Ba Maw (8 February 1893 – 29 May 1977) is traditionally seen as a prominent politician of colonial-era Burma with his image mixed with both positive and negative impact.

Tagged as an artful, unscrupulous, Anglophile barrister of Rangoon by Time Magazine (March 06, 1939), he was one of those who masterminded smuggling out the Thirty Comrades to communist China. (Aung San was secretly sent first to Amoy where he was later picked up by the Japs.)

He opposed to the detachment of Burma from British India, but later supported it.

He managed to emerge as the first Burmese premier in 1937 under the Government of Burma Act (1935), after detachment from India, although only 16 his Sinyetha (Poor Man’s Party) candidates were elected to the 132-seat legislature.

He was among the barristers defending the leader of the 1931 peasant revolt, Saya San, while he was seriously criticized during his office days in the face of  general strike by students, workers, and peasants in 1939. (commonly known by Burmans as ၁၃၀၀ ျပည့္အေရးေတာ္ပံု)

He was seemingly a bureaucrat suppressing the famous Thakin movement, while he later managed himself allying with such younger and more radical nationalists as Aung San and U Nu. He was the chief founder in 1939 of the Freedom Bloc.

Devoted into Christianity, he obtained on the other hand his doctoral degree from the Bordeaux University with his doctoral thesis on aspects of Buddhism in Burma.

He was the first Burmese to be appointed to English Department of British-run Rangoon College in 1917, yet his later doctoral thesis was in the French language.

During the occupation of Burma by the Japs in 1943-45, he was the Chancellor of independent Burma. His war minister was General Aung San, who could successfully carry out his secret anti-fascist movement under his official figure.

His popularity was in the wane after the war. He attempted to re-establish a political career but had lost out by that time to the former students who he had opposed and worked with in the previous decade. But he was seen as a threat by the rulers of post-colonial era Burma. He was jailed shortly after Aung San was assassinated. He again was sent to jail in 1966 to 1968, during which he wrote his memoirs of the past, Breakthrough in Burma (Yale University Press, 1968).

When prime minister Thaksin of Thailand was removed from office, a well-known journalist in Burma commented, “ Thaksin is simply a Ba Maw of Burma, who emerged into politics too early; the country is not still ready to accommodate a room for him”.

Really Ba Maw is such kind of a politician, for whom the country is not that ripe to give a room.

EXIM BANK’S LOAN TO BURMA
Ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra ordered the Foreign Ministry to help Burma get an additional Bt1-billion loan from the Export-Import Bank of Thailand (Exim Bank) despite the ministry’s strong objection, Bt300 million of which might have been used to buy equipment from his telecom empire, former foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathai testified yesterday.

Surakiart, who was foreign minister in the Thaksin government from 2001-04, told the Supreme Court that Thaksin personally intervened in the total Bt4-billion loan deal with Burma back in 2003-04.

Surakiart and graft-buster Klanarong Chantik yesterday testified before the court to wrap up the prosecution’s case to seize Bt76 billion from Thaksin and his former wife, Pojaman.

In cross-examining Surakiart, the defence surprisingly asked if he had knowledge of Burma using Bt300 million of the loan to buy equipment from ShinSat.

It was unclear why the defence raised the issue when it could reflect poorly on Thaksin.

Surakiart replied that he was only aware of such a purchase during the investigation by the Assets Examination Committee.

The former premier has been accused of hiding his assets illegally and abusing his office by implementing at least five government measures to benefit his family’s vast shareholdings in Shin Corp, which was eventually sold to Temasek Holdings of Singapore in 2006.

The court yesterday asked for more documentary evidence and witnesses for two more hearings, scheduled for January 12 and January 14. In his testimony Surakiart said he recalled that Burma’s foreign minister, in October 2003, had officially asked for a low-interest Exim Bank loan of Bt3 billion to buy machinery, building materials and other products from Thailand.

Later on, Surakiart said, Burma sought an additional US$24-million (Bt798 million) credit line to develop its telecom infrastructure.

“As the foreign minister, I raised my objection because the government could face criticism due to the fact that the Shinawatra family was a major shareholder of Thailand’s telecom giant [Shin Corp].

“At the time, several countries had also imposed trade sanctions on Myanmar [Burma]. Initially, there was no reaction from PM Thaksin until Myanmar’s officials asked Thai counterparts at a regional meeting in Phuket if it’s possible to increase the loan from Bt3 billion to Bt5 billion.”

“In writing, Myanmar said it would also want to buy asphalt and building materials from Thailand. Afterwards, PM Thaksin asked the Foreign Ministry about its position. I said I’m against it.

“Then, PM Thaksin suggested that we should meet half-way. Myanmar had asked for Bt5 billion so we should give them Bt4 billion. That’s the deal,” recalled Surakiart, who was also deputy premier in the final year of the Thaksin government.

Meanwhile, Klanarong, a former member of the Asset Examination Committee, told the court there were at least five policy measures executed during Thaksin’s tenure which caused public damage of Bt70 billion.

First, state-owned TOT lost a big chunk of revenue when the Thaksin government issued an executive decree to convert the telecom concession fees into an excise tax.

Second, TOT lost an estimated Bt60 billion in revenue after a concession contract with Advanced Info Service (AIS), a unit of Shin Corp, was amended to reduce the concession fee from a progressive rate of 20-30 per cent of revenue to a flat rate of only 20 per cent.

Third, the telecom concession contract was amended to help AIS reduce its investment requirement by Bt10 billion, thus boosting its profits.

Fourth, the satellite concession contract was amended to help ShinSat, another unit of Shin Corp, make money from the iPSTAR satellite rather than investing in a back-up satellite.

Fifth, state-owned Exim Bank was ordered to provide the Bt4-billion loan to Burma to buy services from ShinSat.

Altogether, the government’s measures helped boost the share price of Shin Corp and benefited its major shareholders, he said.

Thaksin insisted last night that he was unfairly charged of being “unusually wealthy” by the post-coup Assets Examination Committee and said he had some Bt60 billion in assets before entering politics many years ago.

In his weekly Internet-based radio broadcast, he said the value of Shin Corp shares held by his family rose and fell naturally, without his political influence.

Meanwhile Thaksin insisted last night that he was unfairly charged of being “unusually wealthy” by the postcoup Assets Examination Committee and said he had some Bt60 billion in assets before entering politics many years ago.

In his weekly Internetbased radio broadcast, he said the value of Shin Corp shares held by his family rose and fell naturally, without his political influence.

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/12/23/politics/politics_30118996.php

The Mirror, Vol. 13, No. 643

“A high ranking official of the Vietnamese government said that within 10 months of 2009, the Cambodian-Vietnamese trade rose to US$1.04 billion, and the most import from Vietnam to Cambodia is petroleum, and the most export to Vietnam is rubber.

“The deputy director of the Asia – Pacific Market Department of the Ministry of Industry and Trade of Vietnam, Mr. Dao Ngoc Chuong [phonetic], said on 16 December 2009 while he attended a business and an investment forum in Cambodia that within 10 months of 2009, the Cambodian-Vietnamese trade increased to US$1.04 billion.

“According to Mr. Chuong, much of the trade is export from Vietnam to Cambodia, while imports of goods from Cambodia to Vietnam did not amount to much.

“He added that goods exported from Vietnam to Cambodia include petroleum, US$362 million; iron, US$104 million; machines and motor vehicle spare parts, US$32 million; plastic, US$31 million; food, US$30 million; textiles, US$25 million; sea food, US$14 million; paper, US$10 million; screws, US$8 million; ceramic, US$6.7 million; electric cables, US$6.2 million, and other products.

“The products that Cambodia exports to Vietnam are rubber, US$52 million; wood and wood products, US$31 million; tobacco, US$7.2 million; and scrap metal and products, US$1.5 million.

“The amount of the trade exchange between Cambodia and Vietnam increases every year. Practically, the figures show that it amounted to as much as US$1.64 billion in 2008, US$1.2 billion in 2007, and only US$935 million in 2006.” Rasmei Kampuchea, Vol.17, #5076, 18.12.2009

Newspapers Appearing on the Newsstand:
Friday, 18 December 2009

Deum Ampil, Vol.3, #365, 18.12.2009

• The Confirmed Cases of A/H1N1 Increased to 513, and the Number of Deaths Rose to Six [in Cambodia]
• Cambodia and Vietnam Signed Two Agreements [during the visit of the Secretary-General of the Communist Party of Vietnam - one agreement about cooperation in energy, industry, and mineral resources, and another about water way transport]

Kampuchea Thmey, Vol.8, #2127, 18.12.2009

• [Svay Rieng] The Court Summoned [opposition party president] Sam Rainsy over the Removal of Temporary [Cambodian-Vietnamese] Border Markers [on 28 December 2009]
• The Cambodian Prime Minister: Relations with the Thai Government Cannot Be Normalized [unless Bangkok's current government is voted out of office]

Khmer Amatak, Vol.10, #699, 18.12.2009

• [Prime Minister] Hun Sen Dared Not Ask [the Secretary-General of the Communist Party of Vietnam] Nông Đức Mạnh [Nong Duc Manh] to Solve the Human Rights Violations against the Khmer Kampuchea Krom People [in Vietnam]

Khmer Machas Srok, Vol.3, #558, 18.12.2009

• Civil Society [the Cambodian Independent Teachers' Association and the Cambodian Free Trade Union of Workers] Asked the Khmer and the Siamese [Thai] Kings to Pardon Journalists [jailed in Cambodia] and Workers [imprisoned in Thailand]

Koh Santepheap, Vol.42, #6834, 18.12.2009

• The First Secretary of the Thai Embassy Will Appear to Clarify Notes about Thaksin’s Plane [two or three days later - according to the spokesperson of the Thai government, Mr. Panitan Wattanayakon]
• Twenty New Chain Saws Were Hidden in Second Hand Clothes [but were intercepted - Banteay Meanchey]
• A Hundred and Six Cambodian Students Will Continue Their Studies in the Kingdom of Thailand in 2010 [Prime Minister Hun Sen said that the scholarships are granted by the Thai Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, a generous person, not from the Thai government]

Phnom Penh Post [Khmer Edition], Vol.1, #70, 18.12.2009

• A Khmer Citizen Shot by Thai Soldiers [when he went to cut trees illegally in Thai territory] Is Waiting for His Death [in his home because he has no money for hospitalization - Oddar Meanchey]
• The Ministry of Land Management Is Building 118 Offices Countrywide [spending $20,000 to $30,000 each to promote and ease the construction and real estate sectors]
• Rich Countries Promised to Grant US$22 Billion in Copenhagen

Rasmei Kampuchea, Vol.17, #5076, 18.12.2009

• Within 10 Months Cambodian-Vietnamese Trade Amounted to US$1.04 Billion
• Cambodia and Vietnam Announced to Open Trade Crossings Facilities at the Mekong River
• [Thai ousted and fugitive prime minister] Thaksin Shinawatra Promised to Attract Foreign Investors to Develop Tourism in Cambodia
• Two Motorbikes Collided with Each Other while Overtaking a Car, Resulting in Three Deaths and Two Injured People [Kompong Cham]

Sereypheap Thmey, Vol.17, #1836, 18-20.12.2009

• More Than 100 Countries [at UN Human Rights Council meeting in Geneva] Appealed to Cambodia to Implement Global Human Rights Policies

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The crisis in Thailand is set to take another major turn in the next few days, and this time it will relate to our neighbour to the northwest when the Supreme Court wraps up its hearing on ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s frozen Bt76 billion in assets.

The prosecution hopes its final blow will arrive next Tuesday.

Former foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathai will testify as a state witness, purportedly to provide the final piece of the jigsaw, proving Thaksin’s failure to be honest about his assets was no honest mistake.

The prosecution is confident it has what is needed to prove Thaksin did not relinquish control of his business empire as legally and constitutionally as required when he served as prime minister.

Waratchya Srimachand, assistant secretary-general of the Securities and Exchange Commission, has told the court there was reliable evidence to prove Thaksin had concealed his massive shareholding in the telecom business – something he was supposed to have given up as head of the government.

Her testimony corroborates findings by the Assets Examination Committee, whose origin has been decried by the Thaksin camp, because it was set up after the September 19, 2006 coup. The court has reviewed financial documents allegedly indicating stock transactions involving obscure “nominee” firms that held shares in Thaksin’s telecom empire were endorsed by the man himself, not his children or even his wife.

The hearing has revisited the infamous Ample Rich and Win Mark. Yet all fishy transactions involving the nominee companies can only prove Thaksin was concealing his assets – an offence that is not enough to justify the seizure of his wealth. The prosecution must prove Thaksin not only failed to give up control of his businesses, but also helped them through suspicious government policies or decisions.

This is where Surakiart comes in. There were several dubious moves made by his government cited by the prosecution, not least the telecom excise tax scheme that greatly affected the industry’s playing field, and a few witnesses have testified about them. The ex-foreign minister, though, is being tipped as a star witness because he used to work in the Thaksin Cabinet and was once seen as someone who had the former PM’s trust.

Surakiart is expected to testify about the circumstances behind the Thaksin Cabinet’s decision to grant controversial Export-Import Bank of Thailand loans to the Burmese junta, or more specifically how the loans jumped from Bt3 billion to Bt4 billion. The money, as has been widely reported, was to be partly used to pay for equipment and services provided by Shin Satellite.

What Surakiart tells the court will be crucial, and testifying the same day will be Klanarong Chantik from the National Anti-Corruption Commission.

These two will be the final witnesses in the case, and the court will conclude the hearing if it does not feel the need to hear more testimony. This means a verdict will most likely come next month, ending a long, painful chapter on Thailand grappling with a very unfamiliar issue: conflicts of interest.

Whatever the verdict is, it should not be mistaken as the beginning of an end. All it will do is simply close one episode, after which many things can happen. Thailand was very immature when the patriarch of one of the biggest business empires was allowed to take political power despite his questionable baggage. With the Supreme Court set to issue a ruling about those mistakes and their costly consequences, the environment is oddly familiar – the nation does not seem to have grown very much since.

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/12/18/politics/politics_30118774.php

The word “really” in the title means I have no evidence to support what I’m about to say.

After withdrawal of ambassadors initiated by Thailand Hun Sen wanted to strike at Thai diplomats and focused on the next highest rank, the First Secretary. Sifting through their wiretapping data Cambodians discovered a few calls made by Kamrob to Siwarak.

It took them a day to put the plan together and next morning Hun Sen went ahead full steam. If there was any setup, as debated in Thai media now, it was a setup against Kamrob. His phone calls were incriminating and Siwarak was just a collateral damage. They didn’t really think it through, though – Kamrob was expelled and that was the end of it but Siwarak’s case lingered for nearly a month and made them look like cartoon Madagascar, run by King Julian, and everything in this trial reeked of incompetence and cheap soap, especially the grand finale. Kamrob was the original target there, not Siwarak.

They got Siwarak’s confession right away (probably thanks to the record of the phone calls) but when Phua Thai publicly announced they had a tape on Kamrob Cambodians realized they can’t admit spying on Thai diplomats, Kamrob is gone anyway, and they can’t take this tape to the court either, and they have no other evidence, and, theoretically, if the defense argued that the evidence against their client was obtained illegally they would have no answer. That’s where changing lawyers was very handy indeed. That probably explains why the new, Phua Thai approved lawyer, went for denial of all charges, having nothing to lose as pardon was imminent one way or another.

During all this time Thaksin and Co. simply milked Siwarak’s fate for all publicity they could squeeze. He was never a real target and not a part of any conspiracy, even though his dead father’s connection to Thaksin had been spun into repayment of old debts and his mother was painted a red shirt – it was just talking up whatever little they had to rely on.

Just look at Chavalit’s attempt at drafting a pardon plea – it wasn’t even accepted by Cambodians, they had their own sweet something going on with Thaksin and it moved a lot faster.

They all walked out smiling anyway, they thought they put on a good show and public liked it. The idea that they had to at least pretend that they are civilized people living in a society ruled by law and justice didn’t even entered their heads. Hun Sen probably wants to prove just the opposite, that he wields absolute power and runs the whole country on a whim. “Underdeveloped” would be an understatement there.

Kamrob’s involvement, however, refuses to go away and now PTP wants to use it their upcoming censure debate. Let’s see, they won’t be incriminating themselves but Hun Sen might feel uncomfortable if they bring his wiretapping into Thai parliament debate. They would probably be made into minced meat anyway, if they challenge Thai embassy’s right to know about the movements of Thai fugitives abroad, or that what Siwarak had disclosed during the trial constituted any kind of spying – they would need evidence to proof that Kamrob asked for substantially more, classified information, to accuse him of putting Siwarak in harm’s way.

Both Kasit and Abhisit came out in public and made sure that without admitting to spying on Kamrob neither Cambodia nor PTP have anything to go on. Thais know very well that the call was recorded, and, perhaps, a lot more information had been passed, and they also know that their adversaries can’t do anything about it. Thais have put out a list of demands for normalizing relationships and Cambodians realized that they played their “Spying Kamrob” ace already and got nothing for it. So they are hissing about Preah Vihear and sending Thai ambassador back first. Great game – what if Abhisit plays along, what they would do in return? Fire Thaksin? They’ve got nothing else left to offer.

The Mirror, Vol. 13, No. 642

The Mirror is, in principle, an instrument that tries to do what it’s name says: to mirror what is in the news – and a mirror sees everything. It is not selecting what to show and what not to show. This is a high goal for a press review – it cannot be realized in our publication in quantity; but in quality it has to try to reflect major trends, even if some of them contradict each other.

Since some weeks, and with increasing clarity, two different ways to refer to the former Thai prime minister, Mr. Thaksin Shinawatra, can be observed:

• The ousted former Thai prime minister, ousted by a military coup – compared to Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar – his conviction for corruption is considered to be only a politically motivated move, he is considered as having created an economic model that assured him electoral victory, and therefore he is an appropriate adviser on economic affairs for the Cambodian political leadership and for Cambodia – and he is, after all, also an “eternal friend” of Prime Minister Hun Sen.
• The fugitive former Thai prime minister was found guilty by the Thai Supreme Court and convicted to a two years prison sentence for corruption, helping his wife to buy an expensive piece of land in Bangkok, from public property into personal ownership, and way under the current market price. He had built up his telecommunications network to the strongest economic power outdoing other during his time in office. He therefore could afford to not only deposit a big fund for temporarily staying our of prison on bail, he could also afford to break his promise and lose this money – but he still is rich enough to travel around the world in a private jet aircraft, having achieved a (semi)permanent residence in exile in the financial center of Dubai.

He wielded power in 2003, during the anti-Thai riots which resulted in the ransacking of the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh and the destruction of other Thai property; later it was estimated that US$ 56 million went up in smoke during on night. But it was he who threatened the Cambodian Prime Minister to dispatch Thai paratroopers to Phnom Penh immediately, if the Cambodian government would not start to take action against the rioters within one hour. – Now again he wields power from exile, by successfully appealing to Prime Minister Hun Sen to pardon a Thai citizen accused to have been acting as a spy and convicted to 7 years in prison – most media describe that he did not appeal to the King who has the power to pardon, though the King finally granted the pardon. And this within three days – violating past practice that pardons for persons convicted to prison will only be granted after the prisoner has served at least two thirds of the time in prison – but in this case, only about 1% of the time had been served. No explanation has been given to the public why the Cambodian government is violating the history of it’s own practice.

The Thai government is, of course, obliged to try to implement verdicts of the Thai Constitutional Court, and therefore said it would request again for his extradition, but the Cambodian foreign ministry spokesperson Mr. Koy Kuong said such a demand would be “just a waste of time.” After all, Prime Minister Hun Sen had also said to consider the preset Thai government illegitimate, as it was formed on the basis of coalition agreements and not as a result of a direct popular vote. No wonder that the Thai government and other international observers ask how this can be reconciled with the traditional ASEAN practice of not interfering in the internal political structure of a member country.

A Cambodian Anti-Corruption Draft Law – still kept secret from the public, but already forwarded to the Assembly – has already passed the Cabinet in the morning of 11 December 2009. What will it’s provisions be? It was argued, since October 1993, when a draft first had reached the National Assembly, that an Anti-Corruption law cannot be operated without a new Penal Code. Now, there is a Penal Code.

One may try to imagine what the Cambodian governments reaction would be if another member state of ASEAN, like for example Malaysia, would entertain intensive communication with a major Cambodian opposition party in Cambodia, trying to change Cambodian court decisions

Nobody can hope for a solution by simply combining some arguments from both sides, like saying: “Mr. Thaksin Shinawatra, the criminal convicted by the Thai high court for personal embezzlement, the adviser of the Cambodian government, is now commenting on what a new Anti-Corruption Law should contain. And which kind of violations of laws for personal gain, which kinds of misuse of high level power should be excluded from corruption investigation, when they have been committed by highly placed persons…”

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The Mirror, Vol. 13, No. 642

“Phnom Penh: About 50% of all vegetables eaten in Cambodia are imported from Vietnam. This is seen from the vegetables at the Deumkor Market in Phnom Penh, the biggest vegetable distribution market.

“The head of the Deumkor Market, Mr. Thong Heng, said that companies licensed by the Ministry of Agriculture mostly import vegetables from the Trapeang Phlong border crossing in Kompong Cham every day with three trucks, carrying 30 tonnes of vegetables each. Another border crossing for imports from Vietnam, that is near and easier, is the Koh Thom district crossing in Kandal. Also, there are special companies, importing vegetables both on land and on water ways.

“Kandal residents said that because too much vegetables are imported from Vietnam, the crops they grow themselves get blocked, and they cannot compete with the cheaper prices of vegetables imported from Vietnam. They stop expanding the land where they cultivate something, and some families abandon their land, because they cannot continue producing economically.

“The head of the Department of Agronomy, Mr. Nouv Ratana, acknowledged this and estimated that vegetables imported from Vietnam amount to 30% to 40% of the daily demands. Most imported vegetable types are those that our Khmer citizens cannot grow in all seasons, like carrots, onions, potatoes, and white cabbage, etc. Moreover, certain crops cannot be grown for different reasons, especially tomatoes, for which the Vietnamese have special techniques to grow them in all seasons. “Mr. Heng Sokhom said, ‘We frequently found that some vegetables have poisonous substances, but before we can identify them clearly at laboratories, the sellers have already sold and distributed them all.’” Rasmei Kampuchea, Vol.17, #5069-5070, 10-11.12.2009

Newspapers Appearing on the Newsstand:
Friday, 11 December 2009

Deum Ampil, Vol.3, #358-359, 10-11.12.2009

• Eighteen Human Rights Organizations Celebrated the 61st Human Rights Day Successfully [while the Phnom Penh authorities provided security]
• ADB Provides US$30 Million for the Tonle Sap Basin Development [a loan to find new measures to boost the incomes and the livelihood opportunities of thousands of poor households in the Tonle Sap Basin region]
• Two Young Sisters [16 and 17 years old] Were Attacked with Acid All over Their Bodies by [two] Unknown Persons [on a motorcycle - Phnom Penh]

Kampuchea Thmey, Vol.8, #2120-2121, 10-11.12.2009

• Cambodia Received the Agreement [by the member countries of the Ottawa Anti-Landmine Treaty] to Extend the Time to Clear Mines for Ten More Years [in 1991, there were 4,500 square kilometers infested by landmines, at present, there are still 650 square kilometers]
• [Thai Prime Minister] Abhisit Vijjajiva Must Leave His Office, Dissolve the Parliament, and Conduct New Elections Immediately [demanded thousands of red-shirt demonstrators, supporters of the ousted and convicted for corruption former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra]
• The Number of People Infected with A/H1N1 Rose to 487 in Cambodia

Khmer Machas Srok, Vol.3, #551-552, 10-11.12.2009

• The Sam Rainsy Party Appeals to the Government to Be Brave to Recognize Human Rights Violations in Cambodia

Koh Santepheap, Vol.42, #6828, 11.12.2009

• A Storehouse with Hidden Valuable Kronhoung Wood Worth Tens of Thousands of Dollars Was Intercepted in the Center of Siem Reap
• The Bodies of two Khmer Citizen Shot Dead on Different Days for Entering to Cut Trees [in Thai territory] Illegally Were Sent Back through the Choam Sagam Border Crossing

Phnom Penh Post [Khmer Edition], Vol.1, #64-65, 10-11.12.2009

• [Convicted] Thai Spy Decided Not to Appeal while Chavalit Plans to Come to Cambodia
• The Mother of the Spy Asked [Thai ousted prime minister] Thaksin Shinawatra and [Puea Thai Party president] Chavalit to Help Her Son [who was sentenced to serve 7 years in prison for spying, as he copied the flight plan documents of Mr. Thaksin]
• The Ministry of Foreign Affairs Warned Khmer Citizens Not to Enter Thai Territory Illegally
• IMF: Downturn of Garment Sector and Banking in Cambodia Exist due to their Weak Structures
• The Call Price Conflict [between different mobile phone service providers] Was Brought to an End [according to a notification signed by the Minister of Post and Telecommunication, Mr. So Khun, and the Minister of Economy and Finance, Mr. Keat Chhon, on Monday: from now on all mobile phone companies are not allowed to charge less than US$04.5 per minute, both call-in and call-out]
• Cambodia Plans to Create Public Transport Systems [within five more years, in order to reduce traffic jams: bus and sky rail services]

Rasmei Kampuchea, Vol.17, #5069-5070, 10-11.12.2009

• The International Human Rights Day of 10 December Was Celebrated with Marches and Statements about Human Rights Violations
• The Senate Marked the 61st International Human Rights Day
• In Cambodia, There Are More Than 300,000 Enterprises, Employing More Than 1.4 Million Workers [according to the National Institute of Statistics of Cambodia of the of Ministry of Planning]
• 50% of all Vegetables Are Imported from Vietnam to Meet the Daily Demands

Sereypheap Thmey, Vol.17, #1830-1831, 10-11.12.2009

• Civil Society: The Fight against Corruption Starts with Independent Courts
• The European Union Considers Civil Society as an Important Partner to Encourage Cambodia towards More Respect for Human Rights and Democratic Practices
• Opposition Party, Civil Society, and the United Nations Expressed in Similar Ways that Human Rights Are Being Violated Seriously in Cambodia

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The details are sketchy but let’s try and reconstruct what had happened there to the Thai aviation engineer.

First, Thailand knew when Thaksin was about to fly to Cambodia, Thais knew when he was expected to deliver the lecture but there were rumors/reports that he’d be there a couple of days earlier. Perhaps that what has made all the difference.

When Thaksin’s plane entered Thai airspace it wasn’t obliged to declare all its flight information and passenger manifest, and though Thai aviation and military folks probably had a pretty good idea who was on it, the government was either not on the ball or chickened out. My guess is that it wasn’t fast enough to pass the information all the way to the top, get a decision, and then pass it all the way back down.

The plane was in Thai airspace for about an hour. About half an hour later it landed in Cambodia, and that’s when the first reports emerged. Another half hour passed and that’s when Foreign Ministry official at the Thai embassy called a Thai engineer at Cambodian traffic control to confirm that it was indeed Thaksin. According to an earlier report Siwarak called him back ten minutes after the landing, or it was a bad report and the request came in ten minutes after the landing, not the answer.

When Thaksin was due to fly back the government here was prepared to force his plane down and Thaksin had to fly around the country and then make comments about two Thai F16s shadowing him until he was way out of their reach. If he was crooning about his feelings when he flew over Thailand on the way in, it wasn’t reported in English media, afaik.

What was going on through his mind then? Was he banking on Thai incompetence? Did he have his people in key positions who made sure govt response was too slow? Did he ordered another plane to fly at the same time to confuse the Thais? Whatever his plan was, it was still risky and I think that’s why he doesn’t want to talk about it in public.

On the ground in Phnom Penh, when Thai embassy official called a Thai engineer, was it a case of spying? On one hand, Thaksin’s visit was well publicized and at the time of the call the press was already scrambling around the plane. Thais had the flight information already, it was not a state secret in any way. On the other hand, private plane flight information is not posted on airport websites, and what Thais wanted is a confirmation of plane’s identity from inside sources, not from airport information counter. Not exactly kosher either.

When Siwarak, the Thai engineer at CATS, Cambodian traffic control, asked his Cambodian colleagues they just told him what he wanted, meaning that until the information reached Siwarak it was not a secret. It became “spying” only Siwarak called Thai embassy back.

At this point, from the reports on the verdict, Siwarak didn’t make any hard or e-mail copies, he just talked on the phone, and there’s no record of that conversation and no one but Siwarak had testified about it. That means there’s no proof that he passed any confidential information that could have undermined Cambodian security, if there was any in the first place. I think I saw photos of Thaksin exiting the plane and I bet if that tail number got in the picture no one would sue the photographer, and so far that’s what Siwarak has done, except in words – confirmed that such and such plane really carried Thaksin. Again, an earlier report says he didn’t even say that much.

I don’t think he was charged with any transgression of whatever non-disclosure documents he had possibly signed when he got the job, and that brings us to Cambodian side of the story. How exactly Cambodian government got involved in this? How did they even know of the conversations between Siwarak and Kamrob, the embassy guy? It took them a couple of days to make their move.

Who exactly started the whole thing? Did the Cambodian guys at the CATS called the police, or did the police called them up first? Did the police decide to take action after Thai government declared they wouldn’t allow Thaksin to fly back over the country, and so Cambodians thought there must have been a leak? Do they routinely tape Thai embassy calls and it was just a matter of finding the right record, exactly as Jatuporn claimed a few days later? Of course they’d deny existence of any such practice but who can guarantee they never brought the tape up when they were looking for a confession from Siwarak?

I guess it doesn’t really matter given how the case was made a part of the political war with Thailand and so legal reasons and arguments probably don’t matter much anyway.

Another interesting point is how Thaksin’s flight has become a matter of Cambodian national security. I can accept prosecution and judges’ argument for that now, but how can they expect Siwarak to comply with it almost a month ago? Where does it say that once a foreigner gets a job with Cambodian government his movements become “national security” and his native country has no rights to know his whereabouts?

Regardless, Siwarak got seven years, but it’s a minimum sentence under the article he was charged with, so the court probably doesn’t take the case very seriously, and in political games the pardon is very likely, if the request comes from politically correct channels, and it means Thaskin and his friends.

Their role in this affair is murky. They’ve been accused of orchestrating the whole thing from the start and were linked to Siwarak’s release all along.

They can of cause claim that they got involved only after Siwarak’s mother asked for their assistance, but not many people take their words at the face value. Let’s see how it plays out before reaching any conclusions.

Recently, the Thai military took over the government. They dethroned a man named Thaksin Shinawatra. He brought his fall by doing it the old-fashioned way. He earned it. He would never respond to his critics in a constructive manner. When somebody did criticize hime, his response was always in a very harsh manner. He always seemed to be acting like a petulant child. He has called his critics lazy ,crazy and senile.Some of the most respect men in Thailand criticized him and most of them were old so you called them senile old men. How are you supposed to respond to somebody like that? They only way you could is by acting as childish as he does. You did not have a discussin with Mr. Shinawatre; you had a shouting match. His lies caught up to him. When he said strange things like there were devils in the taxis, he said that Bangkok reporters misquoted him because of his strange northern Thai accent. It is hard to believe that he became the head of the nation without anybody understanding him. When his government launched a war against drug dealers and killed 3,000 of them without having a trial, he said that they were killing each other in a gang war. A gang war apparently where there would be no gang members left and nobody to sell the drugs unless you wanted to take a job where you would die very soon. He said that a bomb placed in a car was being used to kill him even though the bomb wasn’t even operational. People in Thailand just couldn’t take these lies anymore and cheered when the military took over. He had no self-control. He just could not control his impulses or his temper in check. He always had to respond when a critic said something. He could not just let go. Sometimes, the wisest choice is just not to say anything at all. A politician does not have to talk about everything. They can just shut up. Thaksin never learned that lesson. He always blamed other people for his problems. The lazy lunatics of the charities were to blame for his troubles. The senile old men were to blame for his problems. In the summer, there was a mysterious powerful person to blame for his problems. The person to blame for his problems was the person that he sees in the mirroe when he shaves every morning. Thaksin may not know this, but he is to blame for his own fall and hopefully he might actually learn something from his own fall.

Mentre le Borse continuano a correre in tutto il mondo e la liquidità (iniettata dai governi) le fa rifiorire (insieme alle banche e agli operatori finanziari), sembra diversa la realtà nel mondo produttivo, per chi ci lavora e per le economie più fragili.

Scendiamo nella calura della Cambogia dove sta passando l’euforia della corsa alle costruzioni, dei capitali stranieri che spingevano corruzione, land grabbing, dislocazione della produzione. In questi dieci anni di corsa (il PIL aumentava del 10% all’anno), il governo ha accumulato oltre USD 600 milioni di dollari (al netto di quelli intascati dal sistema politico) e ora, in molti, chiedono che li tiri fuori per assicurare qualche ammortizzatore sociale in una situazione di crisi.

Nei paesi neo-globalizzati non esistono stimoli per l’economia, protezioni all’industria, sostegni ai lavoratori. In questi paesi chi non ha più lavoro deve arrangiarsi, tornare con la coda fra le gambe a coltivare mais e riso nei villaggi o migrare. La Cambogia, come altri paesi simili, stava entrando con fatica nel mondo economico spinta dai due più strutturati vicini Thailandia e Vietnam, dalla Cina che delocalizzava il tessile e da altri paesi asiatici (fra i quali spicca la Corea del Sud) che investivano nell’esplodente mercato immobiliare con l’intento di fare una nuova Bangkok, a costi minori. Il Governo di Hun Sen gongolava e, senza tanti scrupoli, spediva via i contadini dalle terre comuni (land-grabbing) per affidarle agli investitori internazionali che volevano legno pregiato, gomma e altre risorse naturali e i poveracci dai quartieri da ristrutturare di Phnom Penh. Nelle fabbriche tessili e chimiche i lavoratori avevano i salari più bassi dell’Asia.

Chiaramente, come ovunque, il decennio d’oro ha portato immensi e ineguali benefici, concentrati nel sistema politi-affaristico che domina la Cambogia, come altri paesi simili. Le città hanno visto un aumento di macchine, baretti, prostituzione, case moderne, grattacieli. Dalle campagne arrivavano giovani per cercare fortuna, impoverendo ancora di più il sistema economico e sociale, nel 70% della Cambogia fatto di villaggi di palafitte circondate da risaie non è cambiato nulla, almeno in meglio. Poi la crisi, creata e voluta da lontani trafficanti, con l’immediata conseguenza di un crollo delle esportazioni calcolato mediamente del 44% nei paesi più svantaggiati (dato WTO).

 La shining Phnom Penh fatica a diventare la nuova Bangkok e attrarre aziende e uomini d’affari nei nuovi grattacieli lungo il fiume. Aumenta, invece, lo dicono le statistiche e le frequentazioni il numero di ragazze nei baretti,  aumentano quelli che cercano d’arrangiarsi. Le fabbriche tessili dei cinesi stanno chiudendo a raffica, ormai non si riesce più ad esportare e a trovare manod’opera disposta a lavorare per USD 100 al mese. L’export (specie verso gli USA) crolla del 15 % al mese, ornai da più di un anno e il settore sembra ormai morto (crisi strutturale). 77 fabbriche sono state chiuse (e parte dei guadagni riportati nei paesi investitori, altre 53 hanno sospeso le attività, solo dall’inizio del 2009, dicono dal Ministry of Labour , oltre 30.000 persone sono rimaste senza posto di lavoro, cioè circa 150.000 persone senza reddito. Nelle fabbriche tessili lavorano in maggioranza donne (ragazze) che cercano di mantenersi e passare qualche dollaro alle famiglie nei villaggi. Il 56% della popolazione cambogiana è sotto i 25 anni e spera di trovare un futuro.

Quindi, i dance bar  pieni  di di ragazze, più del solito, che cercano di racimolare qualche dollaro (guadagno medio di una bar girls USD 500-600 al mese) o di trovare un fidanzato, possibilmente occidentale. Le tensioni della crisi economica , (la ricchezza vista e non presa, le disparità, e la mancanza di opportunità) scendono nel sociale e aumentano gli episodi di violenza il Ministry of Women Afairs ha dichiarato che rate of domestic and sexual violence is 22 percent and it is increasing. Il Police Blotter (cronaca nera del Phnom Penh Post) aumenta lo spazio e non racconta solo d’efferate vendette a base di acido gettato in faccia ai rivali d’amore o a scannamenti per questioni di gioco o di soldi ma anche di bande armate di AK-47 che assaltano  i negozietti. Four robbers armed with AK-47s robbed a store vendor in Siem Reap province’s ; A man was arrested in Battambang province’s Ratanak Mondol district after he tried to rape a woman who was washing her clothes at a river on Friday; Two men were arrested for beating up a blind beggar in Phnom Penh’s Dangkor district … tosteal him 11,500 riels (USD 3) e così via.

Intanto nelle campagne scoppiano rivolte contadine per impedire che gli portino via la terra, nel povero distretto di Rattanakiri, a Kampong Thom, Oddar Meanchey. E’ il fenomeno del land grabbing, comune a tutti i paesi poveri anche africani, con l’appoggio (pagato) dei governi. Compagnie multinazionali (spesso cinesi),  nazionali ammanicate,  si prendono la terra migliore per sfruttare le risorse naturali (legno, gomma, minerali) o produrre cereali o riso per i loro mercati in deficit alimentare. In Cambogia tutti i documenti legali di proprietà furono distrutti dai Khmer Rossi e, oggi, la terra è di fatto proprietà dello stato che ne fa quello che vuole. Intorno a Shianoukville, immensi appezzamenti sono inutilizzati ma recintati e di proprietà di pezzi grossi legati a Hun Sen, si attende la speculazione turistica per venderli.

Nella capitale, la gente vagola con gli infernali motorini nella più bella stagione dell’anno, i ragazzi si incontrano sotto l’immenso Ananas (il monumento all’amicizia di facciata con il Viet-Nam) prossimo al fiume, il bel mercato in stile coloniale francese ha visto scendere un po’ i clienti, vicino il nuovo Super Store pieno di ragazzini che guardano le ultime novità della moda e della tecnologia. Nessuno parla dello stanco processo ai vecchi Khmer Rossi che si trascina da più di un anno. Pochi parlano dell’ ex-premier thailandese Thaksin, gran riccone, ricercato nel suo paese per corruzione, ed accolto in Cambogia come capo di stato. Qualche storia di spionaggio, un ragazzo thailandese è finito in prigione per aver passato all sua ambasciata gli orari dei voli di Thaksin e, come tradizione, i rapporti con il potente vicino sono diventati pessimi. Addirittura si parla di blocco delle frontiere. Per adesso ci stanno rimettendo solo i contadini delle zone di confine che non riescono più ad esportare la loro povera cassava (mandioca, manioca, tapioca, yucca) nei vicini villaggi thailandesi.

After the govt imposed Internal Security in Bangkok, red organizers indefinitely postponed their rally (which is another was to say it was canceled).

What does it mean for “Dubai Declaration”? Sure it must be binned, but, on the other hand, the cancellation rather proves it – Thaksin strategy is tied to a possibility of a coup, without it there’s no point in holding the rally at all.

The government cannot be toppled and snap elections won’t achieve anything, time to cut the losses and concentrate on the future.

The court is still questioning the witnesses in asset concealment case and there’s still time before the verdict, which was initially expected in the mid-November, then mid-December, then before the year end.

On a slow news day, PAD, or rather New Politics Party, NPP, came up with this new conspiracy theory, allegedly hatched in Dubai.

It’s not their first one, there were probably hundreds of them, but only one made a real splash – the infamous Finland Declaration. Will this new discovery of Thaksin’s secret plans deserve the same attention? I doubt so.

Read the article for yourself.

The only part of it that provoked my interest is the plan to block Bangkok roads with taxi cabs. They tried it in April, and it generally worked, but they haven’t thought this through then -they were just trying to create chaos. If they use the cabs to prevent the authorities from reaching large areas of the city, there will be power vacuum, and it could be exploited to undermine Abhisit and force a coup.

However, it won’t work if they are not prepared to go all the way – there’s little point in creating “independent red state” in a couple of Bangkok districts for a couple of days, they’d be cleared out eventually.

If they can pull off the coup, it is very likely Dubai (or rather “PAD Declaration” at this point) would come really true, with “national government”, freeze on Thaksin court cases and eventual pardons. The reason would be: “We gave Abhisit a chance at reconciliation, he failed, now we have to try some other way”.

It is very likely to work, as the current troublemakers, Thaksin and his reds, will be placated and Democrats will be declared incompetent yet still invited in the government. I don’t think Democrats would agree to this, but, faced with the new reality, public opinion might go against them.

Coup makers can also manage fallout with PAD if they keep Thaksin away from public eye for the first few weeks. Thaksin never thought much of PAD’s ability to mobilize people, he probably isn’t concerned with that possibility now, he just wants to make a deal with (alleged) PAD backers. A coup would give him a big bargaining card and “elites” would be forced to accept his demands.

There will be huge backlash on the net and internationally the country’s image will suffer, there will be a price to pay, but it won’t come out of Thaksin’s pocket, so it’s not a real problem.

Basic strategy – force a coup against Abhisit and negotiate new terms with new powers, even if they are not explicitly pro-Thaksin. It’s worth a try as his situation can’t get any worse anyway.

Apart from red demonstrations protected by taxis, assassination of scores of anti-Thaksin leaders, also mentioned in the declaration, can also force a coup against helpless Abhisit. That would be just a terror campaign, and it might force the “elites” to back down just like they were forced to react to PAD takeover of the airports a year ago.

When I read myself here it looks like Abhisit is Thaksin’s main obstacle, and in a way, I think, it is. Prem can be sidestepped and isolated and his allies would eventually accept the new reality, but it’s Abhisit’s control of the military and police that needs to be overcome first.

But enough with wild plans. While reds themselves might believe in their power to cause all these changes, the rest of the country would have none of it unless reds come up with really big numbers. A million in Bangkok would certainly suffice but anywhere less than a hundred thousand is simply not enough to get noticed.

Sustained terror campaign is probably impossible to carry out in Thailand at all. Bangkok is not deep South, people talk and see and report things here.

Latest addition – some say that Thaksin twitted that Nov 30-Dec 3 dates are not the best dates for the rally. I can’t confirm this one way or another. His latest tweet was a while ago and it seems he was just talking to some of his fans.

The post-Thaksin recovery appears well-underway.

Air traffic between Thailand and Cambodia has returned to near-normal levels after plummeting at the height of the diplomatic spat earlier this month.

Bangkok-based carriers such as Thai Airways International (THAI) and Bangkok Airways saw bookings start to rebound last week.

… Bangkok Airways, which has the largest capacity between the two countries, saw Thais cancel flights to Siem Reap during the dispute. But there was a steady flow of foreign passengers, especially Europeans, said executives at the airline

… THAI, which has 14 flights a week between Bangkok and Phnom Penh, saw about 40% of reservations cancelled in the week after Thaksin’s visit

… But Thai AirAsia, which operates daily flights between the two capitals, said it was entirely unaffected by the souring of diplomatic ties.

Business with Thailand dropped significantly as a result of  Thaksin Shinawatra’s visit. Most notably, air and overland arrivals plummeted. The decrease hit Poipet casinos hard. Yet as soon as Thaksin left, cross-border trade began recovering. And while traders still fear a border closure, cross-border trade today is business-as-usual. If the tourist are coming back, Thai punters cannot be far behind.

All of which suggests that Thaksin’s visit will go down in history as a barely remembered footnote to November 2009. The long-term cross-country implications nil, the political significance even less. Contrary to the suggestions of hyper-inflated egos on the Thai side, there is just not that much that Thailand can do to punish Cambodia for its lack of fealty.

I refer to the planned big rally coinciding with the 76 billion baht court verdict – people have always assumed that recovering this money was Thaksin’s main motivation in his struggle with Thai state. A few months ago it probably downed on him that the case is as good as lost.

He tried royal pardon, but that didn’t go anywhere either, and that’s really interesting – if he really wanted a pardon, he could have come back, checked into the jail, and submitted the petition himself. He’d probably be released by now, and asset concealment case would probably be stalled for good. It would have been a sacrifice on his part, but if the money is the main motivation, it would probably have been worth it.

On the other hand, perhaps he thought that Royal pardon wouldn’t have granted him immunity from those who want his blood and it wouldn’t have stopped 76 bil case. Or, perhaps, he didn’t have enough wits to go through this plan – it needed to be played just right, without overplaying his “remorse” and displaying utmost sincerity at all times. Either way, it’s in the past now.

Then there was “only a miracle can save me” quip, then build up to September coup anniversary, then to October rallies (traditional month of big political changes), and now it’s a new “all out war” to oust the government again. Not much of a plan, really, and there’s no way they get enough people on the ground to pull it of. Kwanchai, red leader from Udon, was talking about forty thousand coming to Bangkok from North and Northeast. He was probably being optimistic, as usual, and it still falls short of Jatuporn’s promised one million. Kwanchai was saying that people were waiting for money for travelling expenses and Thaksin’s personal go ahead.

The government will impose ISA, again, the parliament will be in recession, so no chance of legally changing the coalition make up (though they could theoretically force Abhisit to dissolve the House). All in all it will probably be soon forgotten, just like previous September and October rallies. At worst they could force a violent confrontation on the streets, and at most they could try to frame the military/police, but it’s still a long long way of toppling the government. They could try a coup (let’s see how many of them would drive their taxis into tanks if the coup goes their way).

That leaves the trial itself as the last hope, and that’s where it gets murky – no one knows all the details. All we know that it involves Ample Rich and Winmark stakes in Shin Corp or SC Assets in particular. Prosecution wants to prove that Thaksin and his wife still legally controlled those companies, while the defense argues that all the control was fully in the hands of their grown up children. There are transaction records presented by both sides to prove their point, and we know next to nothing about them.

While the case make look big and important, and the verdict will be played by both the winning and losing sides to their full advantage, some basic stuff needs to be kept in mind first – no one in his right mind believes that Thaksin’s children were really in control of Shin Corp all these years. It’s just stating the obvious, and the whole legal contention is about omissions and errors in the paperwork.

It would be a good time to look at the laws and regulations covering the ownership and nominees, they are obviously inadequate. Perhaps a totally different approach is needed, from a totally different angle, so that nominee problems doesn’t arise altogether. Fighting the paperwork seems like a huge waste of time and resources, not to mention all the damage done by PAD and Red rallies and paralyzed governments and parliament. So much struggle, and it all comes down to spotting errors in a few backdated documents. That’s what is supposed to decide everything.

Just look at what they are arguing about, as The Nation describes it:

“The facts show that if the Bt4.5 billion payment by Panthongtae to her mother for the TMB shares was real as claimed by Pojaman, the mother would have probably conned her son out of as much as Bt3 billion in just one go.

Why? The entire 450 million shares of TMB Bank as cited by Pojaman included 300 million shares that Pojaman got for free via the exercise of 300 million warrants, so the actual cost of all 450 million TMB shares was just Bt1.5 billion, not the hugely-inflated Bt4.5 billion.”

Is this what PAD were trying to prove by airport closures, and Reds by April riots? If this money is confiscated, would it even cover all the damage?

Back to the case – there are two parts in it, first is whether Thaksin was still controlling Shin shares while being the PM – he’ll get only political punishment for this, and second is whether prosecution can prove that he benefited from using his position – that would cost him a lot more, possibly a new jail time. The verdict could be split along this line, or it could be complicated and include splitting the assets instead – how much to confiscate, how much to return, or it could be simple but ugly, like Ratchada conviction.

Let’s wait and see, it won’t be long now, I think Surakiart Sathirathai, former Thaksin’s Foreign Minister and UN Secretary General contestant, is the last witness, and he is testifying today./I was wrong – it was an official from Exim Bank. Connection to Surakiart that I was expecting is that he was involved in Exim loan case, too – Added on Nov 26 – /

Back to Thaksin’s motivation – will he keep trying after losing his money? I think he would, I think he’s too attached to his followers to simply cease and desist, and it would a totally different game then, without deadlines and pressure – he can build a solid and well thought case against “bureaucratic polity”, for example. Something good might still come out of it.

Let’s wait and see.

The Mirror, Vol. 13, No. 640

“There had been several reports that information about confidential flight plans by the Cambodia Air Traffic Service (CATS) controlled by Thai people were leaked. The opposition party has demanded that the government should take control of the air traffic control itself, but there is no response. And now everything seems somewhat too late.

“The spokesperson of the Sam Rainsy Party, Mr. Yim Sovann, spoke to the media late last week, saying that the government should take the CATS company under its control to ensure that there is no economic loss, and it would be easier for the government to control national secrets. Mr. Yim Sovann said, ‘The Sam Rainsy Party had mentioned this case many times before, suggesting that all these important tasks should not be given to foreigners, and the government should control it by itself. But the state does not care.’

“In January 2001, the State Secretariat of Civil Aviation of the Cambodian government signed an agreement with the [Thai] Samart Corporation, providing an exclusive license for 22 years to this company, to organize, operate, and maintain a system for air traffic routing for civil aviation companies in Cambodia, and this company is also required to conform to the technical standards of BCT [an aviation maintenace company]. After receiving the license from the Cambodian government, Samart very quickly prepared the bidding procedure for the radar system and set up the necessary tools needed for its effective air traffic control operations.

“A parliamentarian from the Cambodian People’s Party, Mr. Cheam Yeap, agreed that it would be very good if the government would reconsider the air traffic control agreement with the Thai side. He added that Cambodia should have the ability to control this company, rather than allow foreigners to continue to control it. He said, ‘We should recheck that investment agreement, and we should check whether our human resources can take the place of the foreigners.’ He explained that Cambodia jointly created the company CATS with Thailand, because, at that time, Cambodia did not have sufficient experts, and air traffic was not so busy [like it is at present]. Mr. Cheam Yeap went on to say that to continue to let foreigners do the air traffic control affects the security of our nation through the secret release of confidential information to their government, adding that foreigners are not honest to us. He said, ‘Do not trust foreigners but only those having the same blood as Khmers. If we let them be at that place, they might release confidential information about national security, as one Thai person did already. They are not 100% honest towards us.’

“Mr. Cheam Yeap continued to say that according to new Article 90 of the Constitution of Cambodia, the Royal Government can make a request to the National Assembly ["The National Assembly shall approve the national budget, State planning, loans, financial contracts, and the creation, modification and annulment of tax."]. Then the National Assembly will exercise its right to cancel any contract that can affect the national interest. The Thai spy can be considered as proof to cancel that contract. Another Sam Rainsy Party parliamentarian, Mr. Son Chhay, said that the opposition party had expressed concerns since the beginning about problems of national security. Now, it happened as the Sam Rainsy Party had been concerned. He said he will write a letter to the government, because it is related to national security.

“He said, ‘I also saw information about the arrest of the Thai spy. I think it is an opportunity to respond to the Ministry of Defense and the Council of Ministers which had claimed that there would be no problems, but the problem exists now, and I want to know what measures they take.’ He emphasized that he will write a letter this week to the government to request it to check the control over the CATS company.

“Because of the secret copy of the flight plan of Mr. Thaksin Shinawatra, the Cambodia government ordered all Thai [CATS] personnel to stop working, after Mr. Siwarak Chutiphong, 31, had been arrested for spying, while the eternal friend of Prime Minister Hun Sen, Thaksin Shinawatra, visited Cambodia, to give a lecture about the Cambodian economy, as he is now an economic advisor of Cambodia.” Sereypheap Thmey, Vol.17, #1817, 23.11.2009

Newspapers Appearing on the Newsstand:
Monday, 23 November 2009

Deum Ampil, Vol.3, #343, 23.11.2009

• Forty Eight [not well-known] Civil Society Organizations Support the Suspension of Mr. Sam Rainsy’s Immunity [according to their joint statement]
• The Ministry of Information Asks All Television Stations to Accept to Broadcast Advertisements for Khmer Sports and to Stop Broadcasting Foreign Sports
• Forty Two People Died, Sixty Six Are Missing, and More Than 100 Were Injured through an Explosion in a Coal Mine [in China]

Kampuchea Thmey, Vol.8, #2105, 22-23.11.2009

• A Lawyer Will Request Bail for Siwarak Chutiphong on Monday [this Thai engineer was arrested for copying the flight plans of Prime Minister Hun Sen and Mr. Thaksin Shinawatra to send them to Thailand]

Khmer Machas Srok, Vol.3, #436, 22-23.11.2009

• The Government Recognized that there Is Waste of National Resources and there are Wrongly Allocated Expenses

Koh Santepheap, Vol.42, #6812, 23.11.2009

• The Three Samdechs [Samdech Hun Sen, the Prime Minister; Samdech Heng Samrin, the President of the National Assembly, and Samdech Chea Sim, the President of the Senate] Responded to Samdech Euv [the former King] that the Setting of Border Markers and of the Border Line Is Done Based on the Map Deposited at the United Nations in 1964
• 40,000 Red-Shirt Demonstrators [supporters of Thai ousted and fugitive Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra] Prepare to Demonstrate against [Thai Prime Minister] Abhisit Vijjajiva in Chiang Mai, while 1,000 Yellow-Shirt Demonstrators Rallied to Demand the 4.6 Square Kilometer Land [near the Preah Vihear Temple]
• A Man like an Animal Raped His 10-Year-Old Daughter Three Times, and then He Was Arrested [Kandal]
• A French Man Took an Underage Girl to Have Sexual Relations into a Guesthouse and Was Arrested [Phnom Penh]

Phnom Penh Post [Khmer Edition], Vol.1, #51, 23.11.2009

• A Thai Engineer Acknowledged that He Provided Information [about the fight plans of Mr. Thaksin Shinawatra] to the [Thai] Embassy [in Phnom Penh]
• Vietnam Has Invested US$600 Million in Rubber Plantations in Cambodia [it plans to plant rubber trees on 100,000 hectares of land in Mondolkiri, Kompong Thom, Kratie, and Ratanakiri by 2012]
• Supporters of Thaksin Shinawatra Warned to Kill [Thai Prime Minister] Abhisit Vijjajiva [by blowing up his car during his visit to Chiang Mai]

Rasmei Kampuchea, Vol.17, #50, 22-23.11.2009

• Former US President [Jimmy Carter] Helped to Build 21 New Houses for Poor Cambodians [Kompong Speu]
• [Two] Robbers Shot at a Student to Rob His Motorbike, but the Bullets Ricocheted and Hit and Injured Two Children [who were playing in front of their house during the robbery; the robbers escaped - Phnom Penh]
• The Number of Deaths from Swine Flu [A/H1N1] Has Increased to 6,660 [worldwide, according to the World Health Organization]

Sereypheap Thmey, Vol.17, #1817, 23.11.2009

• An Opposition Party: The Government Should Control the Cambodia Air Traffic Service Itself

Samleng Yuvachun Khmer, Vol.16, #3,500, 22.11.2009

• Cambodian Expands Diplomatic Ties in New York [the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation is responsible to organize documentation to establish diplomatic ties with some countries that have not established contacts with Cambodia]

Have a look at the last editorial – you can access it directly from the main page of the Mirror.
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