg).

All written content © maltagc70 unless otherwise attributed.  For conditions of use contact bdmalta@btinternet.com.

Female Flammulated Owl- Otus Flammeolus

Since my last update from the road, I have had many experiences with birds, but little time or energy to report them. I’d like to quickly share some photos from the work I have been involved with in the last few weeks. My road trip ended sooner than expected with some car troubles, putting me in Salt Lake City a bit early, but ready for some work in the mountains.

I still continue my beatnik lifestyle, riding the rhythms of the road and sleeping where I end up. This is the summer of camping and couches. The lifestyle is a bit odd, and makes it difficult to focus on writing and my art. I haven’t touch any artwork since I left California, and I am a bit unsettled by the fact.

Still, the work with the Flammulated Owls has been rewarding. I want to share a number of photos and talk about their life history and the work I am involved in, but I simply have neither the time nor the energy at the moment. Instead, I will share some fun photos, and bid farewell till a later date when the work dies down and I stop moving about so often.

Female Saw-whet Owl- Aegolius acadicus

Brand new Flammulated Owl nestlings

O-tus Mini-Speakers

Another product has arrived that guarantees the safety of the active people in the traffic.

We all know that in some countries and in some places is even illegal to listen to music while riding your bike or skateboard. Now, you don’t have to give up from none of your favourite pastimes.

The company “O-Tus safe sounds” developed the earphones that can be attached to any helmet or hardhat, close to the users’ ears and can provide a clear stereo sound to the users without to be put inside their ears. It’s similar to the feeling of listening to music in the own living room.

The earphones have an option to be connected via Bluetooth, they are small, light, there are no cords, which make the experience even more pleasant.

So, technically, this device looks like classical earphones set, which can be applied on the bottom side of the user’s helmet through adhesive- backed Velcro pads, right above the ears. The small earphones’ cord can be hidden or tucked in the helmets inside soft parts and then connected to a music player or with a Bluetooth receiver. In this case, the user can connect them to the smartphone.

The device has the following specifications: 20 Hz to 20 KHz frequency response, sensitivity of 108 dB and impedance of 16 ohms.

The price is approximately from 35$ to 42$, depends on the website from which you plan to order them online.
Also, while you’re shopping for the earphones, on many sites you can order a Bluetooth receiver from Jabra or Nokia for around 30- 40$.

So, just turn your favourite music on, without the fear that you won’t be able to hear the surrounding sounds and noises. You can be relaxed that you’re not breaking the law this way while enjoying your convenience and safety.

Flammulated Owl- Otus flammeolus. 11×14″ colored pencil on bristol

It looks like I will be doing some work with the Flammulated Owl again this summer. I am very excited. I’ve missed this bird. With flam on the brain, I decided to put some effort today into illustrating my first colored pencil Flammulated Owl. About halfway through the illustration I was pleased with what was turning out, but I could feel myself getting a bit tired. Instead of taking a break and finishing the bird later, I continued. Needless to say the bird turned out a bit sloppy. I’m not too upset that the illustration didn’t turn out as well as I had hoped. I will return time and time again to paint, draw, or sketch this particular owl. It is such a fun species to work with. Overall, lesson learned. If I feel tired or burnt out, it is always better to take a break rather than soldier through.

“Our dear friend and band mate, “Otus” Tonmi Lillman, has sadly passed away.

He will be greatly missed and we send our condolences to his family and friends.

Otus: we thank You from the bottom of our hearts for the short time we got to know you and spend with you together.

Rest in peace, friend.”

Soure: Lordi website

Riporto qui l’annuncio della band :

“Il nostro amico e compagno ‘Otus’ Tonmi Lillman purtroppo ci ha lasciati. Ci mancherà tantissimo e facciamo le nostre condoglianze alla sua famiglia e ai suoi amici. Otus, ti ringraziamo dal profondo dei nostri cuori per il breve tempo che abbiamo avuto per conoscerti e che abbiamo trascorso tutti insieme. Riposa in pace, amico.”

Short-eared Owl- Asio flammeus. 14x18" acrylic on stretched canvas. $300

Perhaps the reason I am so enthralled with the Short-eared Owl is that it gives the birder a glimpse into the world of the owls otherwise cloaked under the darkness of night. Aesthetically, to say this species is striking fails to describe the image that the bird holds. Asio flammeus adequately conveys the fierce image that owls are known for. This bird has character, with its dark encircled eyes and piercing yellow gaze. When found in farmlands atop fence posts surveying the fields for prey, take the time to observe the bird, for its actions are sure to awe, impress, and tickle the onlooker. One photographer, of which I am a big fan, has taken many Short-eared pictures. Among these are the best photographs of the Short-eared Owl I have ever lain eyes upon. The man’s name is Ron Dudley, and you can check out his blog here, or simply look for the Feathered Photography link on my blog roll at the bottom of the page. After painting this bird, I have resolved to find and photograph this active diurnal owl. Till then enjoy the image I have created, and make an effort to get to know this incredible creature.

The process in choosing their name can vary. Even before a new animal arrives, we begin learning about their natural history. This research usually leads to some bright ideas about possible names. Most of the time, we will submit the names to our Zoological Manager and he helps to make the final decision. Last summer we even had a contest posted for our guests to help choose names for our new Gray Wolf pups. Below are just some examples of animals you might meet at Busch Gardens in Williamsburg.

Patrick the Scottish Blackface sheep

Patrick was born on St. Patrick’s Day this year. We really didn’t have a choice, did we?

Otus the Eastern Screech Owl

When Otus came to live at Busch Gardens the scientific name for the Eastern Screech Owl was Otus asio. It has since changed to Megascops asio.

Carumbe the Red-footed Tortoise

The word carumbe is the Amazonian Tupí word for male tortoises. This is the native language where you would find the red-footed tortoise.

Roca the Cuban Rock Iguana

Roca is a Spanish word meaning rock. These iguanas are commonly found on rocky coastal areas on Cuba.

Next time you visit us at Busch Gardens come introduce yourselves to the animals.

Kendell
Animal Trainer at Busch Gardens

Simply this: the Colt Single Action Army revolver is to American fantasy what the broadsword is to European fantasy. Not referring to the nationality of the creator here. I’m talking about the aesthetic, the feel of the thing, the resonance.

It is thus no surprise that I think the best American fantasy movies were made by an Italian who understood this point: A Fistful of Dollars, For a Few Dollars More, and The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly.*  High Plains Drifter, too. The most American of written epic fantasy is the Dark Tower.

This apropos of nothing except the realization that I am unlikely at this stage to try to my hand at writing European fantasy, which is good, I suppose, as those shelves seemed fairly cluttered.

Speaking of fantasy, I was delighted to discover that Wizards is releasing a new Red Box set for D&D. I’m slightly saddened that they chose the “new” red box, the 1983 version, and not the classic (magenta) box w/ the red rulebook from 1981. Otus’ art from the 1981 editions forms one of my earliest fantasy influences, and, in most ways, defines what I think about when I think D&D.  I suspect I will buy a copy or two of this new set; who knows, perhaps it will be as much of a gateway for my children as the originals were for me.

But I wonder. The world is a different place. Fantasy has gone mainstream (whether it has shiny metallic paint or vampire fangs). Fantasy games abound – Descent is a popular one in our house. Is there any special magic left in D&D? And how does it compare with that most addictive, most disguised of RPG worlds for kids, Pokemon?

*Note: I haven’t scanned close enough to see if tMwNN’s gun is actually a Colt, and that would be missing the point.

Papuan Fault Lines- Part V: Smoke and Mirrors Surround West Papua’s Cycle of Violence

By John M. Gorrindo
Indonesian Correspondent, The Seoul Times
Correspondent, themoderntokyotimes.com

Three events in the last several weeks both embody the nature of West Papua’s cycle of separatist violence and contribute to its perpetuation. The narrative is all too familiar.

First, on December 17th, 2009, Indonesia’s National Police announced that they had shot and killed Kelly Kwalik, the leader of an armed faction of the pro-independence Free Papua Movement, better known as the OPM (Operasi Papua Merdeka). The news release claimed that the police “had no option” but to shoot Kwalik who purportedly resisted arrest during a police house raid in Timika, Papua.

Kwalik was wanted for involvement in a 2002 ambush of a convoy of buses that killed a U.S. national near the Freeport gold and copper mine, long a symbol of both Indonesian and foreign capitalist hegemony over the human rights and economic interests of the indigenous West Papuan peoples. Police said Kwalik was also “believed” to have been behind a string of armed attacks in the Freeport area that left eight people dead, three of them foreigners, between June and November of 2009.

Andreas Anggaibak, a fellow West Papuan and former chair of the 1999-2004 Mimika District Legislative Council- and not a politician who favors armed struggle as do some factions of the OPM- denied these accusations.

Many West Papuans, in fact, believe that either Indonesian security forces or disgruntled Freeport mine security personnel orchestrated many of these ongoing sniper attacks on Freeport mining personnel in order to fabricate misplaced blame onto the OPM, thus legitimizing continued raids and violence against the armed group and their supporters at the hands of such Indonesian security forces such as Kopassus, Brimob, the National Police, and TNI (the Indonesian army).

An official commendation and celebration party thrown for the fifty National Police who participated in the Kwalik house raid and killing riled Timika’s indigenous population, many of them members of the Amungme tribe that has been forced off there land by the Freeport mining development started back in the early part of Suharto’s reign.

Within just a span of a few days this past week, two more events helped to exacerbate Timika’s already raw nerves. First, Major General Hotma Marbun was appointed to the Military Command for the Kodam-XVII Cenderawasih region of West Papua. A long-time Special Forces (Kopassus) officer, Marbun has a twenty-five year history of having participated in some of the bloodiest operations known in both East Timor and West Papua, particularly during the 1980’s. His rise to regional command is both feared and protested by many West Papuans and West Papuan observers who see Kopassus’ dark security role in the region given that much more sway.

Lastly, and almost in synchrony with Major General Hotma Marbun’s appointment, yet another ambush left six wounded near the U.S. company Freeport McMoRan’s gold and copper mine. Three policeman and three mine workers were either shot or otherwise hurt subsequent to a sniper attack on a convoy of buses and land cruisers heading to the coastal city of Timika from out of the mountains where the Grasberg mine is located.

Again, this news release came from the offices of the National Police. The perpetrators have yet to be found, and the attack is no less mysterious as compared to the many other shootings that have occurred over several years.

But to many, the National Police give the appearance of having taken the law into their own hand as per the killing of Kwalik. They claim he resisted arrest, though his killing is naturally suspected by some to have been extra-judicial in nature. Extra-judicial killings as perpetrated by Indonesian security forces have been common in West Papua for decades, and the green light given police raiding parties is a well-entrenched way of doing dirty business in the war against West Papuan separatism. Kwalik’s killing was not just another trademark brutality common to Indonesian security policy, but a bloody reminder of who really rules in West Papua.

That Kwalik’s killing was quickly followed by this week’s Freeport mine ambush provides Indonesian hardliners with vindication for their often violent response to their adversaries. They can easily justify their brutal tactics in the West Papuan separatist war by citing Freeport mining ambushes to be retaliatory in nature, and most likely committed by Kwalik’s OPM followers. This rationale has served Indonesia’s security forces well for decades, and most in the Indonesian government as well as the Indonesian public seem satisfied with the need for strong security measures. There are many hot-button issues bubbling along in Jakarta’s current mix of political yeast, but West Papua ranks low on the list.

This smoke and mirrors game of “whodunit” that surrounds two armed opponents baiting and goading each other into a cycle of never ending violent response is ironically similar to the West Papuan tit-for-tat history of tribal raids and so-called “ritual warfare” between neighboring clans and ethnic groups that has often been the subject of many anthropological studies as widely distributed around the world since the 1960’s.

But the comparison abruptly ends there as the West Papuan armed resistance is utterly overmatched by the number and power of Indonesian security forces, and there is nothing ritualistic in a purported 100,000 West Papuans having lost their lives to Indonesian-inflicted violence since the day the region was handed over by the Dutch. And many pro-West Papuan independence supporters believe that Indonesia has no interest in truly developing the human resources and infrastructure of West Papua, no matter how much funding floods the region. According to this conventional wisdom, what Jakarta’s elite really has in mind is to use West Papua as a huge reservoir of natural resource extraction and allow Indonesian security forces a run of the region in order to keep the resources flowing in export without interruption, all the while taking their cut.

The vested capitalist interests- both foreign and domestic, and which includes the Indonesian military itself as it runs their own private business enterprise out of West Papua- are the real rulers of the vast island. Without them, the Indonesian government couldn’t manage a lick. The record has shown that Jakarta has thrown trillions of rupiah at West Papuan development, but has failed miserably for the most part- especially in terms of promoting health, education, and general human welfare. The ongoing failure of all political parties involved to find a joint solution to ending West Papuan violence can attribute such failure as to the inability to compete with elite interests, most of which are economic and in command on the ground. The resulting intractability can be compared to other vicious political quagmires more widely publicized- such as found in Israel-Palestinian relations or the decades-long conflict between Tamil rebels and the Sri Lankan government.

Experts on West Papua- many of them Australian academics- disagree on which road to peace best be followed. But most academics and politicians alike- whether Indonesian or otherwise- tend to believe that proper implementation of the already ratified Special autonomy agreement put into place in 2001 is the only real feasible solution to ending brutality and blood letting in West Papua.

Special autonomy agreements have been the center piece of Indonesian governmental policy in Jakarta’s attempt to solve the regional power disputes as found in both Aceh and West Papua. While implementations in Aceh have achieved some stated objectives and brought some stability as based on transparent fair dealing to the region, efforts in West Papua have been less than half-hearted on the part of the Indonesian government and can only be deemed inept and a failure to date.

The tragedy in this lies not only in continue economic disparity and human rights abuses suffered by indigenous West Papuans, but in the diminishing hope that the one and only official instrument ever enacted to address the perennial crisis in West Papua forever stalled can ever be revived. Tragedy it is because there seems non-existent any other viable alternative. And as for the autonomy agreement itself, the political will to full implementation doesn’t currently exist.

In this last of a five part series on Papuan fault lines, what follows is an in-part summary as concerns the complex set of factors contributing to the economic and political status quo in West Papua. All this is back drop to possibly the single most important influence not yet explored in this series- the international community’s present role and response to the West Papuan question- and whether a true internationalization of the issue can help make progress for future peace.

Ironically, there exists substantive agreement both inside and outside of Indonesia as to the root causes of secessionist sympathies and armed struggle in West Papua. When President Megawati Sukarnoputri delivered the West Papuan Special Autonomy agreement (OTUS) in 2001, it was clear that Indonesia’s non-military, government elite had been forced to admit to a multitude of failures in West Papua, if not outright sins. Government inability to incorporate West Papua peacefully and humanely into the republic was manifest. Through the lens of the Special Autonomy agreement a remarkably true-to-life portrait of West Papua’s status emerges, if only because a broad consensus between concerned parties confirms it.

The post-Suharto democratic movement in Indonesia allowed government reformers who came to power the unusual luxury and political license of turning a momentous corner in the republic’s young history. As political proxies, Indonesia’s first generation of democratic leaders could say “mea culpa” on behalf of a deposed Suharto while simultaneously distancing themselves from him; faulting dictatorial rule and policies that proceeded while dedicating itself to reform. The grievous wounds that the first phase of Indonesia’s nationalism and Suharto’s New Order had inflicted on distinct portions of the population had through the shock of social protest economic ruin come to be acknowledged by those in power, and there was promoted a certain political will to redress the most pressing of those grievances. It so happened that regional separatism in Aceh and West Papua were considered top priority.

Core issues that fueled regional separatism were common to both Aceh and West Papua, both conflicts having gained acute immediacy due to a complex of international advocacy groups pressuring Indonesia to right their wrongs. Wrongs don’t achieve critical mass in the realm of moral advocacy without the proper catalyst that raises heightened awareness, and in the case of internationalizing Indonesia’s internal divisions, that “everything” to do with the East Timor independence struggle.

The short and long analysis of East Timor’s road to sovereignty plainly places that tiny country’s fate in the hands of U.S. foreign policy, and offers one more piece of proof of just how powerful U.S. influence still is in regional world matters. Last year’s release of formerly classified U.S. government documents verify that as requested, President Gerald Ford and his secretary of state Henry Kissinger gave Suharto the green light to invade East Timor as transpired in a 1975 meeting between the three leaders in Jakarta. For the next quarter century Indonesia waged a relentless war against one of the poorest and most defenseless populations in the world, hoping to incorporate the eastern half of the greater Timor island after former colonial power Portugal pulled out after some four hundred and sixty years of influence, occupation, or outright colonization.

As officially publicized, rationale for Indonesian intervention was predictably attributed to Indonesia concern over territorial integrity and national security. As Suharto slowly lost the cover the Cold War had provided him as well as grip on power after the 1998 Asian economic crisis, President Clinton with aid from the U.N. suddenly switched the green light to red thus signaling the beginning of the end of Indonesian occupation which soon led to the birth of the Timor L’este nation. Suharto could no longer get away with the free exercise of wanton brutality. The international community would no longer sit by and allow the dictator a free reign of death as exacted against a long-suffering half-island for which everyone suddenly seemed to now have a huge heart.

Under Suharto’s first successor, President Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, Indonesia reluctantly agreed in 1999 to a referendum process in East Timor. The vote would be monitored by the United Nations with a peace keeping force on hand, its team internationally composed and armed to ensure a fair and peaceful election. As was the case in the 1969 West Papuan “Act of Free Choice” election, their referendum was to poll the East Timorese as to whether they favored independence or incorporation into Indonesia.

A vast array of international advocacy groups had long supported the East Timorese cause, and their efforts help bear fruit in bringing pressure to bear upon the international community to respond to the horrific human rights violations and alleged war crimes occurring with impunity in East Timor.

West Papua’s own referendum a quarter century previously enjoyed none of the international support that galvanized around beleaguered East Timor which lost some 30% of its population due to war casualties in the protracted conflict. Everything that had conspired to help lift East Timor into a nation state had otherwise worked in opposition in the case of West Papua.

Equivalent in importance to East Timor’s fair elections as mentioned was the sham counterpart of West Papua’s “Act of Free Choice” in 1969. Though some governments and international bodies have raise legal question to the U.N. mandated and monitored process (as forced to the fore by U.S. President John F. Kennedy whose ambition it was to see Papua ceded over to Indonesia), there has been next to no clamor disputing Indonesia’s territorial claims over West Papua. Currently there exists in effect no official support or dedicated forum for redressing West Papuan human rights complaints let alone issues surrounding independence in either the United Nations or amongst any of the international community’s democratic nations. West Papua has long been acknowledged as belonging to Indonesia, and again, United States foreign policy was primarily responsible for cementing that view into place.

What can be learned from the split reaction? The two regions of East Timor and West Papua do share some commonalities as they have both been colonized and otherwise oppressed, but their political statuses have varied enough to make all the difference. If for the greater purposes of the best policy negotiable as serves the greatest number of country’s and the highest percentage of the world’s population, the status quo international community deemed it necessary to simply overlook or forget the West Papuan crisis. It just didn’t measure up in importance and intervention was considered a no-win option that would upset world order.

The list of grievances for which West Papua seeks redress is unfortunately all too common in countries around the world- but West Papua doesn’t possess nation-status. As politics is the art of the feasible, the crux of that feasibility balances on a fulcrum of legal accords and treaties all internationally binding. Legal rule as leveraged by the U.N. and the World Court for example has demonstrated at times the ability to impose itself upon conflicts between nation states, but as imposed on internal disputes within a sovereign nation, such legal interventions rarely carry much weight. More often than not it is effectively dismissed as either illegal or unjustified meddling, worthy of scorn and being ignored. In the case of East Timor, it was an in-limbo ex-colony that when freed by the Portuguese eventually choose to become independent before and after a bloody war prompted international intervention as civilian casualties took on terrible proportions. Never having been incorporated into another political unit, East Timor maintained the most powerful of statuses- non-aligned, unincorporated, and seeking to be free. International law best serves independent countries- or those with a good case for achieving such status- and East Timor became a rallying point for worldwide sympathy. Indonesia suffered its one and only major defeat in the face of opposing world opinion. In addition, strong policies concerning decolonization have taken precedence since the formation of the United Nations in 1945, and these policies served East Timor’s cause handsomely, too.

In other words, it is not enough for West Papua as a collection of three Indonesian provinces to complain, for example, that through the power of eminent domain Indonesia has stripped Papuan tribes of their age old customary land rights and handed their land over to multi-national corporations who can exploit it as they see fit while sharing very little of the profits of resource extraction with the natives displaced. In the case of Freeport’s Grasberg mine, one of the Papuan tribes who suffered the greatest displacement was the Amungme- there is some good news here, though, as after decades of demanding reparations from Freeport for polluting their lands with tailings dumped into the watershed as well as being forced to live in swamplands less fit for survival all aspects considered, the Amungme have been able to negotiate some reasonable profit sharing revenues, though not everything they were promised by Freeport has been delivered.

Having said that, neither is it enough to successfully complain in some international court or before some United Nations commission that compensation should be awarded for such internal displacement of tribal members as described nor for damage due to pollution and environmental degradation which endangers their ability to survive according to their traditional habits of hunting, gathering food and raising small crop plots.

In the case of Freeport and the Amungme, the multi-national giant found it in their best public relation’s interest to deal with Amungme directly, but only after years of demands.

And finally, it is apparently not even enough for West Papua to complain to the United Nations that human rights abuses perpetrated by security forces which often double as security for multi-national, foreign investment groups can terrorize and kill indigenous Papua peoples extra-judicially and at will. As the foreign press is barred from entry into West Papua and at times such restrictions have applied to groups such as the International Red Cross, the dearth of verifiable information has resulted in smoke and mirrors that cloud any concerted view into Papua. This condition persists and undermines attempts to “legitimize” human rights complaints.

In practical truth, demographics mostly govern international response to human rights violations. None of the aforementioned grievances hold any weight as in the final analysis, we are talking about the unfair treatment of only a very small fraction of the Indonesian population- less than one percent- and a population often divided within itself as distinguished by ethnicity or tribal association with few ties to friends of political consequence outside the region, and representative of an aboriginal way of life that has outlived its evolutionary purpose and time as concerns most of the developed world.

When John F. Kennedy forced the New York agreement on the Dutch which first ceded control of Papua over to Indonesia in 1961, he said as much about the backwardness and non-consequentiality of the hordes of Papuan cannibal tribes as they were still popularly described at the time. Kennedy’s offensive written remarks as quoted from a letter he personally wrote to the Dutch government in efforts to strong arm them into diplomatic submission are now part of public record as they, too, have been released.

Today, political correctness is more closely adhered to in presidential letters; and multi-culturalism- even in its stone age form- is often a cause célèbre which serves to bind nations together more than divide them. But this is just so much window dressing, as the United States, NATO, and the United Nations could muster legal resolve while intervening in the Serbian-Bosnia-Herzegovina-Kosovo-Montenegro-Croatia debacle during the 1990’s, even though technically speaking, that was an internal conflict occurring within the borders of one sovereign nation, Yugoslavia. The fact that this war was happening in Eastern Europe, involved Europeans, and featured ethnic and religious cleansing had everything to do with the intervention. It is further proof that a double standard exists when it comes to the sensitive question of intervening in a sovereign nation’s internal disputes.

What emerges is that a decision taken by international forces to intervene in a nation’s internal disputes is a matter of international will as opposed to rule of law, and where there is an international will, there is an international way.

This is not to say that foreign intervention in West Papua is a feasible solution or even desirable as concerns even the most adamant of West Papuans freedom fighters. But the armed factions of the OPM and numerous other unarmed and non-violent political organizations run by West Papuan peoples are all well aware that their cause will likely get nowhere without international support. Australia is a key player in the formulation of any peace formula, and heretofore their historical role in the West Papuan struggle presents yet one more entry into a rarefied atmosphere of smoke and mirrors.

Australian-Indonesian relations have been more mutually convivial than not post-East Timor independence, but Australia in particular has had to walk a tight-rope between public opinion at home and Jakarta’s policy as they concern West Papua. Many thousands of very active voices have registered their horror concerning conditions in West Papua- many with religious overtones- and the government at times has had to at least in token respond.

But Australian foreign policy is real politik-driven as regards Indonesia. (In fact, that is almost exclusively true across the international spectrum as effects Indonesia) Indonesia, too, scored a coup of sorts by successfully negotiating with Australia the 2006 Lombok Treaty, a treaty roundly criticized by many human rights organizations for emphasizing security ties, and unquestioned support for the free actions of the respective militaries involved with no mention or status given the monitoring of the Indonesian military’s human rights’ record. In other words, the Indonesian military had gotten Canberra to sign-on to a treaty which assured Australia would keep off their backs and give them free reign in places such as West Papua.

On the other hand, Australia has at times shown distinct sympathy to West Papuan Asylum seekers, even if only in response to complaints from Christian organizations in Australia whose hearts went out to their fellow West Papuan Christians stranded at sea while hoping to escape persecution back home. Canberra has had to rush hat in hand to Jakarta and politely explain to the foreign ministry that when it came to asylum policies international treaties trumped “regional cooperation” as per extradition requests, and that showing asylum seekers all due process was in keeping with being a good international citizen. Indonesia has shown some patience with this point of view as witnessed by their own liberal policies as concerns their treatment of many hundreds of recent asylum seekers from as far away as Afghanistan and Myanmar who have come ashore in boats several times in many parts of Indonesia.

But as for the bigger policy picture, Canberra is in full support of Indonesia’s territorial integrity as so defined, and would likely never jeopardize its strategically important relationship with its neighbor over the West Papuan issue. This is a substantial observation, especially given the fact that however hesitantly, Australia did play a direct role- including interdiction of troops- in helping East Timor realize independence.

This leaves us with what is still the biggest international player in national power brokering, and that is the United States. In preparation for this report, I contacted two U.S. congressmen who in March 2008 co-jointly submitted a letter of concern to the Secretary General of the United Nations as related to human rights abuses as committed by Indonesian security forces against the West Papuan peoples. The two men- Rep. Faleomavaega of American Samoa and Rep. Donald Payne of New Jersey’s 10th congressional district- are amongst the very few elected officials in the entire United States that have gone on record concerning West Papua, and Faleomavaega actually visited West Papua in 2007, only to be treated shoddily, restricted in his movements, and forced to exit West Papua before the pre-arranged time of departure. It was a ghastly diplomatic faux pas which flies in the face of the customary graciousness of Indonesian hospitality. The event got short shrift at best in not only international press, but in the United States as well.

Faleomavaega’s mistreatment illustrates not only Indonesian hyper-sensitivity and contempt for those who question Jakarta’s West Papuan policies, but also how non-existent West Papua is to Washington. It’s light years away from appearing on the radar screen.

The majority of international voices that rally themselves to the West Papuan cause end up siding with a full implementation of the already ratified Special Autonomy treaty. What remains is a group of journalists, academics, environmental rights advocates, human rights concerns, assorted NGO’s, Christian religious organizations, and various sundry other lone voices in the wilderness who bark at the moon collectively, beseeching the world to help free Papua. Their advocacy is steeped in moral conviction, and for that, they are criticized by those more moderate voices whose reasoning answer to real politik values.

After four decades of Indonesian incorporation, a small minority of West Papuans are beginning to materially benefit from the slow implementation of regional development programs as funded by the central government. (These Papuans tend to inhabit the north and north-western coastal areas as the coastal tribes have benefited much more from Indonesianization than have the highlanders who constitute well over half the indigenous population) This is especially visible in terms of education. Young, educated West Papuans are beginning to become mobile and in growing numbers are able to freely move into other areas of Indonesia for such reasons as seeking higher education. It might be said that the Indonesian government is “happy to help” those individuals in West Papua who would become Indonesian so-to-speak, play according to Indonesian rules, and in so doing shed their aboriginal culture. That much can be said for both the social and government contract Jakarta has with the indigenous West Papuans. Some refer to this process of surrendering aspects of one’s cultural heritage as “Javanization.”

But as for those who will not fall into line, we can only expect a perpetuation of the cycle of violence as described in the first part of this article. West Papua is only funded by the Indonesian government- and in all practical terms it doesn’t offer the average West Papuan protection vis-à-vis rule of law. Since incorporation, West Papua has always been run and operated by Indonesian security forces. They answer to no one save their commanders in far too many cases. The cycle of violence in place is still in the military’s interest, as they can justify their presence in disproportionately high numbers, as well as explain away their brutality in accordance to security concerns. So too they can continue to conduct both legal and illegal business in the resource-richest Indonesian province, and double-dip on the side by negotiating lucrative security contracts with foreign interests such as Freeport mines. Without full military reform in Indonesia- which means both full civilian control over the TNI and complete government funding of its budget- West Papua along with many other remote, underdeveloped, and resource-rich locations in the country will suffer accordingly.

And as long as the international community stands by in deference to the order of things in West Papua, don’t hold your breath and expect any change. West Papua’s time in the international spotlight has not yet come; nor does it appear on the horizon.

It is not far afield to see the West Papuan fate- at least culturally- to fall somewhere along a spectrum of inevitable cultural loss that befell their black brothers and sisters in America. Sometimes bargaining for freedom means losing something as precious in the bargain. At some point in time, black Americans were forced to assimilate, and in doing so, had to bargain away some of their cultural roots- most principally their native languages- in order to enjoy even a modicum of reasonable citizenship status. Doubtless black Americans would have never been afforded freedom if they had chosen to revive their African roots while rejecting their New World surroundings as controlled by whites, even though that possibility became increasingly unlikely with each succeeding generation being that much more cut off from their ancestry.

The West Papuans, though, have a chance to retain much of their culture, though some of it will no doubt disappear. The one thing that they have going for them in that regard is that regional culture is extraordinarily important in Indonesia as a whole. It is vivid in expression and in terms of holding its own, often resistant to homogenization by outside influences. West Papuans will most likely be forced to learn just where their openings for cultural preservation and self-identification lie. The answer will be in part found, however ironic it may sound, in being mobile and mixing with the greater population of the vast Indonesian archipelago.

Papuan Fault Lines- Pt. III: Perilous Path to Special Autonomy

by John M. Gorrindo
Indonesian Correspondent, The Seoul Times
Correspondent, themoderntokyotimes.com

In the wake of World War II’s ashes Indonesia rose like a Phoenix, blazing forth in the vanguard of the new world order that emerged. It established itself as the first major colony to throw off its age-old yoke of servitude and in many cases, slavery. In doing so Indonesia inspired and became a leader amongst a fast growing number of new, non-aligned nations, most of which like Indonesia had been former European colonies. With the coming of the 1950’s, countries like India and Egypt with large population and ancient cultures now stood together with Indonesia as new and vital members of the international community.

Indonesia’s brand of nationalism was rooted in a five point philosophy embodied in a state ideology called the Pancasila. Core to defining the new republic’s secular nationalism was the Pancasila’s ethos of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity) which acknowledged and celebrated the archipelago’s multicultural and pluralistic nature. The founding fathers believed that for the nation to succeed, Indonesia had to at once embrace its ethno-linguistic and religious diversity but at the same time seek to unify its vast array of constituent populations.

Insurrections and separatist movements that continually threatened Indonesia’s first quarter century of existence reflected the country’s vast regional differences in terms of ethnicity, language, religion, customary traditions (adat), geographical displacement, and historical ties to former Dutch rule. Though most parts of Indonesia participated in the independence movement, some regions were much less enthusiastic about the prospects of an Indonesian Republic than were others.

Indonesia’s struggle for suzerainty was first and foremost spearheaded in Java. Not everyone under the former territorial control of the Dutch was confident that rule in mainly Javanese hands as centralized in that more highly developed island would benefit them. The fear of Javanese hegemony was a deal breaker at times for even entire regions, such as the Malukus.

In the case of all those peoples subject to the Dutch in what was then called Western New Guinea, there existed split allegiances and significant disagreement as to who should rule the territory. This made the region no different than the neighboring Malukus. What did set West New Guinea apart in terms of common experience was the fact that very few of the island’s peoples- whether indigenous Melanesian or émigrés from outside- ever did participate in the Indonesian revolution.

Indonesia’s shrewd diplomatic persistence that played one Cold War faction off the other resulted in its successful wresting of control over Western New Guinea, or what Sukarno would rename Irian. In that victory of territorial dispute, Indonesia faced the long term responsibility to both develop and assimilate respectively the vast wilderness tract and its population of over three hundred ethno-lingual groups.

Four decades after assuming power in West Papua, Indonesia has fallen very short in terms of both these vital missions. And particularly for the thirty years Suharto’s new order prevailed, an isolate cloud both obscured any transparency as to visible progress to the outside world and hid the brutal repression visited upon many of the Papuan people.

There exists in many cases a gaping black hole as to what actually happened to the peoples of West Papua between “The Act of Free Choice” in 1969 and the passing of a Special Autonomy law in 2001. Even most hard line Indonesian authorities past and present would likely agree to the following observations, though:

1. The OPM, or Operasi Papua Merdeka, was formed in 1964 and began a sustained campaign of armed struggle against Indonesian security forces for an independent Papua.

2. After two decades of often violent resistance to Indonesian rule, Papua was declared a “daerah militer” (militarized region), and Indonesian security forces were given even greater authority to plan and execute military attacks against those Papuan groups considered treasonous, rebellious, armed, or otherwise threatening and dangerous. Military reprisals were taken against not only alleged freedom fighters but often by extension their home villages and families.

3. Human rights abuses committed by Indonesian security forces- including illegal detention, torture, murder (often indiscriminant and including women and children), rape, extra-judicial killing, and wholesale destruction of villages- have been widely documented since West Papua’s incorporation in Indonesia in May 1963. Legally they amount at least to a collective case of Crimes Against Humanity as defined by the United Nations in its landmark Law of Genocide (1948). That these large scale crimes have been committed with impunity and absence of accountability is even admitted to- at least in part- by the Indonesian government itself. President Megawati’s official apology to the Papuan people for abuses made it clear that many of the allegations made by numerous human rights groups such as Amnesty International, TAPOL, and the United Nations Commission on Human Rights were at least in part true.

4. Through powers of eminent domain the Indonesian state appropriated land from indigenous groups without honoring or considering customary land laws and traditions that had been in effect for in many cases, thousands of years. The mineral, gas, and logging rights of large tracts of government appropriated land have been leased to mainly foreign development interest. A fair return of revenues on profits was never distributed to local peoples. As in the case of the Freeport Mine, some tribal groups- much like many American Indians- were displaced entirely off their land and resettled in unsuitable and often unhealthy surroundings. Unfair compensation for natural resource extraction was a key negotiated term in the Special Autonomy law of 2001.

5. The rush to develop West Papua economically benefited only the Jakarta power elite, the Indonesian security forces stationed in West Papua, a small administrative Papuan elite in place, foreign business interests, and to some degree, transmigration populations. Leading indicators measuring quality of life for the vast majority of the one million indigenous Melanesian Papuans have in many cases suffered a reversal. This includes levels of income, health, nutrition, education, and job opportunity. On the whole, the original peoples of Papua have been discriminated against and treated as second class citizens. There has been very limited attempt to prepare them for assimilation as Indonesian citizens.

6. Irresponsible development leading to environmental degradation- especially in the forms of mining, logging, and palm oil plantation development- has been an ongoing reality of life in West Papua. For example, many countries- including China, several in Europe and the U.S.- have glutted themselves on cheap and rare Papuan lumber without giving proper attention to certifying whether forestry yields have been legal or not.

7. Unaccountability for the trillions of lost rupiahs in developmental funds the central government has poured into West Papua is due to negligence, cronyism, patronage, and corruption. Papuans themselves have participated in such activities, including elected officials.

8. Almost all humanitarian aid and monitoring organizations have been barred from entrance into West Papua. This includes the foreign press, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, and the International Red Cross.

One historical twist of Indonesia’s sixty-four year existence as a nation is that its inherent fragility when combined with its recent emergence as a democratic state has served to often shield it from human rights accountability in West Papua. Neither the United Nations nor most democratic nations around the world were eager to hold Indonesia’s feet to the fire on human rights when the country was attempting to throw off its militarism in favor of democratic principles. While a collective blind eye had been cast towards West Papua, East Timor was able to escape the same fate. But given twenty-five years of tacit U.S. support for Indonesia’s militarism in Timor it is doubtful the East Timorese could have gained international recognition and gain independence without the intervention of Australian troops which helped document the horrible civilian casualties and create a bridge of access for UN inspectors. Active international response made all the difference in East Timor.

As real politik gave greater priority to the Cold War between the Free World and the Sino-Soviet bloc rather than the nationalist struggle of West Papua during the years of negotiation leading to the 1962 New York Agreement, the West Papuan cause has continued to suffer low international recognition. Overshadowing has been the rise of democracy in greater Indonesia.

Internationally, with the Cold War having become an historical footnote, Indonesia could no longer take advantage and draw upon knee-jerk support from world powers such as the United States. Suharto’s fervent anti-communism was no longer a calling card that served as a blank check for military and economic aid from former Cold War allies. Indonesia’s rapid economic development had been made possible by a real politik that no loner existed. Once this modus operandi had been made void, the very foundation of New Order political economics shattered, the rupiah crashed, and a radical reformation was given birth. Suharto along with his New Order policies had run their historical course- or at least so it seemed.

State disintegration appeared on the brink as separatist struggles in Aceh, the Malukus, West Papua, and East Timor coincided with an economic-political crisis that toppled Suharto in 1998. In the face of these tumultuous events, the international community has been careful to help shepherd Indonesia’s turn to democratic governance and has participated in brokering agreements as successful in Aceh and East Timor. This includes forbearance of Indonesia’s human rights record on the part of the UN, and aid or loans of various types from the U.S., the IMF, and the World Bank.

Under great international pressure during the wake of Suharto’s fall, Indonesia conceded to East Timorese independence and suffered its first real blow to its self-perceived territorial integrity. Post-Suharto, the sudden democratic opening provided an unprecedented political space which was quickly crowded with long-suppressed demands from a bewildering array of interest groups from around Indonesia.

President Habibie, Suharto’s immediate and short-lived successor, ushered in this era of sudden liberalization as the Indonesian government felt compelled to redress many grievances on the part of not only limited interest groups but entire regions of the nation. In many cases good faith, successful efforts were made to initialize democratization in Indonesia. Aceh and West Papua were of special concern as both provinces had long standing histories of disaffection and armed independence struggle against the Indonesian state.

The fall of Suharto meant the fall of some key New Order policies- at least temporarily. The harsh repression Suharto used to counter separatism in both Aceh and West Papua had only served to further polarize- creating growing body counts and exacerbating hostilities. Shaken by the loss of a twenty-five year old war in East Timor, Indonesia’s government began to contemplate more peaceful alternatives in both Aceh and West Papua. The loss of East Timor resurrected Jakarta’s greatest fear- balkanization of the archipelago. With little show for it, military means had unilaterally failed, having left some 200,000 dead in East Timor (most of them civilian), 35,000 fatalities in Aceh, and undetermined thousands swept away in West Papuan violence. For the first time in its short history, a shell-shocked Indonesia began to show signs of shirking off a uniform militarist approach to regional separatism as it finally began mounting peace initiatives through diplomacy.

Following Suharto, the three brief presidencies of Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), and Megawati Sukarnoputri struggled with pacification of separatist forces within the country and Special Autonomy was offered both Aceh and West Papua. The 2004 tsunami dealt such large scale destruction that Acehnese separatists and the Indonesian government were mutually compelled to come to terms. The implementation of that agreement has moved forward in significant degree satisfactorily for the Acehnese. During Megawati’s presidency, the West Papuans were handed their own version of Special Autonomy, known as the OTUS agreement of 2001.

In principle and on paper, OTUS initially held out great hope. The main provisions as follows coincide in most part to the list of grievances already previously enumerated:

1. Revenue Sharing: Seventy to eighty percent of revenues generated from natural resource extraction will be given back to the province.

2. A truth and reconciliation process will be established in order to clarify the grievances surrounding West Papua’s incorporation into the state of Indonesia.

3. The Indonesian government will establish special courts and a provincial rights commission to review human rights policies and grievances.

4. The Indonesian government will recognize customary land rights as practiced by the Papuans and oblige land use operators to negotiate terms of use with traditional landowners.

5. Comprised of adat communities, women’s organizations, and religious institutions in equal number to be representatively elected, OTUS mandates the establishment of the Papuan People’s Assembly (MRP). MRP will be legally granted the power to review and hold veto authority over the selection of candidates for governor as well as reviewing government policy that effect indigenous communities.

Ethnic and indigenous rights were finally given official recognition by Jakarta, but Indonesia was not willing to concede maintaining a strong security apparatus in the province. Most pro-independence activities were still to be considered illegal if not treasonous. This included seditious acts such as raising the Morning Glory flag.

Jakarta also conceded the need for creating new Papuan institutions which would better involve discrete Papuan interests, including intellectuals, political officials, and even some activists.

But seven years after the signing into law of the OTUS agreement, few concerned observers in Jakarta, Papua or the greater international community consider the thrust of OTUS to have made any substantial beneficial difference in West Papuan’s lives. Many of the same grievances are on the table, especially concerning fair compensation for natural resource development and human rights.

In Part IV of this series, a closer look at current conditions inside West Papua as referenced by the OTUS agreement will be explored.

(NOTE: This article is part of a series. Part IV is soon to follow)

Buhos y Mochuelos. Strigiformes; Strigidae. La mayoria de las rapaces nocturnas. PIcos ganchudos, garras, dedo medio con uña normal, ojos muy grandes, plumajes crípticos. De tamaño muy variable. Autillo Europeo; Otus scops. 20cm. el mas chico de nuestros buhos, un 10% menor que el Mochuelo Europeo. Canta en primavera, con un silbido, claro y corto. Mas delgado que el Mochuelo, con “orejas” y sin “ceño” con marcadas estrias ventrales, el color del fondo varia  entre gris y rojizo. 

(Este es una cría)

La declaración de espacio natural protegido para el entorno del Observatorio Astrofísico de Javalambre suscita a los ecologistas de la zona una irónica reflexión sobre la política de protección medioambiental del Gobierno de Aragón.

OTUS-Ecologistas en Acción Teruel

La información de que “la DGA protege el entorno del observatorio Astrofísico de Javalambre para facilitar la investigación”, publicada el pasado 3 de octubre en el Heraldo de Aragón, nos ha recordado cómo continuar con los temas sobre los que hemos luchado mucho, pues vemos con desesperanza el porvenir de las Sierras de Gúdar y Javalambre.

Nos alegra la noticia, porque supone la protección de 60 ha en las que no habrá peligro de polvo, gases atmosféricos y luz emitida por casas, máquinas y núcleos de población que impidan el trabajo de investigación. También nos alegra saber que allí, por lo menos, no se van a instalar ni aerogeneradores, ni cementeras.

Queremos dar la enhorabuena a los astrónomos por el proyecto del observatorio y apoyamos que Teruel pueda tener más centros dedicados a la investigación y la ciencia que no impliquen agresiones al medio ambiente, por lo que sería muy sensato invertir parte de su presupuesto, 15,9 millones de euros, o incrementarlo en la cuantía necesaria, para integrar al medio natural la pista forestal de acceso que se ha hecho desde Arcos de las Salinas al observatorio, donde los buldózer abrieron unos 3 km de terreno maravilloso prácticamente inalterado, de enorme riqueza paisajística y donde hasta la fecha no se ha realizado ni la integración y ni la restauración de taludes abiertos con motivo de la obra.

Desde luego estos espacios protegidos por la DGA nos parecen ridículos en su extensión y limitaciones. Antes de las últimas elecciones los mismos que hoy gestionan esta administración pública señalaban triunfalistas la gran cantidad de Aragón que había pasado a ser Espacio Protegido gracias a su buena gestión.

Espacios protegidos, ¿espacios sentenciados?

En la provincia de Teruel, llama la atención de que además de Gallocanta y los Pinares del Rodeno, que bien se lo merecen, los demás espacios protegidos son casi un escarnio, como es el caso de las Cuevas de Cristal en Molinos, gruta magnífica, muy visitable turísticamente y que no corría ningún riesgo de deterioro conocido, y el Puente Natural del río Guadalope, lástima que las hectáreas protegidas no sean de soto fluvial, sino de terrenos de vegetación desarrollados con posterioridad al gran incendio de 1994.

Cabe esperar que en esta línea de protección declaren en breve un espacio protegido denominado “Escombreras de Teruel” por sus valores geológicos, que los tiene, así como declararlo “yacimiento arqueológico” para los arqueólogos del siglo XXIII, ante la falta de interés de la administración autonómica por la conservación de los ecosistemas con gran valor ambiental que hay en esta provincia.

Sirva como ejemplo que ahora en Javalambre vuelve a la carga solicitar la Diputación Provincial de Teruel el acceso sur por carretera desde Torrijas hasta las pistas de esquí, vía que parece ser demandada por los pueblos al sur del macizo con fines para el desarrollo turístico. Un proyecto de carretera que atraviesa más de seis kilómetros de parajes con un grado de naturalidad muy alto, en los que ahora sólo hay pequeñas pistas y carriladas de vehículos en algunos tramos, el resto está inalterado. El terreno pasaría de tener un aspecto con algunas estrías a tener grandes cicatrices. Además parte en dos el mundo pastoril y trashumante de la sierra.

La agresión al medio sería mucho menor si hubiera posibilidad de mejorar la actual pista que pasa junto al repetidor de televisión, eliminando algunas curvas, lo que haría que fuera una carretera transitable, siempre y cuando el tiempo lo permitiera, puesto que hay momentos en que el clima de esta sierra se lo pone difícil a cualquier carretera, sea cual sea su acceso y la distancia en altitud a la que se quiera llegar. El trazado del nuevo proyecto propuesto por la DPT, aun ciñéndose algo más a las curvas de nivel sobre el terreno, es el mismo al que se le dio Declaración de Impacto Ambiental negativo por el INAGA en el año 2003, y si quisiéramos hacer una metáfora, diríamos que esta carretera es como un costurón en el rostro de Claudia Schiffer por la grave agresión ambiental y paisajística que ocasionaría a la cara sur de Javalambre.

El caso de Alcalá de la Selva

Por otro lado, en el mismo periódico también aparece un artículo que dice: “El PAR critica el cambio del plan urbanístico de Alcalá de la Selva”, lo que en parte da la clave a la problemática de por qué la Sierra de Gúdar hoy todavía no es espacio protegido.

Aunque según el Decreto D/233/1999 de la DGA, en la Sierra de Gúdar se inició el procedimiento de aprobación del Plan de Ordenación de los Recursos Naturales de la Sierra de Gúdar, éste no prosperó, básicamente porque intervinieron intereses particulares que perjudicaron el bien común, ya que antes de abrirse el cofre de beneficios que un PORN proporciona a los municipios de la zona, en la Virgen de la Vega, frente al hotel de D. Benito Ros, portavoz del PAR, ex alcalde de Alcalá de la Selva, ex vicepresidente de la Diputación Provincial de Teruel y promotor del Kilómetro Cero de la sierra en esta localidad, ya se habían iniciado las obras del Centro Principal de Interpretación del que hubiera sido Espacio Protegido, es decir, en Alcalá de la Selva se adelantaron al reparto de beneficios, generando un malestar en la comarca y una oposición al PORN que impidió seguir hacia adelante para su aprobación. La obra del centro de interpretación no se ha continuado desde que D. Benito dejó de ser alcalde, ni tampoco se volvió a hablar de espacios protegidos en esta sierra.

Las Sierras de Gúdar y Javalambre están incluidas en el libro de puntos calientes de la biodiversidad mundial “Centres of Plant Diversity” realizado por las más prestigiosas entidades conservacionistas, WWF, IUCN, ODA, como uno de los tres grandes núcleos de biodiversidad de la Península Ibérica junto con los Pirineos y Sierra Nevada, aspecto que parece ser desconocido para nuestros gestores de la naturaleza.

Por todo ello, nos hacemos idea de que si algún día llega el momento y la voluntad política de hacer Espacios Protegidos en Teruel, si no somos capaces de parar las agresiones ambientales, estas magníficas montañas habrán perdido gran parte de sus valores más destacados, así como la paz de la naturaleza y la ausencia de infraestructuras contaminantes.

Fuente: DiagonalAragón

The Next Generation Digital DJ Controller

EKS Otus’ stylish physical appearance, clever design and the solid touch and feel will make any professional DJ feel at home from the very first encounter.  The sturdy aluminum frame is built to withstand the physical abuse of DJ’ing and the hazards of travel.

The heart of Otus is its illuminated, high resolution 7.5” jog wheel with sensitivity adjustments.  Otus has been designed to fit firmly in the place, or on top of standard DJ turntables, with vibrations substantially reduced due to its unique sharp cloves (feet). 

All of the controls onboard the Otus are of the highest professional standards and are illuminated by LED indicators for maximum usability in a club environment.

Spirit

Independent by spirit, Otus gives DJs the freedom to work with software combinations of choice. It feels at home next to a mixer, external soundcard or another controller, but can also replace them all if needed. The advanced MIDI mapper & Asio software makes creating different setups a breeze.

Otus is also customizable to suit individual preferences or mood. The smoked glass surface along with the feet of the controller can be switched making Otus a truly personal instrument.

 Attributes

Otus offers a wide range of controls enabling the user full control – no mouse or keyboard needed.  The placement of each control has been optimized for usability and for show factor.  All of the key functions are placed closest to the DJ, while effect orientated controls are placed further away.  This allows the club audience a better view of the DJ tweaking knobs.

The Future Proof Ideology of the control layout allows the use of future software features. Assignable buttons, knobs, push-and-rotate selectors and capacitive touchpad enable advanced creative freedom, while the relative touch sensitive slider allows very accurate pitch adjustments.

To top it off, all of the controls can be virtually doubled via a color indicated layer selection switch or shift button. The second layer, indicated by LED color changes, offers the option to control two virtual decks with one Otus or even other software like MIDI controllable VJ programs.

A professional level audio/headphone output allows direct connectivity to a DJ system or the possibility for headphone preview. $899.00 (US)

Available at: www.eks.fi & soon at North American & Canadian MI retailers.

EKS is a Finnish audio technology company specialized in professional digital age DJ tools. With innovation, high quality and forward thinking mentality as the guiding principles, EKS creates solutions for the digital music era. Founded originally in 1955, EKS was one of the first companies to introduce MIDI DJ controllers to the market in 2001.

Vanhojen tinojen uusi elämä tunnistamattomana otuksena alkoi tänään. Enteileeköhän jotain odottamatonta tapaamista keskellä synkkää metsää…

EKS Otus‘ elegante äußere Erscheinung, cleveres Design und solide Verarbeitung wird jeden DJ vom ersten Augenblick an begeistern. Der robuste Aluminium Rahmen wurde gebaut, um dem harten DJ-Einsatz und dem Transport stand zu halten.

Das Herz des Otus ist das beleuchtete, hochpräzise 7.5“ Jog Wheel, welches sowohl mechanisch als auch optisch Feedback ermöglicht. Otus wurde speziell dafür designed entweder direkt auf, oder anstelle eines Standard DJ-Turntable platziert zu werden. Alle Steuerelemente des Otus entsprechen den höchsten professionellen Standards und sind speziell für den Clubeinsatz durch die LED-Anzeigen sehr benutzerfreundlich gestaltet.

Für die edle Optik sorgt die getönte Glasoberfläche in Verbindung mit den einzigartigen, eleganten Füßen, die zugleich vibrationshemmend sind.

Spirit
Unabhängig aus Überzeugung, so überlässt Otus dem DJ die Freiheit mit beliebigen Softwarekombinationen zu arbeiten. Der Otus fühlt sich neben einem Mixer genauso wohl wie in Verbindung mit einer externen Soundkarte oder einem weiteren Controller, wenn gewünscht kann er aber auch all dies ersetzen und selber erfüllen. Durch den fortschrittlichen MIDI-Mapper & ASIO Software werden die verschiedensten Setups ermöglicht, so lässt sich der Controller individuell konfigurieren, um jedem gewünschten Einsatzgebiet gerecht zu werden.

Eigenschaften

Otus bietet eine große Auswahl an Kontrollmöglichkeiten, die eine Maus oder Tastatur überflüssig werden lassen. Alle Schlüsselfunktionen sind im Aktionsbereich des DJs platziert, während die effektorientierten Regler etwas abgesetzt wurden.

Die zukunftssichere Ideologie der Steuerung erlaubt auch mit kommenden Software-Features zu arbeiten. Frei konfigurierbare Buttons, Knöpfe sowie kombinierte Druck- und Drehregler und das Touchpad lassen der Kreativität freien Spielraum, während die bewegungssensitiven Regler eine sehr genaue Pitcheinstellung zulassen.

Als Highlight können alle Kontrollelemente doppelt belegt werden – die jeweils aktive Ebene wird farblich angezeigt und kann sowohl kurzzeitig mit einem Shift-Button aktiviert oder umgeschaltet werden. Diese zwei Ebenen, angezeigt durch einen farblichen Wechsel der Beleuchtungs-LEDs, bieten die Option den Otus als zwei getrennte, virtuelle Decks zu benutzen oder eben in verschiedenen Softwareumgebungen über MIDI anzusteuern.

Ein professioneller Audio/Kopfhörer-Ausgang erlaubt die direkte Verbindung zu einem DJ-System oder bietet die Möglichkeit zum Vorhören.

So kann der Otus verwendet werden:

In the first setup the Otus is connected to a standard external DJ mixer of your choice. This allows a quick and easy setup in a club or in other hectic situations. Otus is also designed to fit on top of a standard vinyl turntable, which makes it easy to fit it in any DJ booth. [Video]

In this second setup the Otus is used as a all-in-one DJ control device, which can be connected directly to your amplifier or PA system. The Otus features a headphone jack, enabling direct preview of your music. [Video]

Weitere Infos bei uns im Shop

UVP: 831 €

Unser Preis: 699 € oder 61,58 € / Monat (Beispielfinanzierung auf 12 Monate, geringere Raten möglich)

Il controller è stato annunciato a MusikMesse quest’anno.

Il “cuore” di Otus è la sua ‘jog wheel’ da 7.5 pollici, molto sensibile. Otus è stata disegnata per sistemarsi comodamente al posto dei diragischi del DJ, con vibrazioni sostanzialmente ridotte grazie alla forma unica dei suoi piedini d’appoggio.

Tutti i controlli dell’ Otus seguono gli standard più professionali, e sono iluminati da indicatori LED, per la massima comodità in un ambiente oscuro come quello dei club.

L’Otus è disponibile su ordinazione sull’EKS webshop per 649€ (+ VAT 22% nei paesi dell’EU)!

Aamulenkillä järven jäällä saareen piipahtaessani melkein törmäsin tähän “vahtirottaan”. 26.2.08

If nothing else was ground into my head playing Pool of Radiance (aside from, when replaying it in 1997 at my tech support job, the fact that the spell sounds annoyed my co-workers) is that you need to rest 4 hours to recover 1st and 2nd level spells and 6 hours for 3rd and 4th level ones. Well, now I’ve seen the rule in the DMG. Looking more closely, I note that 15 minutes per spell per level is additionally needed in “study/prayer” for each spell to be memorized. This means that certain high level magic users would need more than a day to recoup their spells, if they cast them all.

Example: Bongo (now Lord of the Arcane Tower of Fzonk), used up all his spells defeating an army of ettin-zombies (twice as hard to kill, you know). As a 14th level magic users, he needs to recover 5 1st, 5 2nd, 5 3rd, 4 4th, 4 5th, 2 6th, and 1 7th level spells. He first must rest at least 10 hours (for the 7th level spells) plus 21 hours, 15 minutes to learn all those other spell, for a total of 31 hours, 15 minutes, simply to re-learn his spells. ( I also notice that the spell table goes up to 29th level- A) who has a 29th level m-u? B) it would take 7.5 million experience points to reach 29th level; Demogorgon is only worth 74,000 xp.)

Spell Casting:

Here’s some information that I never knew:

“All magics and cleric spells are similar in that the word sounds, when combined into whatever patterns are applicable, are charged with energy from the Positive or Negative Material Plane. When uttered, these sounds cause the release of this energy, which in turn triggers a set reaction. The release of the energy contained in these words is what causes the spell to be forgotten or the writing to disappear from the surface upon which it is written…

“To replace [energy from the Positive/Negative Planes] something must flow back in reverse. The dissolution and destruction of material components provides the energy that balances out this flow, through the principle of similarity… Those spells without apparent material components are actually utilizing the air exhaled by the magic-user in the utterance of the spell.”

Wow- that’s not how I envisioned it at all (as much as I ever envisioned how ‘magic’ worked). I guess I always thought it was somehow connected to the astral or ethereal plane, and that magic was some sort of ether in the world, not that spell-casters were some sort of, as Gygax puts it, an “electrical heater” (the metaphor being that the energy comes from elsewhere). At the end he recommends Jack Vance’s The Dying Earth and The Eyes of the Overworld, as well as The Face in the Frost by John Bellairs; I’ve read neither, but know that AD&D’s magic system is directly derived from Vance’s work. I suspect I wouldn’t be a fan…

Tribal Spell Casters:

I must say, I was always fond of including these guys in my dungeons (sure, I designed them, but never ran them) and I have happy memories of a magic-user of mine going toe-to-toe with a nasty orc shaman and living to tell the tale. Some humanoid races (bugbears, cavemen[?], ettins, giants, gnolls, goblins, hobgoblins, kobolds, lizard men, ogres, orcs, troglodytes, and trolls) are allowed to have some magic-using individuals. These are of two types- shaman (i.e. clerics) and witch-doctors (i.e. magic users). These spell casters are really not all that powerful (max level of 7 for ‘shaman’ and 4 for witchdoctors of selected races) but they do add a bit of flavor. Unfortunately their spell selection is rather limited, sometimes inexplicably so. For example, while shaman can cast cure light wounds, they lack cure serious wounds, even though they can cast 4th level spells; witch-doctors lack even a single offensive spell (unless you count ‘scare’).

I always thought the humanoids should get an even break, so to speak (I love the notion of Tucker’s Kobolds, for example) and I think giving them some magic capabilities is only fair. How these unaccredited 2 year community college equivalent clerics and magic users could create the various nasty magic items orcs and goblins seem to have is beyond me though.

(This is one of the few places I seem to have written in my book as well; I penciled “/good” onto the spell “protection from evil”.)

Art: The bottom left corner of the page is an illustration by long-time AD&D (and beyond) illustrator Erol Otus (I may have used that link before). It shows a bit of close-range magical combat between a wizard (or a be-robed and hatted fellow) and a cloak-wearing skeleton (a lich perhaps?). The wizard is shooting a lightning-bolt (or some such) which is striking the chest of the skeleton while the skeleton is blasting the wizard in the face. My assumption is that the skeleton is winning.