Nominations for the 82nd Annual Academy Awards were announced this morning, and there is exciting news:  The recent film Burma VJ:  Reporting from a Closed Country, which features the work of citizen journalists inside the title country’s 2007 “Saffron Revolution,” has been nominated for the Best Documentary Feature Oscar!

Here’s what the editors of the Guardian said in their powerful endorsement of the film earlier this year:

There is an awful lot of rough camera work in the just-released film Burma VJ. Heads missing, over-eager zooms, jumpy shots; that kind of thing. Hollywood directors sometimes do this to inject urgency into that otherwise-tepid thriller, but here the lack of cinematic polish is neither voluntary nor superfluous. A record of life inside totalitarian Burma, this documentary was filmed undercover by amateur video journalists (or VJs) on Handycams kept out of sight of the military junta. If the batteries gave out, the VJs used camera phones instead. The generals run Burma’s TV and radio, and they control most print media, so the anonymous VJs who are the subject of this film perform a rare and brave service. Called the Democratic Voice of Burma, this non-profit network gathers its footage in secret, before smuggling it out of the country. Burma VJ concentrates on the Saffron Uprising of September 2007, when thousands of Buddhist monks marched against military rule. This gesture of defiance soon swells into a mass protest. “Film them all! So many!” cries one marcher to a VJ, and the camera pans around balconies and rooftops crammed with cheering protesters. It is a moving scene, all the more so because the viewer knows that soon the uprising will be crushed, with thousands killed and arrested. Citizen journalism is much talked about, but this film shows it at its best – as a powerful force, allowing the world access to places and episodes that would otherwise remain hidden.

For more about Burma VJ, including where and when you can see it, visit http://www.burmavjmovie.com.  A trailer is below.

“As long as I am alive I will struggle for freedom and justice in Burma”

U Agga Nya Na, now 27 years old joined the sangha at age 5. He moved to a monastery in Rangoon in 2001 to study foreign languages and was fully ordained as a monk there. He is one of the monks who expirienced the Saffron Revolution in 2007 first hand. After more than 1 month in hiding he escaped to Thailand where he testified to a delegation from the United States Congress and the Ambassador from the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok about the violent crackdown by the military regime on the peaceful protest.
He now lives in Utica, N.Y., and continues campaigning across the United States for democracy and human rights in Burma.

“My last dana, or gift, to my countrymen while in Burma occurred in the summer of 2007. On August 15, about nineteen years after the nationwide protests that resulted in my joining the Sangha, fuel prices doubled. This increase affected most commodities as well doubling the price of rice, and bus fares overnight. In response some students marched in the streets in protest, and the military arrested them. Then we heard that on September 5th five hundred monks in Pokko Ku, near Bagan, also marched in the streets. We heard that soldiers beat them and some were arrested.

On the morning of September 17th, I learned through the foreign radio media that All Burma Monks Alliance, an underground organization, were calling all Burmese monks to march in the streets to peacefully protest the government demanding a decrease in commodity prices, the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners, an apology to the monks who they tortured, and dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi. At the beginning, there were only monks in the street. I had my exams that day so could not join them until the second day. I was very excited to hear the news and to have an opportunity to march with monks harmoniously. I arrived at Shwedegon Paya at 9:30a.m. I had never seen so many monks gathered at one time in one place, and felt proud to help. Students were also there to join and support us. For about 30 minutes we prayed the metta sutta while the rain started to fall. Before leaving, the lead monks requested that no one use violence. The rain was coming down heavier as we started marching down to Sule Paya holding our alm bowls upside down to protest the military giving us alms. We felt that for what they have done to their people, they should not be allowed to make merit and wipe their crimes away. As we marched we chanted, “May all people be free, free from fear.” “Free Aung San Suu Kyi.” “Do Ay Yay – Our Cause.” It took us thirty five minutes to reach Sule. Sule sits in the center of Rangoon in the middle of a roundabout with four street entrances. It is generally bustling with local people and full of merchants. On this day the streets surrounding the pagoda were a sea of saffron robes, with students walking beside us. Others who were not marching stood on their balconies or in doorways and cheered. The sight of so many monks in the streets encouraged many people. At Sule, some of the monks and students gave speeches. At first, the monks did not want the students to join because they were worried that the students would be arrested, but the students asked to join us. After Sule, we continued marching throughout the streets of Rangoon. We did this for about 5 days.

On September 22nd, we got a chance to march by Aung San Suu Kyi’s house. I was so surprised on this day. I had heard that we would go, but thought it was just a rumor. Then when we headed toward her house, I expected the military would not allow us. Most of the monks did not expect it. But some of the monks negotiated and the soldiers let us pass. While confused by their actions, it was the most wonderful day for me. I got to see The Lady in person for the first time in my entire life. I had heard so much about her, how she promoted democracy in 1988, and was elected in 1990. But, because she has been under house arrest, I have never seen her outside. So when I marched by her house with the other monks and students, supporting all that she has worked for, she came out to pay respect to all of us. I was so happy to see her face and to pray for her.

On the 23rd, I heard on the radio at the monastery before I left in the morning that the All Burma Monks issued a statement to the foreign media asking them to join us. However, this day when we attempted to walk by Aung San Suu Kyi’s house again, the military forbad us from passing. Their numbers by her house increased and they had put up more blockades. Instead, we marched elsewhere. The next day, many civilians joined us, more than on the other days. On the 25th, the military imposed a curfew. They announced the curfew on the state run television and urged people not to go out and march. Then at night, the military trucks went around Rangoon yelling reminders through a loudspeaker to remember that there is a law that no more than five people may gather at any given time or place.

When I arrived to Shwedagon Paya on September 26th, there were soldiers already there. They told us that they have orders to shoot anyone who marches. They asked, “Will you go back to your monasteries or go to prison?” We responded that we will not go, that we came to pray and march peacefully without violence. It was very tense and everyone expected something to happen. The leader of the monks tried to negotiate with the security soldiers to not use the violence. The rest of us squatted down in front of the soldiers to pray, but could not talk to them. Then the soldiers started trying to disperse us by throwing tear gas. I ran to Kandawgyi Lake. Others were with me. My face felt hot. People gave us water and then we gathered again and split into two groups. One larger group went to Western Rangoon and my group continued our march down Anawrattha Street to Sule. I heard that some monks had been injured, beaten, and arrested. When we arrived at Sule, the soldiers were there standing with guns blocking all the streets. They shot up at the buildings in a threatening manner, but there were over one thousand five hundred of us so we just continued to march past the soldiers and down another street. We continued marching until 6pm that night, chanting, “May all beings living to the east. May all beings of the universe be free, free from fear, free from all distress, free from poverty. May they have peace in their hearts.”

The next day we heard from other monks that the soldiers raided my friend’s monastery around midnight. We heard that they beat and arrested many of the monks. I tried to go to see my friend, to see if he was okay, but as I approached his monastery I saw that it was still surrounded by soldiers. When I saw them I was really worried for my friend, and sad for all the monks there. I felt sad for our country. We are a Buddhist country and the military rulers should not raid monasteries and arrest these monks who are revered by the people. I knew that the military leaders are not really Buddhist, but in namesake only. They just want to keep a hold on their power by pretending to be Buddhist to appeal to the people. If they were really Buddhist, they would not harm the monks. I felt that even under British rule, the rulers were not as brutal as this military and did not raid the monasteries.

To this day I have not seen my friend, and do not know what happened to him. When I returned to my monastery we discussed what we would do, how we would run if the soldiers came. It was a day of fear. We talked to students around the monastery and asked them to keep watch for us, and to let us know as soon as they see soldiers. Later in the day, some students who had continued protesting that day came and told us of the days events. I was surprised to hear that monks were still marching. They told us that people were shot and beaten when they marched, and that one foreign journalist had been shot dead.

That night, some civilians saw the soldiers coming and informed us to run away and hide. I quickly changed out of my robes to a longyi and a shirt that friends gave me and hid in the bushes near the monastery. It was a full moon, and I could see the soldiers patrolling. Some of the other monks hid in the trees or in the ceiling boards. Eventually the soldiers left as they could not find anyone, but we stayed in hiding all night. It was drizzling on and off. I just stayed in the bushes sitting, quiet. There were many moths, and leeches, but I did not realize it until the morning when I was bleeding and there were still leeches connected to me. In the morning I went to hide in a civilian house near the bus station. I could not sleep, as I felt that I needed to be alert. I heard from others that the military continued raiding monasteries at midnight every night.

After two days, I realized that I was not safe. I was also worried about the people in whose houses I was staying. I didn’t want them to come to harm for helping me. A had a friend in a small monastery in Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State, and a friend bought me a bus ticket so that I could go there. I took the bus, still in my civilian clothes. When I arrived to Hpa-an, I changed back to my robes. I stayed there hiding in a village monastery for one month waiting for the situation to get better, but it didn’t. The military continued to raid monasteries especially those in Rangoon. I finally decided to go to Thailand, and I left in a bus by myself.

It was November 4, 2007 when I arrived in Mae Sot, Thailand. I took a bus from the border crossing to the market. From there, I found a Thai monastery and explained my situation to the monks there and they let me stay. There were already some Burmese monks there who suggested that I change into orange robes while in Thailand. Some Burmese political activists who came to visit those monks also suggested that I go the UNHCR Office in Mae Sot for a refugee slip. After I got my refugee status, the activists from the National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, took me to live in a house with them and about three other monks who had fled. After about one month, there were many more monks, and we established a Saffron Revolution Monk Group.

We found other monks who had fled and lived together in one place. By the end of December there were about ten of us, and later more and more came. Eventually we were thirty monks. Others fled to Bangladesh or India, remained in Burma, or had been beaten and arrested. While living in the house, two ladies who were working with a human rights organization came and interviewed with me.

After living there for about two months, the two ladies asked if I would be interested in testifying to a delegation from the United States Congress and the Ambassador from the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok about what happened in Rangoon. I chose two other important monks who had witnessed a lot during the marches and we testified to about twelve representatives who were trying to investigate what happened. After we testified, an Official from the Embassy offered for us to live in the United States. At first it was only the three of us who testified, but later all the monks were invited. My two friends left in March 2008 but I could not come right away as I had to take medicine for tuberculosis.

I sent a message to my parents through monks in Rangoon that I was leaving, and I arrived to the United States on January 28, 2009. Of all of my friends who entered into the monastery with me back 1988, I am the only one who has not changed to civilian life. Now I hear that there are still many restrictions on the sangha in Burma.

I feel sad for the monks who are still there. We live freely and they have problems. Although the situation for the sangha is not like before, our protests were successful. After 2007, the international community is more aware about the brutality of the Burmese military regime. I am happy to speak out and raise awareness. When in Burma we could not talk freely. As long as I am alive I will struggle for freedom and justice in Burma wherever I am and however I can.
- By U Agga Nya Na, 8.1.2010

Sittwe: Prominent monks from Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, have not had any religious titles conferred upon them by the Burmese military authority in 2010, said one abbot from Sittwe.

“In Sittwe, there are many prominent and senior monks but none can be conferred religious titles this year by the military authority due to the involvement of monks in Sittwe in the movement against the military government in 2007,” the abbot said.

The Burmese military government issued Notification No. 1/2010 to confer religious titles on prominent monks inside and outside of the country on the occasion of the 62nd anniversary of Burma’s independence.

Many religious titles, including Ganthadhura Pariyatti Lecturer Sayadaws, Vipassana Dhura Patipatti Kammathana cariya Instructor Sayadaws, and Roving Dhamma Preachers were conferred to monks, but no one from Sittwe was included on the list.

“Five monks from Arakan State have been conferred religious titles this year, but no monks from Sittwe. Even though the military government conferred the religious titles to the monks in Arakan State, they are just lower level titles, not upper level,” the monk said. Among the monks conferred titles are two monks from Maungdaw and Minbya who received the title Maha Thatdama Zawdiga for their missionary work in the frontier areas, but these monks are close to the military authority.

A monk from Maungdaw said, “The title conferred by the military government to the monks is not related to the Buddhist religion, it is related to politics. Those who are working and supporting the military government can get titles easily from the government. The monk from Maungdaw received the title as he was working for the government.”

The government authority has neglected to confer the highest religious title on any monks from Sittwe since 2007, when the Saffron Revolution protests took place in Burma.

In Sittwe, there are over 300 monasteries and at least one monk from each monastery participated in the protests in 2007. Moreover, monks from Sittwe continued to attempt to stage demonstrations against the military government after the Saffron Revolution protests were stopped.

Reporters Without Borders and the Burma Media Association are appalled by the 20-year jail sentence that a court has just imposed on Hla Hla Win, a freelance video reporter who provided material to the Burmese exile broadcaster Democratic Voice of Burma. Detained since September, she was already given a seven-year sentence in October. “People had been expecting signs of an opening and goodwill gestures from the military junta in this election year, but this extremely severe sentence on a 25-year-old video maker and the junta chief’s recent threatening comments leave little hope that the elections will be free,” the two organisations said. “We are outraged that this young woman has been given a 20-year jail term.” The two organisations added: “The very dangerous work carried out by Burma’s video reporters, made famous by the documentary Buma VJ, is crucial for the dissemination of independent, propaganda-free information both domestically and abroad. ASEAN and the rest of the international community should make press freedom one of the conditions for recognising the 2010 elections.” A senior representative of the Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma told Reporters Without Borders that the sentence imposed on Hla Hla Win was “unjust” because all she did was “gather information about the situation in Burma, nothing more.” At least 13 journalists and bloggers are currently detained in Burma, most of them in very harsh conditions. The 20-year sentence was imposed on Hla Hla Win by a court in Pakokku (30 km north of the central city of Bagan) on 31 December for an alleged violation of the Electronic Act. A person who was accompanying her at the time of her arrest, Myint Naing, was given a 26-year sentence.
The exile media Mizzima said Pakokku-based lawyers were reluctant to defend them in a case of a political nature. Hla Hla Win was arrested on 11 September after visiting a monastery in Pakokku (Magwe Division) and was given a seven-year sentence the following month under the Export Import Act for using an illegally imported motorcycle. In all, she will now have to serve a combined sentence of 26 years in prison. Following her arrest, she went on hunger struck for several days in protest against her detention and had to be hospitalised because her health deteriorated rapidly. Born in 1984, Hla Hla Min studied economics and then began working as a teacher. Ever since the September 2007 Saffron Revolution, the security forces have been cracking down on Burmese who send photos and video abroad to exile news media and opposition groups. Around 20 journalists and bloggers have been arrested since then by police or soldiers. In an independence day speech yesterday, junta chief Gen. Than Shwe asked his compatriots to make the “correct choice” in the elections due to be held this year. So far, the authorities have given no kind of guarantee that citizen journalists and journalists employed by foreign news media will be able to work during the elections. As things stand, they continue to face prison sentences under article 33 (A) of the Electronic Law if they use the Internet to send information abroad.

see all parts http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/burma-vj-reporting-from-a-closed-country-video/

Violence erupts after police arrest monk
Dec 15, 2009 (DVB)–A large group of monks protesting against the arrest of a fellow monk in central Burma have reportedly vandalized government property and encouraged attacks on police, an eye-witness said.

The clash was triggered after police at a pagoda festival in Bago division’s Shwe Thalyaung town yesterday arrested a young monk who had climbed aboard a stage. The exact reason for the arrest is unclear.
An eye-witness said that around 60 monks then gathered at the police station and demanded his release.
“They came out and shouted, ‘If you see the police beat them up’,” he said. “They smashed signboards and offices of local authorities, and they also smashed a police security post. They were looking for the police that night [but] there were no police there.”
A local police officer confirmed the incident but refused to give further details, saying only that the station commander had attended a meeting “in connection with that incident”.
Police stopped the festivities as soon as the incident occurred but yesterday allowed it to resume for another week. It is not known which monastery the detained monk is from. Locals in the town said that a number of monks from rural areas are staying in Shwe Thalyaung to prepare for religious examinations.
Monks are widely revered in the predominantly Buddhist country, but have come under increase intimidation from the ruling junta following their role in the September 2007 uprising.
More than 250 monks are currently detained in Burmese prisons, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP).
Human Rights Watch reported in September, on the anniversary of the 2007 uprising, that at least nine imprisoned monks were in poor health, and many were being subjected to torture.
Despite monks normally being an apolitical community, their prominence in the 2007 uprising led to it being referred to as the ‘Saffron Revolution’.

Exciting news this morning:  The recent film Burma VJ:  Reporting from a Closed Country, which features the work of citizen journalists inside the title country’s 2007 “Saffron Revolution,” has been shortlisted for the 2009 Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature

Here’s what the editors of the Guardian said in their powerful endorsement of the film earlier this year:

There is an awful lot of rough camera work in the just-released film Burma VJ. Heads missing, over-eager zooms, jumpy shots; that kind of thing. Hollywood directors sometimes do this to inject urgency into that otherwise-tepid thriller, but here the lack of cinematic polish is neither voluntary nor superfluous. A record of life inside totalitarian Burma, this documentary was filmed undercover by amateur video journalists (or VJs) on Handycams kept out of sight of the military junta. If the batteries gave out, the VJs used camera phones instead. The generals run Burma’s TV and radio, and they control most print media, so the anonymous VJs who are the subject of this film perform a rare and brave service. Called the Democratic Voice of Burma, this non-profit network gathers its footage in secret, before smuggling it out of the country. Burma VJ concentrates on the Saffron Uprising of September 2007, when thousands of Buddhist monks marched against military rule. This gesture of defiance soon swells into a mass protest. “Film them all! So many!” cries one marcher to a VJ, and the camera pans around balconies and rooftops crammed with cheering protesters. It is a moving scene, all the more so because the viewer knows that soon the uprising will be crushed, with thousands killed and arrested. Citizen journalism is much talked about, but this film shows it at its best – as a powerful force, allowing the world access to places and episodes that would otherwise remain hidden.

For more about Burma VJ, including where and when you can see it, visit http://www.burmavjmovie.com.  A trailer is below.

Alms offered in memory of democracy activist
by Phanida
Wednesday, 04 November 2009 11:16

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – On the second death anniversary of Ko Ko Win, who was brutally beaten to death by the junta backed ‘Swanahshin’ during the monk-led protests in September 2007, his family offered alms to monks in Rangoon yesterday.

The alms offering memorial was held at the residence of his parents Ngwe Win and Win Win Myint in South Dagon Township. It was attended by five monks from Dhamma Theingi monastery in Thingangyun Township, who read out a sermon. The memorial service was attended by about 50 National League for Democracy (NLD) party members from different townships in the midst of apprehension of harassment by security forces.

Win Win Myint said that the memorial service was closely monitored by intelligence personnel in plainclothes and ‘Union Solidarity and Development Association’ (USDA) members. Local authorities inquired about the monastery of the monks, who came to the memorial service.

“On his death anniversary, I prayed for all those, who sacrificed their lives for the country, people, religion and Sasana and for their good abode beyond their deaths,” she told Mizzima.

Then tenth grader Ko Ko Win (22) was brutally beaten up by riot police and Swanahshin on 27 September 2007. He sustained serious injuries on his head and body. Even after a month, his condition had not improved so he had to be admitted to the Brain and Nervous System Ward at the Sanpya hospital in Thingangyun Township. He died later after blood oozed from his mouth and nose while he was being treated, Ngwe Lin said.

After the series of demonstration triggered by the sudden and drastic rise of fuel prices in August 2007, the people had hoped that the country would be led towards transition to democracy.

But the army brutally cracked down on peaceful demonstrations and opened indiscriminate fire on protesters. Regime backed thugs of the USDA and Swanahshin beat up demonstrators with batons, killing a number of them.

The military government declared that 37 people, including a Japanese photo journalist, who was shot dead at close range, were killed. But opposition sources said the actual figure is much higher.

October 7, 2009
This September marks the 2nd anniversary of the Saffron Revolution, which recognizes the peaceful demonstration of Buddhist monks in 2007 and the brutal treatment they received from the ruling regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). The Buddhist monks were simply demanding peace, but the regime gave them riot police and soldiers with bullets and beating.
The people of Burma have not found peaceful lives for many decades, after the leaders of the Burmese Army seized political in 1962. After 40 days of demonstrations in 1988, then the country’s power was given to a new military regime, and the military rule in Burma continues to this day. The country’s people are suffering economically due to governmental mismanagement and a general lack of individual freedoms. The majority of the Burmese people, including government servants, never enjoy mental or emotional peace.
The Buddhist monks who have daily interactions with the country’s citizens know about the struggles of the Burmese people. Many people do not have sufficient food, some of them cannot afford to pay the country’s high energy costs, and many of them are unemployed. The Burmese people support the country’s monasteries and Buddhist monks through donations, and when the people suffer from economic burdens, they cannot donate food or cash to the monks, and Burma’s monastic community suffers in turn.
The Saffron Revolution occurred when the monks asked for the peace and sympathy of the ruling government, and demanded the SPDC’s accountability and responsibility to Burma’s people. But the ruling military regime rejected these demands, and then riot police and soldiers cracked down the monk and civilian demonstrators. Many monks were killed. However, the regime could not kill peace spirit of the monks, and their support from Burma’s people. The Saffron Revolution was a peaceful revolution of the people, and they continue to remember it in their hearts.
Written by HURFOM · Filed Under Commentary

Download – News Report of 2nd Anni Saffron Revolution – Tokyo-Japan

By Salai Z T Lian

Chinland Guardian
29 September 2008

For the thirsty Saffron Revolutionists of peace,
Sleep is uneasy
On the Streets of Yangon

On the 18th of September, they start to
March for peace, freedom and democracy
On the Streets of Yangon

The Saffron Revolutionists march meekly to bring democracy
In the rain, but the brutal Monsters threaten them
On the Streets of Yangon

The Monsters threaten to kill the innocent
But the Saffron Revolutionists gracefully pray
For peace, freedom and democracy
On the flooding Streets of Yangon

On the 22nd of September, the Icon of the Burmese appears from her house
With tears to give respect
To those who march for peace, freedom and democracy
On the University Avenue Road

Old men and women shed thankful tears
Men also breathe deeply
The children clap their hands with hope and happiness
When they see the marching

But the Monsters begin arresting and killing the people
While the Revolutionists march without fear
On the Streets of Yangon
The Devils are everywhere; their numbers are 77 and 66.
Thugs back them up
To kill the Saffron Revolutionists

Sounds of guns and explosions deafen the Streets
But the Revolutionists continue their march
This is the 27th of September.
Many Saffron Revolutionists are killed.

The sound of Saffron Revolutionists’ praying
Spreads all over the Streets of Yangon
The Devils of 77 and 66 shoot to kill.
This is the 28th of September.

The Saffron Revolutionists stop marching
On the 29th of September because many have died,
And many are still in the Devil’s hell
But their blood and spirit remains unstoppable
On the Streets of Yangon

By marching to bring peace, freedom and democracy
On the Streets of Yangon
The Revolutionists have earned the hearts of the Burmese,
But the Devils have earned their hatred.

This is the Saffron Revolution
And this is the Revolution of the Streets of Yangon

This from the U.S. Campaign for Burma:

This from the U.S. Campaign for Burma:

By Larry Jagan

BANGKOK, Sep 28 (IPS) – Burma’s monks are silent but seething with anger two years after the brutal state crackdown on their revolution.
Although Rangoon, the South-east Asian state’s former capital, is relatively quiet at the moment, there is widespread simmering discontent that could erupt again at any time into anti-government protests. “While we cannot say anything in public, in the privacy of our own homes, we remember how the army treated the monks two years ago,” said Aye Win, a retired school teacher in Rangoon.

“We were shocked. The monks are the most trusted and revered people in our society, so we can never forget how the military treated them with such utter disdain,” he added.

The memory of the monks marching and the bloody crackdown is still fresh in many peoples’ minds. “We really feared for them when they took to the streets, but we never believed the generals would attack them so viciously,” said Min Thu, a taxi driver in Rangoon.

The events of September 2007 were a traumatic experience for most ordinary Burmese.

The anti-government protests started as small demonstrations in mid-August against rising food and fuel prices organised by the leaders of the ‘88 Generation Students Group’, who had been prominent during the mass pro-democracy demonstrations in August 1988. But these exploded into a major mass protest when the saffron-clad monks took the lead in what became known as the ‘Saffron Revolt’, a moniker coined from the color of their robes. In late September 2007, the military junta began a massive crackdown on the protesters. “Almost all the monks marching on the streets – it had never happened before,” said Bertil Lintner, a Burma expert and author of the recent report, ‘The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Protests in Burma’, issued by the New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW).

“It was quite a pivotal moment in modern Burmese history when the monks started marching on the streets,” David Mathieson, the Thailand-based Burma researcher for HRW, told IPS. “They may be silent now, underground or in exile abroad, but they are still angry and unbowed by the brutal assault against them by the army.”

For the monks who have disrobed, and either forced underground or into exile, they remain monks at heart, said Lintner.

Just as in 1988, the military knew no other way to counter mass anti-government peaceful protests, and launched a violent crackdown on them, killing many and arresting thousands throughout the country. At least 120 people were killed in Rangoon alone, the former human rights rapporteur for Burma, Prof Paulo Pinheiro, told IPS shortly after his mission to Burma a few weeks after the crackdown.

More than a thousand monks were detained within weeks of the crackdown in Rangoon, according to HRW. “Hundreds of them were tortured in custody,” said Mathieson.

At least 237 monks remain in prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPPB), a group of former political prisoners based in Thailand.

The monasteries were closed and the novice monks forced to return to their homes. Many have been unable to subsequently go back to their monkhood because the authorities actively prevented them from returning. As a result, many monasteries are empty.

“The Yangon (Rangoon) monasteries have yet to recover from the order given in late September 2007 to disperse their monks to their hometowns,” Bejamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s Thailand-based Burma researcher told IPS. “Many of those monks were arrested along the way, while others were detained once they arrived. Very few have gone back.”

In the lead-up to the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolt, there has been increased harassment and intimidation of monks. Sermons of abbots and senior monks are being more closely scrutinised.

Monks returning from abroad have been detained and interrogated, according to Bo Kyi, who heads AAPPB. “This month there has also been a sweep of monasteries, and more than 20 monks were arrested,” he said.

The monks remain a potent force in Burma, and the junta fears they may again become an important focal point for future protests.

“The junta doesn’t treat the detained monks with respect. They tortured and abused them when they raided the monasteries, and have continued to mistreat them in the prisons,” said Bo Kyi. “Their only thought is that anyone who challenges them is their enemy.”

“After I was arrested, they constantly humiliated me,” one of the leaders of the monks’ movement, who declined to be identified, told IPS. “First they disrobed me and then they deliberately tried to break me by not allowing me to respect the rules of our monastic order.” After being released, he escaped to Thailand.

The monks in my monastery are still angry with the government, he said. Some abbots in Rangoon believe armed struggle may be the only answer to this authoritarian regime.

“I’m being watched all the time. I am considered an organiser. Between noon and 2 p.m., I am allowed to go out of the monastery. But then I’m followed,” the Buddhist monk U Manita told HRW recently. “We don’t want this junta. And that’s what everyone at my monastery thinks as well.”

Many analysts and diplomats in Rangoon believe the monk-led protests were an aberration and unlikely to be repeated. Some observers believe they have had an impact on the regime and the international community.

“Regardless of their eventual outcome, many changes within Myanmar (official name of Burma) itself during the past two years can be largely attributed to the Saffron Revolution: the sudden completion of the constitution and announcement of elections, the renewed engagement and confrontation with ceasefire groups, the doubling of political prisoners, and even the trial and the continued detention of (opposition leader) Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,” said Zawacki.

The revolt also served to radicalise a new generation of young people, who had not experienced the pro-democracy demonstration 21 years ago. “Young people had given up, and were consciously staying away from politics,” Lintner said. But the events of September 2007 changed that.

According to some Rangoon residents, while they showed no interest in politics before, they suddenly were galvanised. “I fear that my children now have been radicalised, and instead of staying out of politics, have been encouraged by the example of the monks, and may do something dangerous,” said one resident.

Certainly many young people have begun to realise that political change is necessary for Burma. Several well-educated young Burmese are now planning to form a political party to contest the elections in 2010, according to one of their former teachers.

So while the monks remain a focus for future protests, they still maintain that they are non-political. “They may not be the leaders of an anti-government protest, but they are definitely a catalyst for change,” said Mathieson.

“The monks have been a force for change in the past, and because they are viewed by the people as a legitimate source of authority in Myanmar, as opposed to one that has only guns to thank for its power, they remain a potent force,” said Zawacki. “This gives hope that the latest Saffron Revolution (in 2007) won’t be the last.”

Burmese monks demonstrate in Dhaka on 2nd anniversary of Saffron Revolution

Dhaka: The International Burmese Monks Organization (Bangladesh Branch) observed the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolution in Dhaka, Bangladesh on September 26 by staging a demonstration against the Burmese military junta.

U Thila Wantha, Secretary of the group, said, “Today is the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolution. So we came here to voice our concern about the current political imbroglio in Burma. We demand that the military junta release all political prisoners including Aung Sann Suu Kyi, monk Gambira and U Ithariya.”

U Thila Wantha was speaking during the demonstration staged outside the Bangladesh high court in capital, Dhaka.

During the demonstration, over 40 Burmese democracy activists, including monks and women shouted slogans against the junta demanding the release of political prisoners immediately, a stop to oppression of monks and the Burmese people and chanted for the victory of the democracy movement.

U Thila Wantha said, “We also protested against the constitution drawn up by the Burmese regime for the 2010 elections. The constitution is not beneficial for our country and will be dangerous for our people in the future. The constitution is only to legitimize army rule in Burma in perpetuity.”

The demonstration began at 10 am and concluded at 11 am.

During the demonstration, the monk’s organization distributed a statement in both English and Burmese to journalists and Bangladeshi people, who gathered in support of the demonstration.

In the statement, the monks urged and reminded Burmese people to seek protection against the new constitution drawn up by the junta and the 2010 elections. The statement added that the constitution and 2010 election are only for the political benefit of the military rulers, not for the people.

The Burmese monks observed September 26 as the annual Saffron Revolution day because many monks were killed by the Burmese junta in Rangoon when monks staged demonstrations against the regime.

During the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolution, the junta deployed hordes of security personnel throughout Burma, including in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan state.

According to sources among monks, the authorities not only deployed security forces in Sittwe but also closely watched many monasteries in the town. Monks in Sittwe had to spend time inside monasteries during the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolution.

Protesters have demonstrated in front of the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok to mark the second anniversary of the military crackdown on Buddhist monk-led calls for democracy.

About 30 protesters, including Buddhist monks, chant slogans outside the gates of the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok.

The demonstrators wear red bandanas and hold posters calling for democracy and the release of political prisoners.

Several wear T-shirts with photos of detained Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The monks also pray for peace in Burma.

They are marking two years since Burma’s military government violently put down a Buddhist monk-led democracy movement, killing at least 31 people.

A few demonstrators are dressed as soldiers and pretend to beat the protesters with rolled up newspapers.

Ashin Teza is with the All Burma Monks Alliance, one of the groups organizing the protest. He says the military crackdown was also an attack on religious freedom.

“The military dictatorship, military regime, slandered veneration and the people’s religion rights,” said Ashin Teza.

Burma’s military government arrested hundreds of people who took part in the 2007 calls for democracy including Buddhist monks.

The movement became known as the “Saffron Revolution” named after the robes worn by the monks.

Human Rights Watch said in a report this week that about 240 Buddhist monks are still imprisoned in Burma while thousands have been forcibly disrobed or are under constant government surveillance.

Burma’s military government is suffering economic and diplomatic sanctions from the United States for locking up dissidents and refusing to allow for democracy.

But, this week the U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said while keeping sanctions in place Washington would begin engaging with Burma’s rulers.

Ashin Teza said the All Burma Monks Alliance did not support the dialogue.

“We don’t dare to believe U.N. and United States because now they call to military government to come to their country,” he said. “That is not suitable for our country, also our people.”

However, the Burmese government in exile and detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi say they support Washington’s move to engage the military government.

Aung San Suu Kyi has also written a letter to Burma’s top military commander General Than Shwe saying she was prepared to work with him towards ending the economic sanctions.

But, they say the United States must also meet with opposition parties and stay firm on demands that political prisoners be released and democracy returned to Burma.
voa news

This week saw a major “softening” of U.S. policy towards military-ruled Burma this week.  The Obama Administration unveiled its new policy with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announcing that the U.S. would “engage diplomatically with the country’s military rulers in a bid to promote democratic reform there,” and possibly ease or lift sanctions against the junta if some of those changes took place. 

Both Amnesty International and the Wall Street Journal were quick to issue strong statements about this.  First, T. Kumar, Amnesty International USA’s advocacy director for international issues, had this to say:

[Taking immediate steps to address human rights concerns such as the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi and the possible torture and ill-treatment of Burmese-American activist Kyaw Zaw Lwin will be] the first test for the United States’ new policy of engagement.  Amnesty International hopes that this new engagement also covers protecting human rights in Burma. If Secretary Clinton fails to act, there will be many questions about the United States’ latest strategy to end the oppression of the Burmese people.

The Wall Street Journal’s comments had noticeably more partisan sting to them:

Burma’s ruling junta is killing ethnic minorities, preparing a sham election and possibly cooperating with North Korea on a nuclear program. So what better time for the United States to elevate talks to a higher diplomatic level?

[...]

Mrs. Clinton justifies higher-level talks by claiming that sanctions “have not produced the results that had been hoped for.” That is often—though not always—the case with sanctions, though it is particularly strange coming from an administration that only two months ago signed the Burma Sanctions Renewal Act. As it is, Burma is one place where wealth is so concentrated in the hands of its authoritarian elite that focused sanctions can work. The Bush-era sanctions, which targeted specific junta leaders and companies, have only recently started to bite, because it takes time to gather enough evidence to implement them.

Elevating talks with the junta to higher levels and welcoming the generals to the U.S. may look like smart diplomacy. But it is a blow to Burma’s democrats, the very people the Obama Administration should care the most about.

I’ll have more about all this in my next “On the Buddhism Beat” post for Shambhala Sun Space.  Keep your eyes peeled.

ransacked Buddhist monasteries, beaten monks and dissidents and arrested an estimated 3,000-6000
people. The Burma army, Light Infantry Division 66, burned an undetermined number of bodies,
some still alive, at the Ye Way crematorium sealed off by armed guards northeast of Rangoon.
Shin U Thilawuntha, professor of sacred Buddhist scripture of the Yuzana Monastery in Myitkyina,
was beaten to death in detention. Maj-Gen Ohn Myint ordered the arrest and personally involved in
the brutal torture.
read the truth

27 September (1942), DOB, Pyapon Ni Lon Oo (a) Aung Myint, highly respected poet, political prisoner,
gagged by Censorship Board.
28 September (1982), Maj Mahn Ngwe Aung and Myo Aung, Karen National Union, were killed during a
shootout with soldiers guarding the building while attempting to seize control of the Burmese
broadcasting building in Rangoon
28 September (2005), death in custody at Insein prison, Nai Aung Loon (a) Ong Lorn, New Mon State
Party

This week is the second anniversary of the “Saffron Revolution” in Burma.  Two years ago, the Buddhist sangha took to the streets calling for economic and political justice in the military-ruled country.  The U.S. Campaign for Burma elaborates:

In a setting where market prices had already tripled or quadrupled within the past year, in August 2007, the Burmese junta suddenly decided to lift fuel subsidies. As a result, fuel prices skyrocketed as much as 500% overnight, with food and other commodities’ prices following suit.  What didn’t happen was the same rise in income levels, leaving millions of people across the country unable to perform even the most basic functions such as buying food, traveling, and paying for children education.

On August 19th, Buddhist monks overturned their alms bowls, historically considered an act of defiance, and refused to receive alms from the Burmese generals. In other words, they stopped giving these generals Buddha’s blessings. They began to protest in the streets of major cities, and soon they were joined by pro-democracy activists, nuns, and local residents. In a matter of a few days, thousands of demonstrators from all walks of life were pouring into the streets across Burma, demanding the political and economic reforms from the military government.

On September 5th, troops broke up a demonstration in Pakokku, a town in central Burma, injuring dozens of monks. Members of the sangha, the Buddhist clergy union, delivered an ultimatum to the military government to be met by September 17th, demanding an apology. The junta never apologized.

On September 22nd, thousands of monks marched in cities across Burma. Ten thousand monks took to the streets in Mandalay alone, the second largest city in Burma. In Rangoon, monks chanting the Metta Sutta, a prayer of kindess and compassion, marched to the home of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to honor the democracy leader. Daw Suu Kyi appeared before the monks and shed tears of gratitude.

Led by monks, the demonstrations multiplied and swelled in size over the next days. On September 24th, crowds filled the streets of more than 25 cities across Burma, with 100,000 peaceful marchers in Rangoon alone. The next day, machine-gun toting soldiers gathered ominously at intersections. Despite the backdrop of 8888 uprising when soldiers beat and gun down student protesters with no reservations, many local and international onlookers were convinced that the Saffron Revolution was different because of the concentration of Buddhist monks in the movement. Because Buddhism is the predominant religion in Burma, the role of monks is held in high reverence. And to touch or assault a monk, let alone kill, is considered one of the gravest sins any man can commit.

On the 26th of September, the landmark Shwedagon Pagoda was barricaded by troops, and a curfew was imposed by the military dictators. During the night, soldiers raided dozens of monasteries across Burma, beating and killing monks according to eyewitness accounts.

Unfazed by the night raids and the rumors of arrest, on the morning of September 27th, 50,000 courageous citizens gathered on the streets of Rangoon to demand freedom from fear. Soldiers opened fire on the crowds, killing at least nine unarmed protesters. One of these was Kenji Nagai, a Japanese journalist, whose murder was caught on video and beamed around the world.

With each passing hour, more monks were detained as more soldiers filled the streets. The Burmese junta shut down internet and cell phone service to stifle the flow of information to the outside world. Even so, accounts emerged of a crematorium burning day and night to destroy evidence of military brutality. A Burmese colonel defected after refusing an order to slaughter hundreds of monks.

Human Rights Watch reported this week that “[Burma's] Buddhist monks face continuing intimidation, repression and severe jail sentences [today--two years after] the junta’s crackdown.”

We must not forget Burma.  You can support the country’s brave monastics, democracy activists and others by joining the U.S. Campaign for Burma.