BBC News, 29 May 2009

Serb nationalist leader Vojislav Seselj is to go on trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia for contempt of court.

Mr Seselj is accused of disclosing the names and details of three protected witnesses at his war crimes trial.

He went on trial in 2007 for alleged crimes committed in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia between 1991 and 1994.

The 54-year-old denies contempt as well as the three counts of crimes against humanity and six counts of war crimes.

Prosecutors at The Hague say the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) leader recruited and indoctrinated Serb forces with speeches containing “poisonous ideas” and sent them to commit “unspeakable crimes” against hundreds of non-Serbs.

He is accused of forming a joint criminal enterprise with the late Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic to “ethnically cleanse” large parts of Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia’s northern Vojvodina region.

Mr Seselj, who like Milosevic is acting as his own lawyer, does not deny making nationalist speeches, but insists they did not constitute war crimes.

He says the tribunal is illegitimate and biased against Serbs, and accuses it of falsifying history by classing the 1995 Srebrenica massacre as genocide.

In January, the ICTY charged Mr Seselj with contempt relating to the publication of the names, occupations and addresses of witnesses.

He is alleged to have written a book in which the information was published, along with other material such as excerpts from a written statement by one witness, the disclosure of which was prohibited.

Mr Seselj surrendered to the ICTY voluntarily in February 2003, vowing to clear his name. However, while awaiting trial he was elected one of the SRS’s members of parliament in the 2007 election.

Artículo publicado por Historia en Presente el 5 de junio de 2008.

El objetivo de este artículo es aportar a los lectores una visión general acerca de la política interna serbia de los años noventa. En el fondo se trata de un repaso de los resultados electorales y grupos políticos durante esa década. Vendría a completar, pues, la información de dos artículos anteriores: “Serbia después de Milosevic (2000-2008)” y “Una crónica de las elecciones serbias” (mayo de 2008). Pido disculpas por el caos cronológico de mis publicaciones, ya que esta última entrega del repaso al panorama político serbio es temporalmente anterior a las otras dos. A modo de disculpa sólo puedo decir que los acontecimientos –las elecciones serbias del pasado 11 de mayo- me han obligado a hacerlo así.

A modo de introducción: la llegada de Milosevic al poder

Con independencia de los vaivenes de partidos minoritarios o de la disparidad en las alianzas de gobierno, los resultados electorales serbios a lo largo de la década de 1990 se caracterizaron por la hegemonía de los socialistas liderados por Slobodan Milosevic. Los fundamentos de la aventura política de este personaje hemos de buscarlos en lo que Paul Garde denominó “revolución cultural serbia” [4]. Esta se basó en el Memorándum redactado en 1986 por un grupo de responsables de la Academia de las Ciencias de Serbia. Su representante más conocido era el escritor nacionalista Dobrica Cosic. Este documento denunciaba la discriminación de la que, según los autores, eran objeto los serbios en la provincia autónoma de Kosovo. Posteriormente, ya dentro de la obra política del gobierno Milosevic, las reivindicaciones se extendieron a otros territorios de la Federación Yugoslava en los que la presencia, mayoritaria o no, de serbios era significativa.

Del juego del trapecista a los años de la “tranquilidad”

El predominio del Partido Socialista serbio, al igual que en resto de los países balcánicos de tradición oriental, se vio reforzado a finales de los ochenta y principios de los noventa. Al mismo tiempo, la figura del líder carismático iba tomando cuerpo en la persona de Slobodan Milosevic. Poco a poco, el presidente de Serbia fue absorbiendo en su ámbito étnico el culto a la personalidad propio del fallecido Tito [1]. Sin embargo, las sucesivas derrotas en los conflictos con Eslovenia y Croacia, rompieron el sueño nacionalista del pueblo serbio. Así, a principios de los noventa, la oposición al régimen se organizó en una amplia coalición denominada Movimiento Democrático de serbia (DEPOS). Había comenzado lo que algunos autores denominan “el juego del trapecista”; un periodo de varios meses en el que Milosevic tuvo que defender con uñas y dientes su posición política. Desde algunos medios occidentales se llegó a hablar del fin de Slobo; sin embargo, la habilidad política del “trapecista” le permitió sortear los peligros.

La oposición democrática boicoteó las elecciones al parlamento federal del 31 de mayo de 1992. En ellas el Partido Socialista obtuvo 73 de los 138 escaños en disputa. Sin embargo, el hecho más significativo de los comicios fue el ascenso del Partido Radical de Seselj, que hasta ese momento había apoyado al gobierno socialista. Los resultados pusieron en guardia al presidente Milosevic, que se dispuso a cortar de raíz el crecimiento de los radicales. El primer acto fue la disolución del parlamento el 20 de octubre de 1993 y la convocatoria de elecciones para el 19 de diciembre. La victoria de los socialistas fue clara:123 de los 250 escaños; si bien se vieron empañadas por las quejas del resto de formaciones políticas. Los radicales de Seselj fueron los grandes derrotados; obtuvieron tan sólo 39 actas parlamentarias, siendo superados por la coalición opositora DEPOS (45 escaños). Por su parte, el Partido Demócrata de Zoran Djindjic obtuvo 29 actas parlamentarias [4].

Los resultados electorales venían a completar la tela de araña tejida por Milosevic para asegurarse el poder en Serbia durante muchos años. Previamente, en marzo de 1993 había logrado la destitución de Milan Panic como cabeza del gobierno federal, poniendo en su lugar a Radoje Kontic, fiel al Partido Socialista. A esto hemos de añadir un relevo de similares características al frente de la presidencia de la Federación Yugoslava. El 25 de junio de 1993, Zoran Lilic, hasta entonces presidente socialista del parlamento serbio, sustituyó a Cosic, poco dócil a los deseos de Milosevic [4]. Todos sus rivales internos estaban fuera de combate; les había llegado el turno a los exteriores. Serbia necesitaba cambiar su mala imagen internacional. Los acuerdos de Dayton, la paz de Bosnia de 1995, fueron el escenario ideal para la rehabilitación del país y de su líder [3]. Curiosamente, el mismo presidente norteamericano que le tendió la mano en esa ocasión, Bill Clinton, le condenó casi cuatro años más tarde. El conflicto de Kosovo puso fin a la etapa de tranquilidad. El presidente serbio volvió a ejercer de trapecista, pero en esta ocasión no tuvo tanta suerte.

Los últimos episodios electorales y la caída de Milosevic

La candidatura de Vojislav Kostunica a la presidencia federal, fruto de la reunificación de la oposición serbia apoyada incondicionalmente por las potencias occidentales, marcó el inicio del declinar de Milosevic. Tras una larga polémica, en la que el aparato de poder de los socialistas hizo todo lo posible por ocultar la derrota de su líder, las fuentes oficiales confirmaron la victoria de la oposición casi un mes después de los comicios de septiembre del 2000 [6].

El seis de octubre de ese mismo año una revolución democrática acababa con el régimen nacionalista de Slobodan Milosevic. Los serbios se levantaron contra el hombre que había conducido al país a cuatro guerras balcánicas (1991-1995) y a un enfrentamiento con la OTAN a causa de los sucesos de Kosovo (1997-1999). Dos meses después, con el inestimable apoyo occidental, la oposición alcanzó un claro triunfo en las legislativas. Zoran Djindjic, del Partido Demócrata, se convertía así en primer ministro de la república. Sin embargo, hasta la llegada al poder del actual presidente Borislav Tadic, las autoridades serbias no entregaron a Milosevic a las autoridades internacionales.

Bibliografía:

[1] Postguerra. Una historia de Europa desde 1945; Tony Judt – Madrid – Taurus -2006.

[2] La Europa balcánica. Yugoslavia, desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta nuestros días; Ricardo M. Martín de la Guardia y Guillermo A. Pérez Sánchez – Madrid – Síntesis – 1997.

[3] La trampa balcánica; Francisco Veiga – Barcelona – Grijalbo – 2002.

[4] Los conflictos yugoslavos; Carlos Taibo y José Carlos Lechado – Fundamentos – 1994.

[5] Los conflictos de los Balcanes a finales del siglo XX; Enrique Fojón -GEES – 18 de septiembre de 2002.

[6] Adiós, Milosevich, no vuelvas; Manuel Coma – GEES – 15 de marzo de 2006.

This article, on its original publication website (Studlife.com) was featured on Serbianna’s “News Around the Web” section.

As recently as 1999, there were NATO troops butchering the Serbian people under the guise of aiding the supposedly innocent Kosovors in their war against the peoples of Serbia. It marked the second time in a decade that ill-informed Western forces disregarded the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia to support the rogue independence forces of the non-Serbians. Never mind that this entailed providing support for the Kosovo Liberation Army, which had ties to al-Qaida, or the jihadi-enhanced rebel forces of Bosnia that were sustained by Wahhabist aid.

In the years leading up to, during and after these events, ample proof was found to disprove the claims of the United States and NATO regarding the events in the region. What little evidence there was of mass killing, ethnic cleansing, or genocide was usually of Serbians by the Islamist militants of Kosovo, Bosnia and Macedonia or the Croatian forces seeking a return to their nationalist glory days when they embraced Hitler with open arms. One would hope that, in light of such information, the Western powers would issue an apology, or at least cease their abuse and harassment of the Serbian people. But, to do so would require that those in charge not suffer from moral cowardice, a seemingly unreasonable expectation when it comes to political leaders. Instead, two actions were taken.

First, a court was created to try military and political leaders from the region for various war crimes. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia was designed, at least in theory, to bring to justice those who had inspired and instigated needless bloodshed in the Balkans. Unfortunately, the court has proven itself lacking in the most crucial aspect: objectivity. With a cost in excess of $135 million a year, this specially-created temporary court has disproportionately indicted and convicted Serbians. Thus far, three-fourths of those either tried or awaiting trial are Serbian. And, when it comes time to issue verdicts, the bias is quite clear. For example, the Bosnian military leader who hid his forces among non-military personnel to provide human shields and bring about media accusations of Serbia slaughtering innocent civilians, Naser Oric, was cleared of all charges. By contrast, Vojislav Šešelj, a Serbian member of parliament who did not have any control over or involvement with the military will almost certainly spend the rest of his life behind bars because he verbally expressed nationalist sentiments and led his party to vote against surrendering to NATO. It is of course noteworthy that he is being held in prison, prevented from assuming the Assembly seat he is entitled to as the top ranking member of the popular Srpska Radikalna Stranka, while the former head of the KLA, and a man therefore directly responsible for overseeing genocide and ethnic cleansing, Hashim Thaçi, is allowed to serve as Prime Minister of the illegally-created state of Kosovo (more on that below).

Second, after recognizing the independence of the rebel regions, they passed a U.N. resolution leaving the future status of Kosovo undecided, but affirming the territorial integrity of Serbia to include said area. Had this been upheld, and the Serbians actually consulted in determining the ultimate outcome in Kosovo, this would’ve been good. Instead, continuing the dishonestly and unwelcome interference in regional affairs that defined her under Bill Clinton, the United States pushed for international recognition of Kosovo as an independent nation. From an American point of view, this was great strategy, as endorsing the creation of a new pro-Western Islamic state in the heart of Europe would lend credibility to a country whose image in the Middle East seemed tarnished beyond repair. Of course, it also violates the very same international legal code cited as justification for getting involved in the region initially, and only inspired increased tension there. But not even John Bolton could convince our government to avoid such a dangerous policy.

Now, after all of this, European nations, including some of the very same countries that aided the United States in the above actions, are pressuring the Serbians to join the European Union. Without an apology, or even a change in attitude toward Serbia, they insist that the tiny nation must choose between membership and isolation from the West. Given its experience with these countries, how can Serbia be expected to choose the former? Whatever benefits might come along with joining the EU are outweighed by the reasonable suspicions of the Serbian people, and the perfectly fair hostility they still have toward the nations that helped turn their homeland into a shell of her former self. So, rather than cave to the pressure of the nations who’ve done nothing but harm to Serbia, it is time that the leftist government stand up to reject entry into the EU and begin the restoration national dignity.

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Tomislav Nikolic went too far for party hardliners

The head of the main opposition party in Serbia has resigned after senior colleagues refused to back the country’s efforts to join the EU.

Tomislav Nikolic had recently persuaded his Serbian Radical Party to approve the ratification of an important agreement with the European Union.

But there was a party revolt over the issue, with critics saying it meant abandoning Serbia’s claim to Kosovo.

Kosovo unilaterally declared itself independent from Serbia this year.

Mr Nikolic had steered his party towards the centre of Serbian politics, focusing on social issues such as unemployment and poverty, rather than the militant nationalism of the past.

Mr Nikolic is officially the deputy president of the party as its leader, Vojislav Seselj is facing charges at the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague.

His endorsement of the Stability and Association Agreement, signed earlier this year but still awaiting ratification by the Serbian Parliament, was a bridge too far for many of his party colleagues, our correspondent says.

A meeting of the party leadership on Friday night reversed the decision to endorse the agreement with Brussels.

Mr Nikolic resigned in protest, both from his position as de facto leader of the party, and as the head of its group in parliament.

The parliamentary vote on the agreement with the European Union is expected next week.

Predizborna kampanja je došla do kraja. Počinje ćutanje, ali će majmun još malo da priča. Počeću od velikog tate ili nekog ko sebe tako vidi. Tata je na indirektan način pozvao svoje birače na bojkot. Time je, ako mu to uspe otvorio vrata Tošeljevoj  pobedi. Glavno pitanje je zašto to tati odgovara? Odgovor je složen.Tomina pobeda bi oslabila DS, a to je cilj svih tatinih ciljeva. Njega ne interesuju druge stvari. Toma na čelu Srbije brzo bi se suočio sa činjenicom gubitka Kosova i tako zvanično ušao u istoriju sa tim bolnim pečatom. Bez mogućnosti da bilo šta uradi pokazao bi nemoć, izneverio nade svojih birača i verovatno izgubio rejtinig koji trenutno ima. Opstao bi neko ko je uspevao da se izvlači iz problema, gura glavu u pesak, putura druge da govore njegovo mišljenje, mudruje i koči.  Sama činjenica da Tomi nije postavljao nikakve uslove, nikakve anekse i ostala sranja govori o tome šta mu je na srcu. U skladu sa tatinim razmišljanjima ponaša se i RTS. Tek u naznakama van onih termina što im je obaveza, može se naslutiti da se nešto važno dešava u Srbiji. U poslednjim vestima pred ćutanje pustili su delić u kome je Tadiću podršku pružio Ljajić, a za Tošelja  su rekli da mu podršku pruža  Marija Šerifović. Te dve stvari nemaju isti odjek među biračima. (Da me Rasim pogrešno ne shvati, moje skromno mišljenje je da je on najbolji čovek na našoj političkoj sceni.)Ako ovo za tatu nije iznenađenje, evropske reakcije na prvi pogled jesu. Umesto da izađu i jasno nam kažu da Srbija sa Tošeljem nema nikakvu šansu za ulazak u EU, oni su nas obavestili u skladu sa svojim proklamovanim princima da je za njih svejedno ko će biti predsednik. Njima bi  čak u interesu bilo da predsednik postane Tošelj, jer bi to bio pravi izgovor za proglašenje nezavisnosti Kosova. To bi bio dokaz da su Srbi nepopravljivi. Doprinoseći ovakvim tonovima namestilo se slučajno da Šeki odvaljuje neku budalu u Hagu i to baš pred izbore. Gde su ga samo našli? Čekam da vidim da li će se dogoditi i večeras. Sud u Hagu  je do sada bio bič kojim su mahali, a sad je za Tošelja postao najveća podrška. Sumnjam da oni to ne znaju.A Rusi, oni su posebna priča. Kad bi znali šta stvarno znali šta oni stvarno misle i žele bilo bi nam lakše. Azil su dobili…I tako dok u nedelju tata sa svojom svitom bude bio na pecanju, mi će mo se zanimati sa drugim stvarima. Evropa će misliti kako da nas oslobodi balasta Kosova, a Rusi…O njima u sledećem broju.A Srbija, koga je još briga za nju?

O njoj izgleda  brinu samo majmuni.

p.s 

Toma je pri kraju svog predizbornog govora rekao da mu gazda nije ni u Moskvi, ni u Njujorku, ni u Briselu. Hag nije pomenuo.