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	<title>walter-raleigh &amp;laquo; WordPress.com Tag Feed</title>
	<link>http://en.wordpress.com/tag/walter-raleigh/</link>
	<description>Feed of posts on WordPress.com tagged "walter-raleigh"</description>
	<pubDate>Sun, 27 Dec 2009 03:59:03 +0000</pubDate>

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<title><![CDATA[The Cloak and the Puddle]]></title>
<link>http://angloswiss.wordpress.com/2009/12/09/the-cloak-and-the-puddle/</link>
<pubDate>Wed, 09 Dec 2009 16:14:00 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>angloswiss</dc:creator>
<guid>http://angloswiss.wordpress.com/2009/12/09/the-cloak-and-the-puddle/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[&#8220;Believe you me Ann Boleyn, if I had known the consequences, I would have let her walk into th]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>&#8220;Believe you me Ann Boleyn, if I had known the consequences, I would have let her walk into the muddy puddle, would have served her right.“</p>
<p>Sir Walter Raleigh would have nodded his head to emphasise the remark, but he was holding it under his arm, as ghosts of the Tower of London were accustomed to do.</p>
<p>“Well at least it was something chivalrous that you were doing Walter. I lost my head just because I got married to a King. He said marry me and I will take you places. He did of course, to the Tower of London on the beheading block.”</p>
<p>Anne Boleyn was convinced that marrying into english royalty in the sixteenth century was a dangerous event and Walter Raleigh was in agreement.</p>
<p>&#8220;But tell me Walt, was the whole thing true about the cloak and the puddle or was it just a publicity stunt to earn a bit on the side?”</p>
<p>“Before we continue with our conversation, let us put our heads on our shoulders, then we can look at each other properly. I suppose when you come to think of it the Tudors were fault that we both lost our heads, you because of a husband that wanted to get married again and I happened to meet your daughter on a fateful day.”</p>
<p>“You mean Elizabeth. Who would have thought that she would have become Queen, but Henry did not have any sons that lived to carry the title of King. At least you went places Walter.”</p>
<p>“I suppose it was a publicity stunt. We had a heavy rainfall and I happened to be taking a walk near Hampton Court when a carriage pulled up. I naturally stopped to have a look and who climbed out but Queen Elizabeth I, your daughter.”</p>
<p>“She might have been my daughter, but Henry’s? I never really got to know her. Henry always asked from where she inherited the red hair. I didn’t live long enough to lose my head for that mistake, I lost it before. So carry on Walt.”</p>
<p>“Elizabeth was standing on the bottom step of the carriage and shaking her head at the wet puddle that she would have walked into. I happened to have my old cloak with me. I was on my way to buy a new one and would have thrown it away afterwards, so decided to do myself a favour and throw it on the muddy puddle. Queen Elizabeth stepped onto it and everyone started clapping and cheering. She looked in my direction and gave me a wink. That was the start on my ladder to success.”</p>
<p>“It didn’t end very successfully did it Walt.”</p>
<p>“Not really Anne, but bear in mind I had some good times with Elizabeth.”</p>
<p>“I always thought my daughter was known as the virgin queen.”</p>
<p>“She might have been known by that name, but just don’t believe everything in the history books. There are even some today that say the story about me throwing my cloak on the puddle was just made up. Of course, if it had been a new cloak, I would have had second thoughts.</p>
<p>The only reason I fell out of favour was because she met me on the stairs at the palace just as I was leaving the lady in waiting’s bedroom.”</p>
<p>“So that was why you were beheaded.”</p>
<p>“Well not immediately, but it was the start of my path to doom. You know I was in the Tower a few times, before they actually decided to remove my head on the block.”</p>
<p>“At least you are not alone Walt, there are many of us here. So let’s remove our heads and do a bit of haunting. You never know, we might be included again in one of those television programmes about the ghosts of the tower. Perhaps the next time it rains you could throw your cloak on a puddle and I will walk over it. That will be a sensation for the news.”</p>
<p>“Forget it Anne, this is a new cloak with gold embroidery. I only let people walk over my old cloaks.”</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Roanoke Island]]></title>
<link>http://priestnovykh.wordpress.com/2009/10/29/roanoke-island/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 29 Oct 2009 15:50:19 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>priestnovykh</dc:creator>
<guid>http://priestnovykh.wordpress.com/2009/10/29/roanoke-island/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Hello Believers, This is one of the mysteries that stays in my heart!! Roanoke Island is an island i]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>Hello Believers,</p>
<p>This is one of the mysteries that stays in my heart!!</p>
<p><strong>Roanoke Island</strong> is an island in <a title="Dare County, North Carolina" href="/wiki/Dare_County,_North_Carolina">Dare County</a> near the coast of <a title="North Carolina" href="/wiki/North_Carolina">North Carolina</a>, <a title="United States" href="/wiki/United_States">United States</a>.</p>
<p>About eight miles (12 km) long and two miles (3 km) wide, Roanoke Island lies  between the mainland and the <a title="Outer Banks" href="/wiki/Outer_Banks">barrier islands</a>, with <a title="Albemarle Sound" href="/wiki/Albemarle_Sound">Albemarle Sound</a> on its north, <a title="Roanoke Sound" href="/wiki/Roanoke_Sound">Roanoke Sound</a> at the  northern end, and <a title="Wanchese, North Carolina" href="/wiki/Wanchese,_North_Carolina">Wanchese</a> <a title="Census-designated place" href="/wiki/Census-designated_place">CDP</a> at  the southern end. <a title="Fort Raleigh National Historic Site" href="/wiki/Fort_Raleigh_National_Historic_Site">Fort Raleigh National Historic  Site</a> is on the island. There is a land area of 17.95 square miles  (46.48 km²) and a population of 6,724 as of the <a title="United States Census, 2000" href="/wiki/United_States_Census,_2000">2000  census</a>.</p>
<p>Located along <a title="U.S. Highway 64" href="/wiki/U.S._Highway_64">U.S. Highway 64</a>, a major highway from mainland  North Carolina to the <a title="Outer Banks" href="/wiki/Outer_Banks">Outer  Banks</a>, Roanoke Island combines recreational and water features with  historical sites and an outdoor theater to form one of the major tourist  attractions of Dare County.</p>
<p>Roanoke Island is best known for its historical significance as the site of  Sir <a title="Walter Raleigh" href="/wiki/Walter_Raleigh">Walter Raleigh</a>&#8217;s  attempt to establish a permanent English settlement with his <a title="Roanoke Colony" href="/wiki/Roanoke_Colony">Roanoke Colony</a> in the  late 16th century. The fate of the final group of colonists has yet to be  ascertained, leading to the continuing interest in what became known as the  &#8220;Lost Colony&#8221; for over 400 years. In the 21st century, even as archaeologists,  historians and scientists continue to work to resolve the mystery, visitors come  to see the longest-running outdoor theater production in America: &#8220;<a title="Lost Colony (play)" href="/wiki/Lost_Colony_%28play%29">The Lost  Colony</a>.&#8221;</p>
<p>Roanoke Island is one of the three oldest surviving English place-names in  the U.S. Along with the <a title="Chowan River" href="/wiki/Chowan_River">Chowan</a> and <a title="Neuse River" href="/wiki/Neuse_River">Neuse</a> rivers, it was named in 1584 by Captains <a title="Philip Amadas (page does not exist)" href="/w/index.php?title=Philip_Amadas&#38;action=edit&#38;redlink=1">Philip  Amadas</a> and <a title="Arthur Barlowe (page does not exist)" href="/w/index.php?title=Arthur_Barlowe&#38;action=edit&#38;redlink=1">Arthur  Barlowe</a>, sent by <a title="Sir Walter Raleigh" href="/wiki/Sir_Walter_Raleigh">Sir Walter Raleigh.</a></p>
<p>Roanoke Island was the site of the sixteenth-century <a title="Roanoke Colony" href="/wiki/Roanoke_Colony">Roanoke Colony</a>, the first  <a title="British colonization of the Americas" href="/wiki/British_colonization_of_the_Americas">English colony</a> in the <a title="New World" href="/wiki/New_World">New World</a> in what was then called  <a title="Virginia Colony" href="/wiki/Virginia_Colony">Virginia</a>, in honor of England&#8217;s ruling monarch,  Queen <a title="Elizabeth I of England" href="/wiki/Elizabeth_I_of_England">Elizabeth I</a>. Who was also known as the  Virgin Queen, thus Virginia. There were two groups of settlers who attempted to  establish a permanent settlement at Roanoke Island, and each failed. The first  attempt in 1585 to establish the Roanoke Colony was headed by Ralph Lane after  Sir <a title="Richard Grenville" href="/wiki/Richard_Grenville">Richard  Grenville</a>, who had transported the colonists to Virginia, returned to  England for supplies as planned. Unfortunately for the colonists, who were  desperately in need of supplies, Grenville&#8217;s return was delayed. As a result,  when Sir <a title="Francis Drake" href="/wiki/Francis_Drake">Francis Drake</a> put in at Roanoke after attacking the Spanish colony of <a title="St. Augustine, Florida" href="/wiki/St._Augustine,_Florida">St.  Augustine</a>, the entire population of the colony returned with Drake to  England.</p>
<p>In 1587, the English again attempted to settle in Roanoke. <a title="John White (colonist and artist)" href="/wiki/John_White_%28colonist_and_artist%29">John White</a>, father of one of  the colonists Eleanor Dare, and grandfather to the first English child born in  the New World, <a title="Virginia Dare" href="/wiki/Virginia_Dare">Virginia  Dare</a>, left the colony to return to England for supplies that he felt would  help the colonists to survive, expecting to return to Roanoke Island within  three months. Instead, he found England at war with Spain, and all ships were  confiscated for use of the war efforts. His return to Roanoke Island was delayed  until 1590. When he finally returned, the colonists had disappeared. The only  thing he found were the letters &#8220;CRO&#8221; carved into a nearby tree and the word  &#8220;CROATOAN&#8221; carved into a fencepost. Before leaving the colony for England three  years earlier, White left instructions with the colonists that if they were  forced to abandon their settlement on Roanoke, that they were to carve out the  name of the place where they were going and a Maltese cross under the carving if  they left due to danger.</p>
<p>&#8220;CROATOAN&#8221; was the name of an island to the south (modern-day <a title="Hatteras Island" href="/wiki/Hatteras_Island">Hatteras Island</a>), where  a friendly native tribe was known to live, and it was thus reasonable to assume  that the colonists had left the Roanoke settlement bound for that island.  However, foul weather would keep White from venturing south to search on  Croatoan for the colonists, and they returned to England. White would never  return to the New World. The fate of the colony has never been authoritatively  ascertained, and consequently it became known as &#8220;The Lost Colony&#8221;.</p>
<p>Later, in 1880&#8217;s, a man living in North Carolina wrote about what the Natives  looked like there. He wrote he noticed some had &#8220;fair skin and light eyes and  hair, with Anglo bone structure.&#8221; These are not found among Native Americans  normally, so some believe that the Roanoke colonists assimilated into the  Croatoan Indian tribe.</p>
<p><img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-64" title="180px-BattleofRoanokeIsland" src="http://priestnovykh.wordpress.com/files/2009/10/180px-battleofroanokeisland.jpg" alt="180px-BattleofRoanokeIsland" width="180" height="240" /><img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-65" title="180px-Croatoan" src="http://priestnovykh.wordpress.com/files/2009/10/180px-croatoan.jpg" alt="180px-Croatoan" width="180" height="113" />Thanks For Sharing!</p>
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<title><![CDATA[26.08.09 Sherbourne]]></title>
<link>http://calane55.wordpress.com/2009/09/29/26-08-09-sherbourne/</link>
<pubDate>Tue, 29 Sep 2009 22:59:39 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Cindy</dc:creator>
<guid>http://calane55.wordpress.com/2009/09/29/26-08-09-sherbourne/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Sherbourne Today (26.08.09) was my day off and I had the great fortune to go to Sherbourne. Although]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>Sherbourne<br />
Today (26.08.09) was my day off and I had the great fortune to go to Sherbourne.  Although it was raining I had a lovely time walking round this delightful market town in Dorset.<br />
Sherbourne is an historic and interesting town, and its name is derived from the ‘clear stream’, which attracted not only the earliest Saxon settlers but also the owners of the Romano-British sites along the stream.  Sherbourne’s streets contain many old houses including ‘The Julian’ and the half-timbered ‘Abbeylands’.</p>
<p>Sherbourne is situated in the north-west of Dorset with a population of just over 9,000.   It lies on the northern slopes of the beautiful Yeo Valley (where we get our yoghurt from), surrounded by wooded hillsides and green pastures.  Dominated by its golden-coloured abbey, the town has a number of buildings of architectural note.  </p>
<p>Within the town the narrow streets are lined with old grey stone buildings interspersed with early timber-framed, gable-ended houses and local Harn stone structures.<br />
Sherbourne’s name comes from the Saxon ‘Scir burn’ meaning a clear brook or stream.   Settled from Roman times, Sherbourne was the gateway to rich lands lying to the west of the dense forest of Penselwood with water meadows, gentle slopes over biscuit-coloured stone and chalk down-lands.  The Romans valued the pastures.<br />
The Saxons sought safety here from the invading Danes, and already in 705 a Saxon cathedral was founded by Aldheim, who was appointed the first bishop of the see of Western Wessex.   Alfred the Great may well have been schooled in the Cathedral here where his brothers Ethelbert and Ethelbald are buried. (I did the Alfred The Great tour in Winchester in 2003). </p>
<p>In 998 the Cathedral became a Benedictine Abbey and it is the teaching ethic of the monks that became a feature of the town from that time on.  500 years later, after the Dissolution of the Monasteries, the monastic buildings became Edward VI’s Sherbourne School. </p>
<p>Walking past the Lavatorium that on this particular day provided shelter from the rain, I turned right and walked through under a marvellous ancient archway, heavily decorated, and there before my eyes was the Abbey.  (The Lavatorium, originally a washing place for the monks, was moved out of the Monastic cloisters in the mid-16th century and renamed the Conduit. It is now a Sherbourne icon situated in The Parade).</p>
<p>Sherbourne Abbey.<br />
The is the finest building in Dorset with it’s glorious fan vaulting.<br />
St Aldheim, new bishop of the West Saxons, chose the ‘place of the clear stream’ as the site of his cathedral.<br />
Two Saxon kings are buried here; for over 800 years the chanting of Benedictine monks filled the air.  Thomas Wyatt, Tudor courtier and poet has his grave here; Sir Walter Raleigh worshipped here.   The See (or Diocese) of Sherbourne was created in AD705.<br />
Sherbourne Abbey a splendid building, ornately decorated on the outside and fabulous on the inside, is approached via The Parade from the main road Cheap Street, that runs steeply downhill through the town.  The Abbey reveals its splendour slowly as you approach and presides majestically over a beautiful square and ancient buildings.   I took shelter from the rain and spent a happy half hour wandering around looking at the wonderful stained glass windows, the glorious fan vaulting of the ceiling, which soars heavenward, leaving you feeling quite small.   There are some fabulous statues, heraldry, animals and symbols that fill the abbey to the brim.  The Abbey is renowned for its bells – the heaviest peal of eight bells in the world.   The organ is quite fabulous and towers towards the ceiling</p>
<p>In the early 1400s the monks of Sherbourne Abbey wrote and illuminated the Sherbourne Missal, the largest and most lavishly decorated English medieval service book to survive from the Middle Ages.<br />
Sir John Horsey was the man who bought the Abbey estates from the Crown at the time of the Reformation.  The massive release of monastic lands led to many a rich merchant acquiring a great country estate at a knock-down price and contributed to the rise of a gentry class in England.  There is an effigy of Sir John and his son.<br />
For more info see www.sherbourneabbey.com<br />
Besides the Abbey there are 7 other places of worship.</p>
<p>Directly next to the Abbey and on the right is St Johns Almshouse: the Almshouse has provided shelter and care for the people of Sherbourne for over 500 years. It is dedicated to St. John the Baptist and St John the Evangelist and was built between 1440 and 1445.  The building is just fabulous, lovely arches, old cobbled paving, lattice windows, stone-carved features on the walls, and currently: massive hanging baskets overflowing with glorious flowers.  There is an old-fashioned bell-pull at the ornately carved front door, which when tugged on can be heard pealing on the other side of the door. Fantastic. I only pulled it once!  J</p>
<p>The Sherbourne museum, centrally located between the Market Place and the Abbey, is just beyond the old stone archway I mentioned earlier and bears further investigation at a later stage.  I am going to go back in a few days time and have a proper walk about, could not do much this time around coz of the rain.    As with the Abbey the building is constructed of lovely yellow stone blocks (Ham Stone). www.sherbournemuseum.co.uk</p>
<p>Although Sherbourne was not an important German target during World War 2, the town did suffer an air raid on 30th September.</p>
<p>The town centre is a wonderful mix of architecture.  I am going to have to brush up on my knowledge so I know which is which.  I do know there are some Tudor and Elizabethan; lovely sloping roofs, interesting chimneys and narrow streets lined with old grey stone buildings interspersed with early timber-framed, gable-ended houses.  The main road is lined with an interesting mix of antique shops, art galleries, speciality shops and boutiques amongst others.  The Post Office is built with the same yellow coloured stone as the abbey and looks lovely.    Sherbourne is a Royal Horticultural Society gold class winner and the floral displays make a pleasing vista of stunning blooms and colours; wonderful to look at.  I strolled around the award winning Paddock Garden a tranquil oasis of colours and smells.  I managed to get some really great photos, they only problem is that they look like I took them from under the sea!  The rain got in everywhere and within half and hour I was soaked thru. I did have a brolly, but trying to carry a brolly in windy rain and take photos is impossible.   I gave up and just got wet.  J   The camera survived none the worse for wear, as did I!</p>
<p>Looking at the map now I can see that I only covered a very tiny art of the town.  Definitely have to go back and explore further.    From the town I drove to see Sherbourne Castle. </p>
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<title><![CDATA[Entrevista en Levante sobre las sociedades secretas]]></title>
<link>http://laverdaderahistoriadelassociedadessecretas.wordpress.com/2009/09/17/entrevista-en-levante-sobre-las-sociedades-secretas/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 17 Sep 2009 15:13:10 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>neuer</dc:creator>
<guid>http://laverdaderahistoriadelassociedadessecretas.wordpress.com/2009/09/17/entrevista-en-levante-sobre-las-sociedades-secretas/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[(Entrevista en Levante, por Alicia Toledo) El conocimiento que se tiene hoy en día de éstas sociedad]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><pre>(Entrevista en <em>Levante, por</em> Alicia Toledo)<em> </em></pre>
<p><em>El conocimiento que se tiene hoy en día de éstas sociedades secretas está muy condicionado por la literatura y el cine de consumo. ¿Hasta qué punto su imagen está influida, deformada&#8230;?</em></p>
<p>-No cabe duda de que, en efecto, la imagen de las sociedades secretas que se suele tener está muy distorsionada. No es extraño, puesto que la idea de que bajo nuestra aparente anodina sociedad cotidiana se esconda una sociedad secreta es uno de los argumentos más interesantes para el cine o la literatura.</p>
<p><em>El cine y las novelas contribuyen a dotar de un aura de misterio a estas sociedades&#8230;pero ¿hasta qué punto son éstas misteriosas?</em></p>
<p>- No todas las sociedades secretas son tan misteriosas como parece. Aunque suene como una perogrullada, para quienes pertenecen a algunas de ellas a veces hay poco secreto y no existe mucha diferencia con una empresa o una oficina cualquiera. Sin embargo, también es cierto que algunas sociedades secretas sí tienen una bien ganada aura de misterio, como los rosacruces, los asesinos del Viejo de la Montaña, los Clubs del Fuego Infernal o la Escuela de la Noche, de Walter Raleigh, a la que tal vez perteneció Shakespeare.</p>
<p><em>-Era su  objetivo poner un poco de luz en todo esto?</em></p>
<p>Sí, uno de mis objetivos al escribir el libro era investigar la verdadera historia de las sociedades secretas, no dejándome llevar por la infinidad de falsas historias que circulan. Como digo en el libro, quizá la mía no sea la única posible historia verdadera de las sociedades secretas, pero, al menos, no se puede sumar a las mil y una historias falsas.</p>
<p>-<em>Y sin embargo, ¿querer explicar la verdadera historia de algo que se anuncia como secreto no es, en cierta manera, una paradoja?</em></p>
<p>Sí que lo es, y esa era mi intención, ya que soy muy aficionado a las paradojas, porque creo que esconden más verdad de lo que parece. Es obvio que sólo se puede contar lo que se ha llegado a saber de las diversas sociedades secretas que aparecen en el libro. Y así lo he hecho: he intentado contar lo que se sabe, sin inventarme lo que no se sabe. Cuando una teoría u opinión resulta dudosa lo indico siempre en el libro.</p>
<p><em>-El libro mantiene un claro tono erudito y, al mismo tiempo, la escritura es muy clara en todo momento, directa, compartiendo dudas y buscando complicidades. ¿Ha sido complicado este equilibrio entre la erudición y la difusión?</em></p>
<p>No. Quizá porque este es el estilo en el que más me gusta escribir, una especie de ensayo riguroso pero al mismo tiempo ligero y ameno, recuperando el sentido original de la palabra ensayo, tal como lo entendía Michel de Montaigne: un ensayo es un intento, una investigación, no un tratado o un libro de texto.</p>
<p><em>-¿Cuál es la  razón de ser de una sociedad secreta? La esencia? </em></p>
<p>Una de las cosas que he intentado mostrar en el libro es que, en contra de las explicaciones simplistas, cada sociedad secreta tiene orígenes, objetivos, métodos y secretos diferentes. En cada caso he intentado desentrañar un poco ese secreto, descubrir cuál era el conocimiento que realmente poseían, que muchas veces no coincide con aquel del que presumían.</p>
<p><em>-¿Y qué hay  del conocimiento secreto que se supone que buscan todas éstas sociedades?</em></p>
<p>Como he dicho, cada sociedad buscaba o guardaba diferentes secretos. En el caso de los masones medievales se trataba de técnicas de construcción; en el de los templarios, aparte de otras cosas, de una concepción económica que en cierto modo anticipó el capitalismo. Otras sociedades secretas intentaban trasmitir un saber espiritual o una tradición religiosa, como los cátaros.</p>
<p><em>-¿Qué  objetivos persigue una sociedad secreta? ¿Comparten objetivos comunes entre  ellas?</em></p>
<p>No es frecuente que las sociedades secretas compartan objetivos, excepto en el caso de las revolucionarias, como los carbonarios, los comuneros o los masones de España e Italia, de las que no hablo en el libro. Sí es cierto que hay semejanzas entre algunas, como la de los rosacruces y los modernos masones, y tal vez entre los templarios y los asesinos. Lo que sucede más a menudo es que unas y otras sociedades secretas se enfrenten entre sí.</p>
<p><em>-Y sobre las  motivaciones para entrar en ellas. ¿Difieren en cada caso o se pueden extraer  rasgos comunes?</em></p>
<p>Existen algunos rasgos comunes entre quienes ingresan en una sociedad secreta, como el deseo de llevar una vida emocional y espiritualmente más intensa; o la intención de relacionarse con personas de un círculo social al que normalmente no podrían acceder.</p>
<p>-¿En qué contexto surge una sociedad secreta, por alguna inconformidad, necesidades espirituales no resueltas o por la necesidad humana de sentirse diferente?</p>
<p>Por todo ello, y también por la represión y la prohibición, que a lo largo de la historia han hecho que muchas personas tuvieran que ocultar su religión, su ideología o su manera de pensar acerca de ciertas cuestiones.</p>
<p><em>-Como  fundador de la Sociedad Decepcionista ¿A quién le cerrarías las puertas?</em></p>
<p>Hace tiempo que la Sociedad Decepcionista no se reúne, lo que parece una confirmación de su primera ley: que todo es decepcionante. La segunda ley asegura que, si no fuera todo decepcionante, eso sería una conclusión decepcionante para la Sociedad Decepcionista, lo que probaría la primera ley. Lamentablemente, creo que las puertas de la Sociedad Decepcionista  no volverán a abrirse.</p>
<p><em>-¿Podría dar unas pinceladas del abanico de sociedades secretas que han existido  a lo largo de la historia? ¿Han existido todas ellas o algunas son mero fruto de la fantasía?</em><br />
En mi libro, para no escribir más de mil páginas (me quedé cerca de las 400) tuve que prescindir de muchas sociedades secretas, como las conspirativas o las criminales (Mafia, Ku Klux Klan, etcétera). Me limité a la esencia de las sociedades secretas: aquellas que presumen de poseer un saber oculto. A pesar de ello, me ocupo de decenas de sociedades, entre las que se puede mencionar: los magos persas, los pitagóricos, los druidas, los sicarios, zelotes, terapeutas y esenios judíos; los cristianos en tanto que sociedad secreta, los mitraístas, los asesinos, los cátaros, los templarios, algunas sociedades secretas nazis, los masones medievales y los modernos, los cabalistas, los rosacruces, los clubs del Fuego Infernal y otras extravagantes sociedades secretas inglesas, como  los Demoniacos, los Gormogones o el Club de los Bistecs; o la Golden Dawn o Aurora Dorada, a la que pertenecía Aleister Crowley, el llamado “hombre más málvado del siglo XX”. Casi todas las que aparecen en el libro han existido, aunque acerca de algunas de ellas se duda todavía, como en el caso de los fascinantes e influyentes rosacruces.</p>
<p><em>-¿Existen  conexiones probadas entre las sociedades secretas de la Antigüedad o la Edad  Media y las modernas?</em></p>
<p>Muy pocas.  Una que es evidente e indiscutible es la que une a los masones medievales y los  modernos masones.</p>
<p><em>-¿Se esconde la estafa en el caso de algunas sociedades secretas? ¿Cómo es que hay gente que cree ciegamente en lo que se le dice y se dejan timar de esta manera?</em></p>
<p>El secreto siempre puede favorecer la estafa, ya sea en una sociedad secreta o en un contrato bajo mano entre un alcalde y un constructor. Sí es cierto que muchos estafadores o aventureros se han servido de la influencia obtenida al ingresar en ciertas  sociedades secretas. En el libro me ocupo de algunos célebres farsantes, como Casanova, el Conde de Saint Germain o Cagliostro, hacia los que confieso que siento mucha simpatía. Pero no sé por qué la gente se deja engañar, a veces por trucos verdaderamente burdos, pero es evidente que sucede bastante a menudo.</p>
<p><em>-En su libro habla de la relación entre el cristianismo primitivo y éste tipo de sociedades e incluso de qué Jesucristo pudo pertenecer a una de ellas&#8230;</em><br />
Se ha discutido mucho acerca de la relación que pudo mantener Jesucristo (en caso de haber existido, claro) con alguna sociedad secreta judía. Es muy posible que varios discípulos de Jesús fueran sicarios, una especie de grupo terrorista enfrentado a Roma, como el propio Judas (“Iscariote quizá deriva de “Sicariote”). Pero también se ha señalado que Jesucristo, por su pacifismo, parece estar más cerca de los esenios.</p>
<p><em> -¿Qué  aportan las sociedades secretas a la vida pública?</em></p>
<p>Algunas de ellas han sido bastante influyentes en determinados momentos, como en el caso de los masones y la Constitución de los Estados Unidos. También fueron influyentes los asesinos, los templarios y los rosacruces (incluso aunque, en este último caso, no sea seguro que hayan existido). En muchos momentos las sociedades secretas han sido más permisivas que la sociedad dominante y han dado un ejemplo de tolerancia, pero no siempre.</p>
<p><em>-¿Internet  es una herramienta a favor o en contra del hermetismo de estas sociedades?</em></p>
<p>Un buen investigador que use Internet y vaya más allá de los cien primeros resultados de una búsqueda en Google, podrá encontrar casi todos los secretos que muchas sociedades han mantenido ocultos durante siglos. Además, ahora en casi todo el mundo, exceptuando China y bastantes países musulmanes, son legales casi todas las sociedades secretas. Muchas de ellas también practican una política de puertas abiertas y trasparencia. A pesar de todo ello, existen ahora más sociedades secretas que nunca y la afiliación crece, en parte debido precisamente a Internet y a fenómenos como el de <em>El código Da Vinci</em>, que a pesar de atacar al Opus Dei, lo hizo más  popular y contribuyó a que aumentaran las solicitudes para ingresar.</p>
<p><em>- </em>Las paradojas del guionista. Reglas y excepciones en  la práctica del guión<em> (Alba Editorial) es su último libro. ¿La idea era  desmontar los tópicos que rodean el mundo del guión?</em></p>
<p>En realidad <em>Las paradojas</em> es el  libro anterior. En él, como en <em>La  verdadera historia de las sociedades secretas</em>, intenté exponer de manera rigurosa las diversas teorías acerca del guión. Aunque tengo opiniones personales acerca de casi cualquier asunto, me gusta dejar al lector espacio suficiente para que pueda pensar por sí mismo y, por ello, explico lo mejor que puedo las normas para escribir un buen guión, pero también muestro las paradojas con las que un guionista acaba encontrándose tarde o temprano. En mi opinión, el guionista no debe huir de ellas, sino disfrutar y aprender con ellas. Aprender a vivir en medio de la paradoja.</p>
<p>(Este texto son las respuestas a Alicia, no el publicado en Levante)</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Aventurar la Vida y Osar Morir]]></title>
<link>http://weaveagarland.wordpress.com/2009/09/12/aventurar-la-vida-y-osar-morir/</link>
<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2009 11:22:57 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Jackie</dc:creator>
<guid>http://weaveagarland.wordpress.com/2009/09/12/aventurar-la-vida-y-osar-morir/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[In other words : Risk your life and dare to die. This was the personal maxim of Don Diego Sarmiento ]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>In other words : Risk your life and dare to die.</p>
<p>This was the personal maxim of Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, conde de Gondomar (1567-1626)</p>
<div id="attachment_474" class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="width: 210px"><a href="http://weaveagarland.wordpress.com/files/2009/09/200px-gondomar.jpg"><img class="size-full wp-image-474" title="200px-Gondomar" src="http://weaveagarland.wordpress.com/files/2009/09/200px-gondomar.jpg" alt="Gondomar" width="200" height="300" /></a><p class="wp-caption-text">Gondomar</p></div>
<p>Gondomar was a diplomat and, from 1613 to 1622, the Spanish ambassador in England where he was alarmingly good at causing trouble. From his arrival &#8211; when he sailed into Portsmouth harbour and refused to strike the Spanish colours on board. To his departure &#8211; when he played a key role in the ill-fated adventure of Buckingham and Charles, Prince of Wales otherwise known as The Spanish Match.</p>
<p>A recent foray of mine into the Historical Collections of the Private Passages of State brought another of Gondomar&#8217;s infamous deeds to light.</p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;"><em>Gondomar contrives the death of Sir Walter Rawleigh, an Enemy of Spain</em>.</span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;">The <em>Conde Gondomar</em>, an active subtil Instrument, to serve his Masters ends, neglected no occasion tending thereunto, which he mainly shewed in the particular of Sir <em>Walter Rawleigh</em>, wherein he put forth all his strength to destroy him, being one of the last Sea-Commanders then living, bred under Queen <em>Elizabeth</em>, and by her flesh&#8217;d in <em>Spanish</em> Bloud and ruine. </span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;">He did first under-work his Voyage to <em>Guienna</em>, which seemed to threaten loss and danger to the spreading power of <em>Spain</em> in the <em>West-Indies;</em> and after his return with misfortune, he pursued him to death. In the beginning of the King&#8217;s Reign, this Gentleman, with others, was arraigned and condemned for treason; &#8217;twas a dark kind of treason, and the vail is still upon it. The King had ground enough to shew mercy, which some of that condemned party obtained. </span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;">After many years imprisonment, Sir <em>Water Rawleigh</em>, desirous of liberty and action, propounded an <em>American</em> Voyage, upon the assurance of gaining a Mine of Gold in <em>Guienna</em>. The King hearkned to him, and gave him power to set forth Ships and Men for that service; but commanded him upon his Allegiance, to give under his hand, the number of his Men, the burden and strength of his Ships, together with the Country and River which he was to enter.</span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;"> </span></p>
<div id="attachment_475" class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="width: 310px"><a href="http://weaveagarland.wordpress.com/files/2009/09/raleigh.jpg"><img class="size-full wp-image-475" title="raleigh" src="http://weaveagarland.wordpress.com/files/2009/09/raleigh.jpg" alt="Sir Walter Raleigh" width="300" height="463" /></a><p class="wp-caption-text">Sir Walter Raleigh</p></div>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;">All this was done, and came so timely to <em>Gondomar&#8217;s</em> knowledge, that advertisement was sent to <em>Spain</em>, and thence to the <em>Indies</em>, before this <em>English Fleet</em> departed out of the <em>Thames</em>. The Action proved unfortunate, and the Mine was inaccessible: the <em>Spaniards</em> at St. <em>Thomas</em> opposed their passage up the River, and this engaged them to assault the Town, which they took, sacked, and burnt. </span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;"><em>Gondomar</em> hereat incensed, with a violent importunity demanded the reparation of this wrong: And the <em>Spanish Faction</em> urged, that this irruption might make a breach both of the Match and Peace with <em>Spain</em>. The kings fears kindled his wrath; he disavowed the action, and to prevent the like for the future, put forth a severe Proclamation. </span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;">Hereupon the storm of Passion ceased, and <em>Rawleigh</em> knowing nothing, but that he might appear in <em>England</em> with safety, put in at <em>Plimouth</em>, and was no sooner landed, but, by secret intimation, understanding his danger, sought to escape beyond-Sea, but was taken in the attempt, brought to <em>London</em>, and recommitted to the <em>Tower;</em> and at length his life was offered up a <em>Sacrifice</em> for <em>Spain;</em> but not upon such grounds as the Ambassador had designed; for he desired a Judgment upon the pretended breach of Peace, that by this occasion he might slily gain from the <em>English</em> an acknowledgment of his Master&#8217;s Right in those Places and hereafter both stop their mouths, and quench their heat and valour.</span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;"> But the late Voyage was not brought in question, only his former condemnation was revived; his Arraignment at <em>Winchester</em> many years before was now laid open, and he at the <em>Kings Bench</em> demanded, why Execution should not be done upon him according to the Sentence therein pronounced. <em>Rawleigh</em> answered, &#8220;That the &#8221; Kings late Commission gave him a new life and vigour: For he that &#8221; hath power over the lives of others, ought to be Master of his own. </span></p>
<p style="font:12px Times;margin:0 0 12px;"><span style="letter-spacing:0;">This Plea was not accepted, but the former Judgment took place, and accordingly he lost his <em>Head</em> upon a Scaffold erected in the <em>Old Palace</em> at at <em>Westminster</em>.</span></p>
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<title><![CDATA[Sorry, Debi; Sorry, CAP, Sorry, Rhonda "The whole truth" Cook; Sorry, Dave "Great news" Wardell and Sorry, Ratchet Rob "I'll turn your water off" Hunter]]></title>
<link>http://drjimbeaty.wordpress.com/2009/07/17/sorry-debi-sorry-cap-sorry-rhonda-the-whole-truth-cook-sorry-dave-great-news-wardell-and-sorry-ratchet-rob-ill-turn-your-water-off-hunter/</link>
<pubDate>Fri, 17 Jul 2009 17:48:11 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>drjimbeaty</dc:creator>
<guid>http://drjimbeaty.wordpress.com/2009/07/17/sorry-debi-sorry-cap-sorry-rhonda-the-whole-truth-cook-sorry-dave-great-news-wardell-and-sorry-ratchet-rob-ill-turn-your-water-off-hunter/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[The names listed above are members of the Franklin/Starnes, CAP Goliath Team committed to the exterm]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>     The names listed above are members of the Franklin/Starnes, CAP Goliath Team committed to the extermination of the Task Force for the Homeless.  They will have to wait a little longer for homeless people to be without water at the Peachtree-Pine shelter.  The next payment of $5,338.90 is due on July 25.  By nothing short of a miracle, the $8,400 due on July 16 was paid. A minister wrote a personal check of $1000.  A business person sent $2000.  A committed young woman raised $2500 from her Buckhead neighbors.  A prominant church through the diligence of its senior minister electronically mailed $5000 to the city&#8217;s Department of Water Mismanagement.  An additional $1000 came through the Task Force&#8217;s PayPal. Incidentally, four donors were Task Force staff who have not been paid for the last three months.</p>
<p>     The first time the city turned off the water at Peachtree-Pine was the first week of December 2008, Christmas season.  Central Atlanta Progress&#8217;s David E. Wardell upon hearing that the water had been cut off, exclaimed, &#8220;Great news!&#8221;  Wardell sets the tone for Team Goliath.  To a person the team members are giddy knowing 550 homeless people have no water to drink.  CAP contradicts itself in its philosophy of panhandling when it gives us permission to give a bottle of water, never money, of course.  Sadness, yea moans, rippled through city hall when word came that the water would NOT be turned off on July 16.  The bankrupt city needs every dollar it can steal; however, more than stealing its greatest thrill for Team Goliath is witholding water from thirsty homeless people.  These leaders fulfill Isaiah 32.6, &#8220;For the fool speaks folly&#8230;the hungry he leaves empty and from the thirsty he withholds water.&#8221;  Why Bonnie Ware, the memo writer was seen to wipe a tear as she groaned, &#8220;And those nasty people will use our water to flush; it&#8217;s just outrageous.&#8221;</p>
<p>     Recent developments reveal Shirley Franklin and Debi Starnes to be pawns on CAP&#8217;s chess board.  They are the cupbearers of Central Atlanta Progress who in turn obey the good ole boy power structure that has ruled Georgia and Atlanta since Sherman did his thing.  The chilling truth that the sickness of the Franklin/Starnes yoke (and they are sick) when gone will be replaced by other cupbearers.  A sweet irony:  the Task Force has gumpteen deep throats in the bowels of City Hall.  Oodles of city workers even right there under Rachet Rob&#8217;s nose deplore the actions of their own department, the Department of Water Mismanagement. Words of encouragement like &#8220;We&#8217;re pulling for you.&#8221; come regularly from city workers. </p>
<p>     The word &#8220;cupbearer&#8221; brings to mind a scene in literature that clarifies the city&#8217;s oppressing the poor.  Mark Twain depicted Elizabeth I&#8217;s court in a piece he called, &#8220;1601.&#8221;  This satirical piece is narrated by the Queen&#8217;s cupbearer.  Believing himself to be of noble blood, the cupbearer is appalled that the Queen has invited low-lifes to gather in the court.  These undesireables are writers, actors, swashbucklers such as Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, Francis Bacon and Walter Raleigh.  Members of the court are worthies such as the Duchess of Bilgewater and Lady Alice Dilberry.</p>
<p>     The cupbearer voices his repulsion: &#8220;I being her majesty&#8217;s cupbearer, had no choice but to remain and behold rank forgotten, and the high having conversation with the low as though they were on equal terms.  And the world will hear of this great scandal.&#8221;</p>
<p>     The cupbearer in Twain&#8217;s &#8220;1601&#8243; makes everything clear.  CAP&#8217;s initiating the plan to turn off the water at a shelter on Peachtree Street is not about water.  It&#8217;s about the Duchess of Bilgewater.  It&#8217;s cupbearer philosophy.  It&#8217;s about CAP exclusionism.  It&#8217;s about the high loathing the low.  It&#8217;s about plantation thinking assessing the fact that 550 African-American males have a Peachtree Street address.  Throw in &#8220;homeless males&#8221; and appears the perfect storm. This CAP zeal is about the privileged never having to stoop for the unwanted.  Could we not safely add to Rachet Rob &#8220;I&#8217;ll turn your water off&#8221; Hunter the title of the Duke of Bilgewater.  God rest you Mark Twain.  How you would love Team Goliath.   </p>
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<title><![CDATA[Sherborne Castle]]></title>
<link>http://mydorset.wordpress.com/2009/04/16/sherborne-castle-2/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 16 Apr 2009 09:00:42 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Brian Tompkins</dc:creator>
<guid>http://mydorset.wordpress.com/2009/04/16/sherborne-castle-2/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Picture by Gary Sir Walter Raleigh tried to modernise the 12th century Old Castle but decided to bui]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><div id="attachment_2313" class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="width: 510px"><a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/gazzat/3444548971/" target="_blank"><img class="size-full wp-image-2313" title="sherborne-castle" src="http://mydorset.wordpress.com/files/2009/04/sherborne-castle.jpg" alt="Picture by Gary" width="500" height="333" /></a><p class="wp-caption-text">Picture by Gary</p></div>
<p style="text-align:justify;">Sir Walter Raleigh tried to modernise the 12th century Old Castle but decided to build a new home on the site of the hunting lodge in the deer park. He erected his new house in 1594, which he called &#8220;Sherborne Lodge&#8221; to distinguish it from the Old Castle. Sir Walter lived in the house for little more than ten years</p>
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<title><![CDATA[An A to Z of Youghal]]></title>
<link>http://anatoz.wordpress.com/2009/02/10/an-a-to-z-of-youghal/</link>
<pubDate>Tue, 10 Feb 2009 01:47:37 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>anatoz</dc:creator>
<guid>http://anatoz.wordpress.com/2009/02/10/an-a-to-z-of-youghal/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[The history and people of Éochaill Saints and Scoundrels • Duellists, Sailors, Soldiers, Spies Pirat]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p style="text-align:center;"><strong>The history and people of Éochaill</strong></p>
<p style="text-align:center;"><em><strong>Saints and Scoundrels • Duellists, Sailors, Soldiers, Spies </strong></em></p>
<p style="text-align:center;"><em><strong>Pirates, Rebels and Witches</strong></em></p>
<p style="text-align:center;">The <em>Déisi Mumhain</em> and the Druids • the Norwegians under Sigtrygg • the raid by Torlough O’Connor, father of the last High King of Ireland • the Black Death • the river Blackwater • Marc Isambard Brunel and Isambard Kingdom Brunel in Youghal  • Saint Budoc • Isaac Butt, MP for Youghal • cinema pioneers the Horgan Brothers • cinema pioneer Liam O’Leary • the making of <em>Moby Dick</em> • the making of <em>Barry Lyndon</em> • Civil War in Youghal (including exclusive photographs) • the Clock Gate • Dominic Collins – hanged, drawn and quartered • Saint Coran and the fate of his monastery • County Youghal • Oliver Cromwell • Abraham Dowdney, US Congressman • Duellists – “the gentlemen of Youghal are so quarrelsome that they never walk the streets without a case of pistols” • Eloping • Famine “death by starvation”• FitzGerald – the Desmond dynasty and rebellions • Garrison – Lord Edward FitzGerald, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington and James Connolly in Youghal • Groynes – the breakwaters built by Shaik Rahmatullah al-Farooq • Anna Haslam and the birth of feminism • the story of Capel Island • Knights Templar • David Lewis – swindler extraordinaire • the story of the Lighthouse • Molana Abbey, its founder and its fate • Séamus Murphy and his work in Youghal • Florence Newton – the “witch” of Youghal, the last witch-trial in Ireland • Peter O’Neill, transportation survivor • Pirates – centuries of buccaneers based in Youghal • Punishment – mutilation and humiliation • Sherlock Holmes and Youghal of the CID • James Joyce in Youghal • Walter Raleigh • Sampson Towgood Roche • Skullduggery – the fate of Saint Declan’s skull • Smithereens – the fate of the frigate Duncannon • Train – the Cork and Youghal Railway “a model of mismanagement” • Yew – the disappearance of the woods • Value, vice and virginity • Mike Walsh, US Congressman • Treasure trove • Youghal in song • Zombie – raising the dead.</p>
<p style="text-align:center;"><strong>Illustrated throughout </strong></p>
<p style="text-align:center;"><strong>with more than fifty illustrations and exclusive photographs</strong></p>
<p style="text-align:center;">
<p style="text-align:center;"><strong>Available to buy on eBay.ie</strong></p>
<p style="text-align:center;">
<p style="text-align:center;"><strong><br />
</strong></p>
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<title><![CDATA[Katherine, Countess of Desmond]]></title>
<link>http://random1881.wordpress.com/2008/11/12/katherine-countess-of-desmond/</link>
<pubDate>Wed, 12 Nov 2008 23:46:24 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>colegrove</dc:creator>
<guid>http://random1881.wordpress.com/2008/11/12/katherine-countess-of-desmond/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Ok, I have returned from my absence. This afternoon I want to shift my thoughts to specific people w]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p><a href="http://random1881.files.wordpress.com/2008/11/masala-chai-tea.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-100" title="masala-chai-tea" src="http://random1881.wordpress.com/files/2008/11/masala-chai-tea.jpg" alt="masala-chai-tea" width="204" height="168" /></a>Ok, I have returned from my absence.  This afternoon I want to shift my thoughts to specific people who have shown tremendous feats of longevity in history.  I always tend to either eat or drink while on the computer, probably not too wise, but it&#8217;s my way of multi-tasking, I suppose.  Today it is lightly steamed veggies seasoned with a very small amount of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Healing-Powers-Olive-Oil-Complete/dp/0758222211/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&#38;s=books&#38;qid=1226532159&#38;sr=1-1" target="_self">olive oil</a>, garlic, pepper, and <a href="http://www.veganessentials.com/catalog/sea-seasonings-organic-kelp-granules.htm" target="_self">kelp flakes</a>.  Not extremely cooked, but just enough to make the crunch of the carrots, broccoli, cauliflower, and baby onions palatable and slightly juicy.  My beverage of choice today is my own blend.  A type of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chai_tea" target="_self">Chai</a> with <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rooibos" target="_self">Rooibos</a> instead of regular tea.  I just added to the Rooibos (Red Bush) some ground Ginger, ground Cardamom, ground Cloves, cinnamon, and nutmeg &#8211; and Almond Extract of course.</p>
<p><a href="http://random1881.files.wordpress.com/2008/11/countess1.jpg"><img class="alignright size-full wp-image-98" title="Countess of Desmond" src="http://random1881.wordpress.com/files/2008/11/countess1.jpg" alt="Countess of Desmond" width="185" height="284" /></a>So, our first guest to the show today lived for over 140 years.  <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Katherine_FitzGerald,_Countess_of_Desmond" target="_self"><strong>Katherine FitzGerald, Countess of Desmond</strong></a>.  Katherine, or Catherine, was born sometime around 1365 in Waterford, Ireland.  Her parents, it is claimed, were Sir John FitzGerald, second Lord of Decies, and Ellen FitzGibbon, daughter of the &#8220;White Knight&#8221;.  She married first in the time of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_IV_of_England" target="_self">King Edward IV</a>.  Edward IV reigned in England from 1461-1470 and again from 1471-1483.  She is said to have danced with <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_III_of_England" target="_self">King Richard III</a> (reigned 1483-1485), the last King before the house of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tudor_dynasty" target="_self">Tudor</a> put an end to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wars_of_the_roses" target="_self">Wars of the Roses</a>.</p>
<p>According to Wikipedia, one can notice her death date of 1604, but it is known she was alive in 1614, but had died by 1617, so perhaps this is a common error.  Here is what we know of her from her contemporaries:</p>
<p><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Raleigh" target="_self">Sir Walter Raleigh</a>, in his <em>History of the World, </em>1614, says:</p>
<blockquote><p><em>&#8220;I my self knew the old Countess of Desmond, of Iuchiquin in Munster, who lived in the year 1589, and many years since; who was married in Edward the Fourths&#8217;s time, and held her joynture from all the Earles of Desmond since then; and that this is true all the Noblemen and Gentlemen of Munster can witnesse.&#8221;</em></p></blockquote>
<p><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fynes_Moryson" target="_self">Fynes Moryson</a> in his <em>Itinerary, </em>1617, wrote:</p>
<blockquote><p><em>&#8220;In our time the Irish Countess of Desmond lived to the age of about 140 yeere, being able to goe on foote foure or five miles to the market towne, and using weekly so to doe in her last yeeres; and not many yeeres before she had all her teeth renewed.&#8221;</em></p></blockquote>
<p><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_Francis_Bacon" target="_self"></a></p>
<div id="attachment_99" class="wp-caption alignleft" style="width: 176px"><a href="http://random1881.files.wordpress.com/2008/11/countess2.jpg"><img class="size-full wp-image-99" title="Countess of Desmond 2" src="http://random1881.wordpress.com/files/2008/11/countess2.jpg" alt="Countess of Desmond" width="166" height="229" /></a><p class="wp-caption-text">Countess of Desmond</p></div>
<p>Sir Francis Bacon, my favorite natural philosopher &#8211; who coined the phrase &#8220;<em>knowledge is power&#8221; </em>wrote in 1623:</p>
<blockquote><p><em>&#8220;The Irish, especially the wild Irish, even at this day live very long; certainly they report that within these few years the Countess of Desmond lived to a hundred and fourty years of age, and bred teeth three times.&#8221;</em></p></blockquote>
<p>The <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archbishop_Usher" target="_self">Archbishop James Ussher</a>, famous for his <em>Annals of the World, </em>a history that puts together Biblical history and secular world history together in a concise, contreversial, young-earth chronology, also wrote about the Countess, but did not add many more details to her life.</p>
<p>In 1640, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Sidney,_2nd_Earl_of_Leicester" target="_self">Robert Sydney, Earl of Leicester</a>, wrote:</p>
<blockquote><p>&#8220;<em>The old Countess of Desmond was a married woman in Ed. IV&#8217;s time, of England, and lived till towards the end of Q. Elizabeth, so as she must needs be near 140 years old.  She had a new sett of teeth not long afore her death, and might have lived much longer had she not met with a kind of violent death; for she would needs climb a nut tree, to gather nuts,; so falling down she hurt her thigh, which brought a fever, and that fever brought death.  This my cousin Walter FitzWilliam told me.</em></p>
<p><em>&#8220;This old lady, Mr. Harriot told me, came to petition the Queen; and, landing at Bristol, she came on foot to London, being then so old that her daughter was decrepit, and not able to come with her, but was brought in a little cart, their poverty not allowing means for better provision; and as I remeber, Sir Walter Raleigh in some part of his story speaks of her, and saith that he saw her in England in Anno 1589.</em></p>
<p><em>&#8220;Her death was strange and remarkable, as her long life was, having seen the death of so many descended of her, and both her own and her husband&#8217;s house ruined in the rebellions and wars.&#8221;</em></p></blockquote>
<p>The last account I bring to the readers attention is one in 1689 by <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_William_Temple" target="_self">Sir William Temple</a>:</p>
<blockquote><p><em>&#8220;&#8230;A Countess of Desmond, married out of England in Edward IV&#8217;s time, and who lived far in King James&#8217;s reign, and was counted to have died some years above a hundred and forty; at which age she came from Bristol to London to beg some relief at Court, having long been very poor by the reuin of that Irish family into which she was married.&#8221;</em></p></blockquote>
<p>Based on the above evidence and some digging in <em>The Dublin Review</em> of 1862, the picture I put together of her last days is this:</p>
<p>In 1589 Sir Walter Raleigh met the Countess while in Ireland.  Then, either late in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Queen_Elizabeth_I" target="_self">Queen Elizabeth I</a>&#8217;s reign or in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_I_of_England" target="_self">King James I</a>&#8217;s reign, she came to court to petition help from the crown on account of the ruin of her family estate.  Then in about 1614, after a visit to the Royal Court (again?), she fell while picking nuts from a tree, and died later on, as a result.</p>
<p>Amazing for someone near 140 years old, to still be able to walk 4-5 miles into town daily.  Also, interestingly she grew one or possibly two new sets of teeth in her advanced age.  This is a trait also recorded in other people who live well beyond 100, such as those in South America.</p>
<p>Amazing story.  What are your thoughts?  Personally I think her spare diet (not eating a lot), not discussed here was a major factor.  Also she was active and did much walking right up until the end.  She ate nuts, though in some places it says she was picking cherries or another fruit off of a tree, so she ate fruit.  Any thoughts as to what may have contributed to her longevity?</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Sonho de surfista...]]></title>
<link>http://afichacaiu.wordpress.com/2008/10/27/sonho-de-surfista/</link>
<pubDate>Tue, 28 Oct 2008 01:01:53 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Rodrigo Vieira da Cunha</dc:creator>
<guid>http://afichacaiu.wordpress.com/2008/10/27/sonho-de-surfista/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Aconteceu de novo. Mais um dos incríveis sonhos recorrentes relacionados ao surfe. O argumento é sem]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>Aconteceu de novo. Mais um dos incríveis sonhos recorrentes relacionados ao surfe. O argumento é sempre o mesmo. Estou em uma praia desconhecido que reúne elementos de praias que eu já conheço (Essa lembrava a praia Mole, de Santa Catarina). Estou sempre com amigos. O mar está aparentemente bom. Aí, chega a minha hora de surfar e estranhas coisas acontecem. Ou perco a cordinha da prancha. Ou começa a ventar. Ou as ondas diminuem consideravelmente. Ou não consigo entrar nas ondas. Dessa vez, foi um pouquinho diferente. Vamos lá.</p>
<p>Estava no mar junto com o Bruno, meu irmão. Era um campeonato de ondas grandes na Austrália, na praia de Raleigh Heads (?). A pontuação era dada por insanidade. O drop (descida da onda, em &#8217;surfês&#8217;) mais radical ganhava mais pontos. Lembro que era a última onda e que a praia não tinha muitas belezas naturais. Era uma praia de tombo, o máximo que consegui lembrar e anotar em meio à madrugada (atendendo a um chamado do faminto Vicente).</p>
<p>Então, veio a minha onda. Era grande. &#8216;Botei para baixo&#8217; numa massa de água considerável (só de lembrar já dá medo!). Então, coloquei os pés na prancha e joguei algo lá de cima nas costas de alguém que estava na frente, remando para pegar a onda no meu lugar. Desci a onda, caí e levei uma &#8220;vaca&#8221; e tanto. (&#8220;Vaca&#8221;, em surfês, quer dizer um caldo bem dado.) Lembro de rolar na areia junto com a espuma branca da onda, até raspar na areia. Levantei e levei a pontuação. Fiquei em terceiro lugar, com 900 e poucos pontos, atrás de alguém com 970 e do campeão com mais de 1000 pontos. Mas ainda não havia acabado a competição. Em seguida, o Vicente chamou. Antes da última onda.</p>
<p>Com certeza, esse sonho daria uma sessão de terapia (se eu não tivesse me dado em alta depois de um ano! Podia ter uma &#8216;fast terapia&#8217;. Tipo: uma sessão só para desvendar sonhos como esse).</p>
<p>Acabei de procurar Raleigh na wikipedia. Raleigh é o nome de uma praia na&#8230; Austrália. Raleigh também é uma grafia encontrada para Rayleigh Wave, um tipo de onda sísmica, observada em terremotos. Raleigh é ainda o sobrenome de um escritor inglês (Walter), que era poeta, soldado, cortesão e explorador. Caramba, alguém aí tem o telefone de um psicólogo?!? Pelo menos uma coisa eu entendo desses sonhos: preciso surfar mais!</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Cine ELOGIO ÉPICO DE UNA REINA VIRGEN]]></title>
<link>http://ideasdebabel.wordpress.com/2008/07/31/cine-elogio-epico-de-una-reina-virgen/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 01:55:45 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Alfonso Molina</dc:creator>
<guid>http://ideasdebabel.wordpress.com/2008/07/31/cine-elogio-epico-de-una-reina-virgen/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Una década atrás, Cate Blanchett, una joven y relativamente poco conocida actriz australiana, se apr]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p style="text-align:left;"><a href="http://ideasdebabel.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/elizabeth-la-edad-de-oro-2.jpg"><img class="alignright size-medium wp-image-1249" src="http://ideasdebabel.wordpress.com/files/2008/07/elizabeth-la-edad-de-oro-2.jpg?w=300" alt="" width="300" height="210" /></a>Una década atrás, Cate Blanchett, una joven y relativamente poco conocida actriz australiana, se apropió de la férrea personalidad de Isabel I, la reina que marcó la división religiosa de Inglaterra a mediados del siglo XVI. Producida de manera independiente, <strong>Elizabeth</strong> ganó varios premios internacionales y se convirtió en un éxito casi inmediato sobre la base de la fascinante y legendaria presencia de la &#8220;reina virgen&#8221;, la dirección del británico de origen paquistaní Shekhar Kapur y la desmesurada capacidad interpretativa de  Blanchett. Personaje, director y actriz regresan con <strong>Elizabeth, la edad de oro</strong>, una secuela que intenta repetir del éxito de la antecesora. Lamentablemente lo hace sólo parcialmente.<!--more--></p>
<p style="text-align:justify;">La acción se inicia en 1585 en una Inglaterra gobernada por una protestante y con la mitad de una población que aún profesa la fe católica. El Papa había declarado una guerra santa contra Isabel I mientras Felipe II de España, conductor del el imperio más poderoso de entonces, estaba decidido a asesinar y sustituir a la reina virgen por su prima María Estuardo, reina de Escocia, fervorosamente católica. El complot falla y el monarca español opta por lanzar su legendaria Armada Invencible para acabar con la Inglaterra protestante. No obstante, sorpresivamente, las fuerzas navales de Isabel I destrozaron la flota de Felipe II. La gran victoria significó su consolidación en el trono. La soberana inglesa estaba en lo que se llamó su época dorada. Este es el escenario histórico donde se desarrolla <strong>Elizabeth, la edad de oro</strong>. A partir de estos elementos se levanta un guión con bastantes licencias que combina la política de Estado, las conspiraciones palaciegas y una especie de triángulo amoroso entre Isabel I, una mujer que según la historia tenía 52 años en aquel momento, sir Walter Raleigh, que apenas cruzaba la treintena, y una de las jóvenes damas de la corte, con quien el político y marino inglés tuvo una hija. Con estos elementos William Nicholson y Michael Hirst pretendieron escribir una especie de historia épica con rasgos románticos que, por sobre todas las cosas, debería dejar muy bien parada a la hija de Enrique VIII y Ana Bolena.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify;">Sin embargo, esta Isabel I parece más un personaje de ficción que de la realidad histórica. Al comienzo del film la reina virgen ya está consolidada en el trono, aunque los sectores católicos siguen siendo una amenaza para su vida y para la subsistencia del Estado. El guión trata de mostrar a la reina como una elocuente defensora de la libertad de fe, mientras que presenta a Felipe II como “la voz sibilina del mal”. Este planteamiento esquemático deriva en un maniqueísmo excesivo que resta credibilidad a la historia, más allá del manejo de cierta espectacularidad sentimental y patriota. Mientras tanto se construye otra línea dramática con la aparición de Walter Raleigh, quien regresa del Nuevo Mundo y lleva, entre otros presentes, el tabaco y las papas a la Corte inglesa, producto de su actividad como pirata contra la Corona española. Guapo, galante y arrojado, se convierte en el objetivo afectivo y sexual de una reina que es aún famosa por su virginidad. Pero Raleigh se fija en una de sus cortesanas, en una especie de sublimación de los deseos de la monarca. En cambio, la relación de Estado que Isabel I establece con su consejero sir Francis Walsingham, a todas luces más importante desde el punto de vista político e histórico, es apenas mostrada como una intriga de palacio. Un desequilibrio que parece originarse en las ambiciones comerciales de esta coproducción entre el Reino Unido y Francia.</p>
<p><span style="font-size:x-small;font-family:Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;"> </span></p>
<p style="text-align:justify;">El principal problema de <strong>Elizabeth, la edad de oro</strong> reside en su afán magnificente para narrar una suerte de epopeya mítica para los ingleses, al menos para los que creen en la monarquía. La puesta en escena de Shekhar Kapur es grandilocuente, excesiva, sin mesura, de gran belleza plástica, pero más atenta a lo formal que a la importancia de lo narrado. Las actuaciones de Blanchett, Geoffrey Rush (Walsingham), Clive Owen (Raleigh) y Abbie Cornich (la chica de la corte) poseen fortalezas expresivas evidentes y plausibles que, no obstante, son insuficientes apara elevar el nivel de ligereza del film.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify;"><em>ELIZABETH, LA EDAD DE ORO (&#8220;Elizabeth, the gholden age&#8221;), Reino Unido y Francia, 2007. Dirección: Shekhar Kapur. Guión: William Nicholson y Michael Hirst. Producción: Tim Bevan, Eric Fellner y Jonathan Cavendish. Fotografía: Remi Adefarasin. Montaje: Jill Bilcock. Música: Craig Armstrong y A.R. Rahman. Dirección de arte: Guy Hendrix Dyas. Elenco: Cate Blanchett (Elizabeth I de Inglaterra), Geoffrey Rush (sir Francis Walsingham), Clive Owen (sir Walter Raleigh), Abbie Cornish (Bess Throckmorton), Samantha Morton (María Estuardo), Jordi Mollà (Felipe II), Rhys Ifans (Robert Reston). Distribución: The Walt Disney Company.</em></p>
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<title><![CDATA[George Somers (1554-1610)]]></title>
<link>http://myancestors.wordpress.com/2008/06/05/george-somers-1554-1610/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 05 Jun 2008 09:00:11 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Brian Tompkins</dc:creator>
<guid>http://myancestors.wordpress.com/2008/06/05/george-somers-1554-1610/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Sir George Somers was a man of great energy. He not only sailed with Sir Walter Raleigh, captured tr]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[Sir George Somers was a man of great energy. He not only sailed with Sir Walter Raleigh, captured tr]]></content:encoded>
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<title><![CDATA[Pilgrim to pilgrim]]></title>
<link>http://milanovalencia.wordpress.com/2008/05/30/pilgrim-to-pilgrim/</link>
<pubDate>Fri, 30 May 2008 05:28:31 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>MI VA</dc:creator>
<guid>http://milanovalencia.wordpress.com/2008/05/30/pilgrim-to-pilgrim/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[el camino de santiago de compostela &#8211; foto di katrencik &#8220;Ma il vero amore e&#8217; un fu]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p style="text-align:center;"><img class="aligncenter" src="http://farm3.static.flickr.com/2048/1570911764_7680143bc0.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="323" /></p>
<h6 style="text-align:center;"><span style="color:#800000;"><em>el camino de santiago de compostela &#8211; foto di katrencik</em></span></h6>
<p><em>&#8220;Ma il vero amore e&#8217; un fuoco duraturo, che brucia per sempre nella mente<br />
Mai malato, mai vecchio, mai morto<br />
che non si volge mai altrove&#8221;</em></p>
<p style="text-align:justify;">Questi gli ultimi versi di una delle poesie elisabettiane di un navigatore, esploratore, poeta del cinquecento.<br />
Il mondo riscopre il passato, mescolando, in modo spesso improbabile, Walter Raleigh e il pop.<br />
La poesia non ha un luogo, né uno strumento definito, potremmo obiettare a quella che può sembrare una frase saccente.<br />
Ma nessuno oggi conosce Walter Raleigh.<br />
A Cambridge in un testo d&#8217;esame, in una dispensa come la chiameremmo noi reduci dalle università italiane in cui alle dispense spesso veniva dato più valore dei manuali, si propone un confronto di poesia, fra l&#8217;elisabettiano e le canzoni folk o pop dei nostri tempi.<br />
E le canzoni scelte oltre alla deliziosa Boots of Spanish Leather di Dylan, una inquieta ballata per vecchi e saggi , una storia di due amanti, di un bivio, e del mare aperto, e la struggente Fine and Mellow di Billie Holiday, ecco comparire la Winehouse:<br />
&#8220;&#8230;tutte le nostre questioni futili<br />
noi beffati dalle divinità<br />
e adesso il fotogramma finale è che<br />
l&#8217;amore è un gioco a perdere&#8230;&#8221;</p>
<p>Esame di critica pratica.</p>
<p><em>I got a letter on a lonesome day,<br />
It was from her ship a-sailin&#8217;,<br />
Saying I don&#8217;t know when I&#8217;ll be comin&#8217; back again,<br />
It depends on how I&#8217;m a-feelin&#8217;.</em></p>
<p><em>Well, if you, my love, must think that-a-way,<br />
I&#8217;m sure your mind is roamin&#8217;.<br />
I&#8217;m sure your heart is not with me,<br />
But with the country to where you&#8217;re goin&#8217;.</em></p>
<p><em>So take heed, take heed of the western wind,<br />
Take heed of the stormy weather.<br />
And yes, there&#8217;s something you can send back to me,<br />
Spanish boots of Spanish leather. (Bob Dylan)</em></p>
<p style="text-align:justify;">Mi sento di chiudere così, perché quando sembra tutto sia finito, troviamo sempre qualcosa per cui valga la pena di aspettare.</p>
<p>(E.)</p>
<h6><em>P.S. per chi volesse fare un salto su <a href="http://www.libmagazine.eu/" target="_blank">LIBMAG</a>, c&#8217;è un mio articolo sui ponti, veri e virtuali.</em></h6>
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<title><![CDATA[Sherborne Castle]]></title>
<link>http://mydorset.wordpress.com/2008/05/29/sherborne-castle/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 29 May 2008 09:00:03 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Brian Tompkins</dc:creator>
<guid>http://mydorset.wordpress.com/2008/05/29/sherborne-castle/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Sherborne Castle is a 16th-century Tudor mansion southeast of Sherborne. The old castle was built as]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p><a href="http://www.flickr.com/people/rosswebsdale/"><img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-56" src="http://mydorset.wordpress.com/files/2008/05/sherborne-castle.jpg" alt="Sherborne Castle by Ross Websdale" width="500" height="376" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align:justify;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sherborne_Castle" target="_blank">Sherborne Castle</a> is a 16th-century Tudor mansion southeast of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sherborne" target="_blank">Sherborne</a>. The old castle was built as the fortified palace of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roger_of_Salisbury" target="_blank">Roger de Caen</a>, Bishop of Salisbury and Chancellor of England, and still belonged to the church in the late 16th century. After passing through Sherborne on the way to Plymouth, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Raleigh" target="_blank">Sir Walter Raleigh </a>fell in love with the castle, and Queen Elizabeth relinquished the estate, leasing it to Raleigh in 1592. Rather than refurbish the old castle, Raleigh decided to construct a new mansion in the grounds on the site of an existing hunting lodge. The new house, a four-story, rectangular building was completed in 1594 and named Sherborne Lodge.</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Descoperiri şi exploratori faţă în faţă cu istoria religiilor]]></title>
<link>http://petrumoldovan.wordpress.com/2008/05/13/descoperiri-si-exploratori-fata-in-fata-cu-istoria-religiilor/</link>
<pubDate>Tue, 13 May 2008 09:26:35 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Petru Moldovan</dc:creator>
<guid>http://petrumoldovan.wordpress.com/2008/05/13/descoperiri-si-exploratori-fata-in-fata-cu-istoria-religiilor/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Atunci când vorbim de Renaştere nu putem neglija descoperirile geografice. Aceste momente istorice t]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[Atunci când vorbim de Renaştere nu putem neglija descoperirile geografice. Aceste momente istorice t]]></content:encoded>
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<title><![CDATA[Discover the Greatness of Sir Edward Everett Millais!]]></title>
<link>http://powellhistory.wordpress.com/2008/03/13/discover-the-greatness-of-sir-edward-everett-millais/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 13 Mar 2008 11:49:39 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Scott Powell</dc:creator>
<guid>http://powellhistory.wordpress.com/2008/03/13/discover-the-greatness-of-sir-edward-everett-millais/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[OK.  Let&#8217;s switch tracks.  Modern politics is so depressing, and I&#8217;m sure we all need a ]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>OK.  Let&#8217;s switch tracks.  Modern politics is so depressing, and I&#8217;m sure we all need a metaphysical pick-me-up after thinking about Iran-Israel.</p>
<p>I recently got two great art books for my birthday, and when I tell you that one of them was full of Victorian nudes, but that it&#8217;s the <em>other one</em> I&#8217;m most excited about, you&#8217;ll have some idea of how good it is! <img src='http://s.wordpress.com/wp-includes/images/smilies/icon_wink.gif' alt=';-)' class='wp-smiley' /> </p>
<p>I&#8217;m talking about the best book I&#8217;ve ever seen on the art of Sir Edward Everett Millais.  The book is simply entitled &#8220;Millais,&#8221; by Jason Rosenfeld and Alison Smith.  (<a target="_blank" href="http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1854377469?ie=UTF8&#38;tag=powellhistory-20&#38;linkCode=as2&#38;camp=1789&#38;creative=9325&#38;creativeASIN=1854377469">Get it here</a>, at an amazing price, from Amazon.) </p>
<p align="center"><a target="_blank" href="http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1854377469?ie=UTF8&#38;tag=powellhistory-20&#38;linkCode=as2&#38;camp=1789&#38;creative=9325&#38;creativeASIN=1854377469"><img border="0" width="179" src="http://www.powellhistory.com/images/Millais_RosenfeldSmith.jpg" height="242" /></a></p>
<p align="left">Millais first came to my attention because he created some remarkable works of historical art.  My favorite of these is <em>Huguenot Lovers, </em>which depicts an intimate moment during the St.Bartholomew&#8217;s Day massacre of the religious civil wars in France.  The French Protestants, known as &#8220;Huguenots,&#8221; were to be massacred this day, by order of the royal family.  Catholics were to be safely identified by the white armbands they wore. </p>
<p align="left">In Millais&#8217;s depiction of a great conflict of values related to this episode, a woman attempts to fasten a white band onto the arm of her lover, who, while embracing her, prevents her from doing so. </p>
<p align="left">In the words of the poet, Richard Lovelace, &#8220;<em>I could not love thee, Dear, so much, Loved I not Honour more.</em>&#8220;</p>
<p align="center"><img border="0" width="395" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/d/d0/Huguenot.jpg" height="606" /> </p>
<p>Also worth a look: <a target="_blank" href="http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0300091192?ie=UTF8&#38;tag=powellhistory-20&#38;linkCode=as2&#38;camp=1789&#38;creative=9325&#38;creativeASIN=0300091192">John Everett Milais, Beyond the Pre-Raphaelist Brotherhood</a>.  It&#8217;s has a more limited thesis, and does not offer the same comprehensive presentation as the Rosenfeld-Smith book, but it&#8217;s still nice.  Also, if you can find it, <a target="_blank" href="http://www.abebooks.com/servlet/SearchResults?an=millais&#38;sts=t&#38;tn=millais&#38;x=0&#38;y=0">Sir John Everett Millais</a> by Geoffroy Millais has been a happy component of my collection.  It&#8217;s older, so the reproductions are not quite as sharp, however.</p>
<div style="text-align:center;"><img border="0" width="179" src="http://www.powellhistory.com/images/Millais_Mancoff.jpg" height="242" />  <img border="0" width="179" src="http://www.powellhistory.com/images/Millais_Millais.jpg" height="242" /></div>
<div style="text-align:center;">Two other books, <a target="_blank" href="http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0300091192?ie=UTF8&#38;tag=powellhistory-20&#38;linkCode=as2&#38;camp=1789&#38;creative=9325&#38;creativeASIN=0300091192">worth a look</a> for insight into the work of Millais</div>
<p align="left">For more information about Millais, you can also take in a post I wrote about another one of his works, <em><a target="_blank" href="http://historyatourhouse.com/?p=63">The Boyhood of Sir Walter Raleigh</a> </em>over at HistoryAtOurHouse.  </p>
<p align="left">This artist is fighting for a place in my top five favorite painters of all time!  Find out why, by picking up the amazing Rosenfeld-Smith book!</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Love and Hate: Two Sides of the Same Coin]]></title>
<link>http://gurmeetsingh.wordpress.com/2008/02/20/love-and-hate-two-sides-of-the-same-coin/</link>
<pubDate>Wed, 20 Feb 2008 09:58:00 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Gurmeet Singh Manku</dc:creator>
<guid>http://gurmeetsingh.wordpress.com/2008/02/20/love-and-hate-two-sides-of-the-same-coin/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[&#8220;Hatreds are the cinders of affection.&#8221; &#8212; Walter Raleigh (1552-1618, English write]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[&#8220;Hatreds are the cinders of affection.&#8221; &#8212; Walter Raleigh (1552-1618, English write]]></content:encoded>
</item>
<item>
<title><![CDATA[Sir Walter Raleigh, Discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana]]></title>
<link>http://earlyamericas.wordpress.com/2007/09/27/sir-walter-raleigh-discovery-of-the-large-rich-and-beautiful-empire-of-guiana/</link>
<pubDate>Thu, 27 Sep 2007 03:20:04 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>jimgroom</dc:creator>
<guid>http://earlyamericas.wordpress.com/2007/09/27/sir-walter-raleigh-discovery-of-the-large-rich-and-beautiful-empire-of-guiana/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[Discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana An Electronic Edition Sir Walter Raleig]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><h3><em>Discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful 			 Empire of Guiana</em><br />
<font size="-1">An Electronic Edition</font></h3>
<h4> 			 Sir Walter Raleigh 			 1560-1621</h4>
<p><font size="-1"> Original Source:  		  Sir Walter Raleigh, &#8220;The Discovery of Guiana.&#8221; In Voyages and 			 travels : ancient and modern, with introductions, notes and illustrations. New 			 York : P. F. Collier and son, [c1910] The Harvard classics, ed. by C. W. Ellot, 			 vol. XXXIII</p>
<p>Copyright 2003. This text is freely available provided the text is 				distributed with the header information provided.</p>
<p><a href="//"> Full Colophon Information</a></font><br />
<hr width="50%" /> 		 		  <em>The DISCOVERY of the large, rich, and beautiful  			 EMPIRE OF GUIANA; with a Relation of the 			 great and golden  			 CITY OF MANOA, which the Spaniards call  			 EL DORADO, and the Provinces of Emeria, 			 Aromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their rivers, adjoining. Performed 			 in the year 1595 by  			 SIR WALTER RALEIGH, KNIGHT, CAPTAINof her 			 Majesty&#8217;s GUARD, Lord Warden of the Stannaries, and her 			 Highness&#8217;  			 <em>LIEUTENTANT-GENERAL</em>of the  			 Countyof  			 Cornwall.</em> 		 	  		 		   			 <font size="+1"><em>To the Right Honourable my singular good Lord and kinsman  			  			 CHARLES HOWARD, 			  Knight of the Garter, Baron, and Councillor, and of the Admirals of  			  England the most renowned; and to the Right Honourable Sir  			  ROBERT CECIL, KNIGHT, Councillor in her Highness&#8217; Privy Councils.  </em></font>FOR your Honours&#8217; many honourable and friendly parts, I have 				hitherto only returned promises; and now, for answer of both your adventures, I 				have sent you a bundle of papers, which I have divided between your Lordship 				and  				<em>Sir Robert Cecil</em>, in these two respects 				chiefly; first, for that it is reason that wasteful factors, when they have 				consumed such stocks as they had in trust, do yield some colour for the same in 				their account; secondly, for that I am assured that whatsoever shall be done, 				or written, by me, shall need a double protection and defence. The trial that I 				had of both your loves, when I was left of all, but of malice and revenge, 				makes me still presume that you will be pleased (knowing what little power I 				had to perform aught, and the great advantage of forewarned enemies) to answer 				that out of knowledge, which others shall but object out of malice. In my more 				happy times as I did especially honour you both, so I found that your loves 				sought me out in the darkest shadow of adversity, and the same affection which 				accompanied my better fortune soared not away from me in my many miseries; all 				which though I cannot requite, yet I shall ever acknowledge; and the great debt 				which I have no power to pay, I can do no more for a time but confess to be 				due. It is true that as my errors were great, so they have yielded very 				grievous effects; and if aught might have been deserved in former times, to 				have counterpoised any part of offences, the fruit thereof, as it seemeth, was 				long before fallen from the tree, and the dead stock only remained. I did 				therefore, even in the winter of my life, undertake these travails, fitter for 				bodies less blasted with misfortunes, for men of greater ability, and for minds 				of better encouragement, that thereby, if it were possible, I might recover but 				the moderation of excess, and the least taste of the greatest plenty formerly 				possessed. If I had known other way to win, if I had imagined how greater 				adventures might have regained, if I could conceive what farther means I might 				yet use but even to appease so powerful displeasure, I would not doubt but for 				one year more to hold fast my soul in my teeth till it were performed. Of that 				little remain I had, I have wasted in effect all herein. I have undergone many 				constructions; I have been accompanied with many sorrows, with labour, hunger, 				heat, sickness, and peril; it appeareth, notwithstanding, that I made no other 				bravado of going to the sea, than was meant, and that I was never hidden in 				Cornwall, or elsewhere, as was supposed. They have grossly belied me that 				forejudged that I would rather become a servant to the Spanish king than 				return; and the rest were much mistaken, who would have persuaded that I was 				too easeful and sensual to undertake a journey of so great travail. But if what 				I have done receive the gracious construction of a painful pilgrimage, and 				purchase the least remission, I shall think all too little, and that there were 				wanting to the rest many miseries. But if both the times past, the present, and 				what may be in the future, do all by one grain of gall continue in eternal 				distaste, I do not then know whether I should bewail myself, either for my too 				much travail and expense, or condemn myself for doing less than that which can 				deserve nothing. From myself I have deserved no thanks, for I am returned a 				beggar, and withered; but that I might have bettered my poor estate, it shall 				appear from the following discourse, if I had not only respected her Majesty&#8217;s 				future honour and riches. <span class="numbering-line">1.</span><br />
It became not the former fortune, in which I once lived, to 				go journeys of picory; it had sorted ill with the offices of honour, which by 				her Majesty&#8217;s grace I hold this day in  				<em>England</em>, to run from cape to cape and 				from place to place, for the pillage of ordinary prizes. Many years since I had 				knowledge, by relation, of that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of  				<em>Guiana</em>, and of that great and golden 				city, which the Spaniards call  				<em>El Dorado</em>, and the naturals  				<em>Manoa</em>, which 				city was conquered, re-edified, and enlarged by a younger son of  				<em>Guayna-capac</em>, Emperor of Peru, at such 				time as  				<em>Francisco Pizarro</em> and others conquered 				the said empire from this two elder brethren,  				<em>Guascar</em>and  				<em>Atabalipa</em>, both then contending for the 				same, the one being favoured by the <em>orejones</em>of  				<em>Cuzco</em>, the other by the people 				of  				<em>Caxamalca</em>. I sent my servant  				<em>Jacob Whiddon</em>, the year before, to get 				knowledge of the passages, and I had some light from Captain  				<em>Parker</em>, sometime my servant, and now 				attending on your Lordship, that such a place there was to the soulhward of the 				great bay of  				<em>Charuas</em>, or  				<em>Guanipa</em>: but I found that it was 600 				miles farther off than they supposed, and many impediments to them unknown and 				unheard. After I had displanted  				<em>Don Antonio de Berreo</em>, who was upon the 				same enterprise, leaving my ships at Trinidad, at the port called  				<em>Curiapan</em>, I wandered 400 miles into the 				said country by land and river; the particulars I will leave to the following 				discourse. <span class="numbering-line">2.</span><br />
<em>The country hath more quantity of gold, by manifold, 				than the best parts of the  				<em>Indies</em>, or  				<em>Peru</em>. All the most of the kings of the 				borders are already become her Majesty&#8217;s vassals, and seem to desire nothing 				more than her Majesty&#8217;s protection and the return of the English nation. It 				hath another ground and assurance of riches and glory than the voyages of the  				<em>West Indies</em>; an easier way to invade the 				best parts thereof than by the common course. The king of  				<em>Spain</em> is not so impoverished by taking 				three or four port towns in  				<em>America</em> as we suppose; neither are the 				riches of  				<em>Peru</em> or  				<em>Nueva España</em> so left by the sea 				side as it can be easily washed away with a great flood, or spring tide, or 				left dry upon the sands on a low ebb. The port towns are few and poor in 				respect of the rest within the land, and are of little defence, and are only 				rich when the fleets are to receive the treasure for  				<em>Spain</em> ; and we might think the Spaniards 				very simple, having so many horses and slaves, if they could not upon two days&#8217; 				warning carry all the gold they have into the land, and far enough from the 				reach of our footmen, especially the Indies being, as they are for the most 				part, so mountainous, full of woods, rivers, and marishes. In the port towns of 				the province of  				<em>Venezuela</em> , as  				<em>Cumaná</em> ,  				<em>Coro</em> , and  				<em>St. Iago</em> (whereof  				<em>Coro</em> and  				<em>St. Iago</em> were taken by Captain  				<em>Preston</em> , and  				<em>Cumaná</em> and  				<em>St. Josepho</em> by us) we found not the 				value of one real of plate in either. But the cities of  				<em>Barquasimeta</em> ,  				<em>Valencia</em> ,  				<em>St. Sebastian</em> ,  				<em>Cororo</em> ,  				<em>St. Lucia</em> ,  				<em>Laguna</em> ,  				<em>Maracaiba</em> , and  				<em>Truxillo</em> , are not so easily invaded. 				Neither doth the burning of those on the coast impoverish the king of  				<em>Spain</em> any one ducat; and if we sack the  				<em>River of Hacha</em> ,  				<em>St. Martha</em> , and  				<em>Carthagena</em> , which are the ports of  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> and  				<em>Popayan</em> , there are besides within the 				land, which are indeed rich and prosperous, the towns and cities of  				<em>Merida</em> ,  				<em>Lagrita</em> ,  				<em>St. Christophoro</em> , the great cities of  				<em>Pamplona</em> ,  				<em>Santa Fe de Bogota</em> ,  				<em>Tunxa</em> , and  				<em>Mozo</em> , where the emeralds are found, the 				towns and cities of  				<em>Marequita</em> ,  				<em>Velez</em> ,  				<em>la Villa de Leiva</em> ,  				<em>Palma</em> ,  				<em>Honda</em> ,  				<em>Angostura</em> , the great city of  				<em>Timana</em> ,  				<em>Tocaima</em> ,  				<em>St. Aguila</em> ,  				<em>Pasto</em> ,  				<em>[St.] Iago</em> , the great city of  				<em>Popayan</em> itself,  				<em>Los Remedios</em> , and the rest. If we take 				the ports and villages within the bay of  				<em>Uraba</em> in the kingdom or rivers of  				<em>Darien</em> and  				<em>Caribana</em> , the cities and towns of  				<em>St. Juan de Rodas</em> , of  				<em>Cassaris</em> , of  				<em>Antiochia</em> ,  				<em>Caramanta</em> ,  				<em>Cali</em> , and  				<em>Anserma</em> have gold enough to pay the 				king&#8217;s part, and are not easily invaded by way of the ocean. Or if  				<em>Nombre de Dios</em> and  				<em>Panama</em> be taken, in the province of  				<em>Castilla del Oro</em> , and the villages upon 				the rivers of  				<em>Cenu</em> and  				<em>Chagre</em> ;  				<em>Peru</em> hath, besides those, and besides 				the magnificent cities of  				<em>Quito</em> and  				<em>Lima</em> , so many islands, ports, cities, 				and mines as if I should name them with the rest it would seem incredible to 				the reader. Of all which, because I have written a particular treatise of the  				<em>West Indies</em> , I will omit the repetition 				at this time, seeing that in the said treatise I have anatomized the rest of 				the sea towns as well of  				<em>Nicaragua</em> , Yucatan,  				<em>Nueva España</em> , and the islands, as 				those of the inland, and by what means they may be best invaded, as far as any 				mean judgment may comprehend. </em><span class="numbering-line">.</span><br />
But I hope it shall appear that there is a way found to 				answer every man&#8217;s longing; a better  				<em>Indies</em> for her Majesty than the king of  				<em>Spain</em> hath any; which if it shall please 				her Highness to undertake, I shall most willingly end the rest of my days in 				following the same. If it be left to the spoil and sackage of common persons, 				if the love and service of so many nations be despised, so great riches and so 				mighty an empire refused; I hope her Majesty will yet take my humble desire and 				my labour therein in gracious part, which, if it had not been in respect of her 				Highness&#8217; future honour and riches, could have laid hands on and ransomed many 				of the kings and <em>caciqui</em> of the country, and 				have had a reasonable proportion of gold for their redemption. But I have 				chosen rather to bear the burden of poverty than reproach; and rather to endure 				a second travail, and the chances thereof, than to have defaced an enterprise 				of so great assurance, until I knew whether it pleased God to put a disposition 				in her princely and royal heart either to follow or forslow the same. I will 				therefore leave it to His ordinance that hath only power in all things; and do 				humbly pray that your honours will excuce such errors as, without the defence 				of art, overrun in every part the following discourse, in which I have neither 				studied phrase, form, nor fashion; that you will be pleased to esteem me as 				your own, though over dearly bought, and I shall ever remain ready to do you 				all honour and service. <span class="numbering-line">3.</span><br />
<font size="+1"><strong>TO THE READER</strong></font>Because there have been divers opinions conceived of the 				gold ore brought from  				<em>Guiana</em> , and for that an alderman of  				<em>London</em> and an officer of her Majesty&#8217;s 				mint hath given out that the same is of no price, I have thought good by the 				addition of these lines to give answer as well to the said malicious slander as 				to other objections. It is true that while we abode at the island of  				<em>Trinidad</em> I was informed by an Indian 				that not far from the port where we anchored there were found certain mineral 				stones which they esteemed to be gold, and were thereunto persuaded the rather 				for that they had seen both English and Frenchmen gather and embark some 				quantities thereof. Upon this likelihood I sent forty men, and gave order that 				each one should bring a stone of that mine, to make trial of the goodness; 				which being performed, I assured them at their return that the same was  				<em>marcasite</em> , and of no riches or value. 				Notwithstanding, divers, trusting more to their own sense than to my opinion, 				kept of the said marcasite, and have tried thereof since my return, in divers 				places. In  				<em>Guiana</em> itself I never saw  				<em>marcasite</em> ; but all the rocks, mountains, 				all stones in the plains, woods, and by the rivers&#8217; sides, are in effect 				thorough-shining, and appear marvellous rich; which, being tried to be no  				<em>marcasite</em> , are the true signs of rich 				minerals, but are no other than  				<em>El madre del oro</em> , as the Spaniards term 				them, which is the mother of gold, or, as it is said by others, the scum of 				gold. Of divers sorts of these many of my company brought also into  				<em>England</em> , every one taking the fairest 				for the best, which is not general. For mine own part, I did not countermand 				any man&#8217;s desire or opinion, and I could have afforded them little if I should 				have denied them the pleasing of their own fancies therein; but I was resolved 				that gold must be found either in grains, separate from the stone, as it is in 				most of the rivers in  				<em>Guiana</em> , or else in a kind of hard stone, 				which we call the white spar, of which I saw divers hills, and in sundry 				places, but had neither time nor men, nor instruments fit for labour. Near unto 				one of the rivers I found of the said white spar or flint a very great ledge or 				bank, which I endeavoured to break by all the means I could, because there 				appeared on the outside some small grains of gold; but finding no mean to work 				the same upon the upper part, seeking the sides and circuit of the said rock, I 				found a clift in the same, from whence with daggers, and with the head of an 				axe, we got out some small quantity thereof; of which kind of white stone, 				wherein gold is engendered, we saw divers hills and rocks in every part of  				<em>Guiana</em> wherein we travelled. Of this 				there have been made many trials; and in  				<em>London</em> it was first assayed by Master  				<em>Westwood</em> , a refiner dwelling in  				<em>Wood Street</em> , and it held after the rate 				of twelve or thirteen thousand pounds a ton. Another sort was afterward tried 				by Master  				<em>Bulmar</em> , and Master  				<em>Dimock</em> , assay-master; and it held after 				the rate of three and twenty thousand pounds a ton. There was some of it again 				tried by Master  				<em>Palmer</em> , Comptroller of the  				<em>Mint</em> , and Master  				<em>Dimock</em> in  				<em>Goldsmith&#8217;s Hall</em> , and it held after six 				and twenty thousand and nine hundred pounds a ton. There was also at the same 				time, and by the same persons, a trial made of the dust of the said mine; which 				held eight pounds and six ounces weight of gold in the hundred. There was 				likewise at the same time a trial of an image of copper made in  				<em>Guiana</em> , which held a third part of gold, 				besides divers trials made in the country, and by others in  				<em>London</em> . But because there came ill with 				the good, and belike the said alderman was not presented with the best, it hath 				pleased him therefore to scandal all the rest, and to deface the enterprise as 				much as in him lieth. It hath also been concluded by divers that if there had 				been any such ore in  				<em>Guiana</em> , and the same discovered, that I 				would have brought home a greater quantity thereof. First, I was not bound to 				satisfy any man of the quantity, but only such as adventured, if any store had 				been returned thereof; but it is very true that had all their mountains been of 				massy gold it was impossible for us to have made any longer stay to have 				wrought the same; and whosoever hath seen with what strength of stone the best 				gold ore is environed, he will not think it easy to be had out in heaps, and 				especially by us, who had neither men, instruments, nor time, as it is said 				before, to perform the same. <span class="numbering-line">4.</span><br />
There were on this discovery no less than an hundred 				persons, who can all witness that when we passed any branch of the river to 				view the land within, and stayed from our boats but six hours, we were driven 				to wade to the eyes at our return; and if we attempted the same the day 				following, it was impossible either to ford it, or to swim it, both by reason 				of the swiftness, and also for that the borders were so pestered with fast 				woods, as neither boat nor man could find place either to land or to embark; 				for in June, July, August, and September it is impossible to navigate any of 				those rivers; for such is the fury of the current, and there are so many trees 				and woods overflown, as if any boat but touch upon any tree or stake it is 				impossible to save any one person therein. And ere we departed the land it ran 				with such swiftness as we drave down, most commonly against the wind, little 				less than an hundred miles a day. Besides, our vessels were no other than 				wherries, one little barge, a small cock-boat, and a bad  				<em>galiota</em> which we framed in haste for 				that purpose at  				<em>Trinidad</em> ; and those little boats had 				nine or ten men apiece, with all their victuals and arms. It is further true 				that we were about four hundred miles from our ships, and had been a month from 				them, which also we left weakly manned in an open road, and had promised our 				return in fifteen days.<span class="numbering-line">5.</span><br />
Others have devised that the same ore was had from  				<em>Barbary</em> , and that we carried it with us 				into  				<em>Guiana</em> . Surely the singularity of that 				device I do not well comprehend. For mine own part, I am not so much in love 				with these long voyages as to devise thereby to cozen myself, to lie hard, to 				fare worse, to be subjected to perils, to diseases, to ill savours, to be 				parched and withered, and withal to sustain the care and labour of such an 				enterprise, except the same had more comfort than the fetching of  				<em>marcasite</em> in  				<em>Guiana</em> , or buying of gold 				ore in Barbary. But I hope the better sort will judge me by themselves, and 				that the way of deceit is not the way of honour or good opinion. I have herein 				consumed much time, and many crowns; and I had no other respect or desire than 				to serve her Majesty and my country thereby. If the Spanish nation had been of 				like belief to these detractors we should little have feared or doubted their 				attempts, wherewith we now are daily threatened. But if we now consider of the 				actions both of  				<em>Charles the Fifth</em> , who had the 				maidenhead of  				<em>Peru</em> and the abundant treasures of  				<em>Atabalipa</em> , together with the affairs of 				the Spanish king now living, what territories he hath purchased, what he hath 				added to the acts of his predecessors, how many kingdoms he hath endangered, 				how many armies, garrisons, and navies he hath, and doth maintain, the great 				losses which he hath repaired, as in Eighty-eight above an hundred sail of 				great ships with their artillery, and that no year is less infortunate, but 				that many vessels, treasures, and people are devoured, and yet notwithstanding 				he beginneth again like a storm to threaten shipwrack to us all; we shall find 				that these abilities rise not from the trades of sacks and  				<em>Seville</em> oranges, nor from aught else 				that either  				<em>Spain</em> ,  				<em>Portugal</em> , or any of his other provinces 				produce; it is his Indian gold that endangereth and disturbeth all the nations 				of  				<em>Europe</em> ; it purchaseth intelligence, 				creepeth into counsels, and setteth bound loyalty at liberty in the greatest 				monarchies of  				<em>Europe</em> . If the Spanish king can keep us 				from foreign enterprises, and from the impeachment of his trades, either by 				offer of invasion, or by besieging us in  				<em>Britain</em> ,  				<em>Ireland</em> , or elsewhere, he hath then 				brought the work of our peril in great forwardness.<span class="numbering-line">6.</span><br />
Those princes that abound in treasure have great advantages 				over the rest, if they once constrain them to a defensive war, where they are 				driven once a year or oftener to cast lots for their own garments; and from all 				such shall all trades and intercourse be taken away, to the general loss and 				impoverishment of the kingdom and commonweal so reduced. Besides, when our men 				are constrained to fight, it hath not the like hope as when they are pressed 				and encouraged by the desire of spoil and riches. Farther, it is to be doubted 				how those that in time of victory seem to affect their neighbour nations will 				remain after the first view of misfortunes or ill success; to trust, also, to 				the doubtfulness of a battle is but a fearful and uncertain adventure, seeing 				therein fortune is as likely to prevail as virtue. It shall not be necessary to 				allege all that might be said, and therefore I will thus conclude; that 				whatsoever kingdom shall be enforced to defend itself may be compared to a body 				dangerously diseased, which for a season may be preserved with vulgar 				medicines, but in a short time, and by little and little, the same must needs 				fall to the ground and be dissolved. I have therefore laboured all my life, 				both according to my small power and persuasion, to advance all those attempts 				that might either promise return of profit to ourselves, or at least be a let 				and impeachment to the quiet course and plentiful trades of the Spanish nation; 				who, in my weak judgement, by such a war were as easily endangered and brought 				from his powerfulness as any prince in  				<em>Europe</em> , if it be considered from how 				many kingdoms and nations his revenues are gathered, and those so weak in their 				own beings and so far severed from mutual succour. But because such a 				preparation and resolution is not to be hoped for in haste, and that the time 				which our enemies embrace cannot be had again to advantage, I will hope that 				these provinces, and that empire now by me discovered, shall suffice to enable 				her Majesty and the whole kingdom with no less quantities of treasure than the 				king of  				<em>Spain</em> hath in all the  				<em>Indies</em> ,  				<em>East</em> and  				<em>West</em> , which he possesseth; which if the 				same be considered and followed, ere the Spaniards enforce the same, and if her 				Majesty will undertake it, I will be contented to lose her Highness&#8217; favour and 				good opinion for ever, and my life withal, if the same be not found rather to 				exceed than to equal whatsoever is in this discourse promised and declared. I 				will now refer the reader to the following discourse, with the hope that the 				perilous and chargeable labours and endeavours of such as thereby seek the 				profit and honour of her Majesty, and the English nation, shall by men of 				quality and virtue receive such construction and good acceptance as themselves 				would like to be rewarded withal in the like. <span class="numbering-line">7.</span><br />
<font size="+1"><strong>THE DISCOVERY OF GUIANA</strong></font>On Thursday, the sixth of February, in the year 1595, we 				departed  				<em>England</em> , and the Sunday following had 				sight of the north cape of  				<em>Spain</em> , the wind for the most part 				continuing prosperous; we passed in sight of the  				<em>Burlings</em> , and the Rock, and so onwards 				for the  				<em>Canaries</em> , and fell with  				<em>Fuerteventura</em> the 17. of the same month, 				where we spent two or three days, and relieved our companies with some fresh 				meat. From thence we coasted by the  				<em>Grand Canaria</em> , and so to  				<em>Teneriffe</em> , and stayed there for the  				<em>Lion&#8217;s Whelp</em> , your Lordship&#8217;s ship, and 				for Captain  				<em>Amyas Preston</em> and the rest. But when 				after seven or eight days we found them not, we departed and directed our 				course for  				<em>Trinidad</em> , with mine own ship, and a 				small barque of Captain  				<em>Cross&#8217;</em> only; for we had before lost 				sight of a small  				<em>galego</em> on the coast of  				<em>Spain</em> , which came with us from  				<em>Plymouth</em> . We arrived at  				<em>Trinidad</em> the 22. of March, casting 				anchor at Point  				<em>Curiapan</em> , which the Spaniards call  				<em>Punta de Gallo</em> , which is situate in 				eight degrees or thereabouts. We abode there four or five days, and in all that 				time we came not to the speech of any Indian or Spaniard. On the coast we saw a 				fire, as we sailed from the Point  				<em>Carao</em> towards  				<em>Curiapan</em> , but for fear of the Spaniards 				none durst come to speak with us. I myself coasted it in my barge close aboard 				the shore and landed in every cove, the better to know the island, while the 				ships kept the channel. From  				<em>Curiapan</em> after a few days we turned up 				north-east to recover that place which the Spaniards call  				<em>Puerto de los Españoles</em> , and the 				inhabitants  				<em>Conquerabia</em> ; and as before, 				revictualling my barge, I left the ships and kept by the shore, the better to 				come to speech with some of the inhabitants, and also to understand the rivers, 				watering-places, and ports of the island, which, as it is rudely done, my 				purpose is to send your Lordship after a few days. From  				<em>Curiapan</em> I came to a port and seat of 				Indians called  				<em>Parico</em> , where we found a fresh water 				river, but saw no people. From thence I rowed to another port, called by the 				naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards  				<em>Tierra de Brea</em> . In the way between both 				were divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river that had store of 				oysters upon the branches of ehe trees, and were very salt and well tasted. All 				their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground; the 				like is commonly seen in other places of the  				<em>West Indies</em> , and elsewhere. This tree is 				described by  				<em>Andrew Thevet</em> , in his  				<em>France Antarctique</em> , and the form figured 				in the book as a plant very strange; and by  				<em>Pliny</em> in his twelfth book of his  				<em>Natural History</em> . But in this island, as 				also in  				<em>Guiana</em> , there are very many of them. At 				this point, called  				<em>Tierra de Brea or Piche</em> , there is that 				abundance of stone pitch that all the ships of the world may be therewith laden 				from thence; and we made trial of it in trimming our ships to be most excellent 				good, and melteth not with the sun as the pitch of  				<em>Norway</em> , and therefore for ships trading 				the south parts very profitable. From thence we went to the mountain foot 				called  				<em>Annaperima</em> , and so passing the river  				<em>Carone</em> , on which the Spanish city was 				seated, we met with our ships at  				<em>Puerto de los Españoles</em> or  				<em>Conquerabia</em> .<span class="numbering-line">8.</span><br />
This island of  				<em>Trinidad</em> hath the form of a sheephook, 				and is but narrow; the north part is very mountainous; the soil is very 				excellent, and will bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the  				<em>Indies</em> yield. It hath store of deer, 				wild porks, fruit, fish, and fowl; it hath also for bread sufficient maize,  				<em>cassavi</em> , and of those roots and fruits 				which are common everywhere in the  				<em>West Indies</em> . It hath divers beasts which 				the  				<em>Indies</em> have not; the Spaniards confessed 				that they found grains of gold in some of the rivers; but they having a purpose 				to enter  				<em>Guiana</em> , the magazine of all rich metals, 				cared not to spend time in the search thereof any further. This island is 				called by the people thereof  				<em>Cairi</em> , and in it are divers nations. 				Those about  				<em>Parico</em> are called  				<em>Jajo</em> , those at  				<em>Punta de Carao</em> are of the  				<em>Arwacas</em> and between  				<em>Carao</em> and  				<em>Curiapan</em> they are called  				<em>Salvajos</em> . Between  				<em>Carao</em> and  				<em>Punta de Galera</em> are the  				<em>Nepojos</em> , and those about the Spanish 				city term themselves  				<em>Carinepagotes</em> . Of the rest of the nations, and of other 				ports and rivers, I leave to speak here, being impertinent to my purpose, and 				mean to describe them as they are situate in the particular plot and 				description of the island, three parts whereof I coasted with my barge, that I 				might the better describe it. <span class="numbering-line">9.</span><br />
Meeting with the ships at  				<em>Puerto de los Españoles</em> , we found at the 				landing-place a company of Spaniards who kept a guard at the descent; and they 				offering a sign of peace, I sent Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> to speak with them, whom 				afterwards to my great grief I left buried in the said island after my return 				from  				<em>Guiana</em> , being a man most honest and 				valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be desirous to trade with us, and to enter 				into terms of peace, more for doubt of their own strength than for aught else; 				and in the end, upon pledge, some of them came aboard. The same evening there 				stale also aboard us in a small  				<em>canoa</em> two  				<em>Indians</em> , the one of them being a 				caciqueor lord of the people, called  				<em>Cantyman</em> , who had the year before been 				with Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> , and was of his acquaintance. By 				this  				<em>Cantyman</em> we understood what strength 				the Spaniards had, how far it was to their city, and of  				<em>Don Antonio de Berreo</em> , the governor, 				who was said to be slain in his second attempt of  				<em>Guiana</em> , but was not. <span class="numbering-line">.</span><br />
While we remained at  				<em>Puerto de los Españoles</em> some Spaniards 				came aboard us to buy linen of the company, and such other things as they 				wanted, and also to view our ships and company, all which I entertained kindly 				and feasted after our manner. By means whereof I learned of one and another as 				much of the estate of  				<em>Guiana</em> as I could, or as they knew; for 				those poor soldiers having been many years without wine, a few draughts made 				them merry, in which mood they vaunted of  				<em>Guiana</em> and the riches thereof, and all 				what they knew of the ways and passages; myself seeming to purpose nothing less 				than the entrance or discovery thereof, but bred in them an opinion that I was 				bound only for the relief of those English which I had planted in Virginia, 				whereof the bruit was come among them; which I had performed in my return, if 				extremity of weather had not forced me from the said coast. <span class="numbering-line">10.</span><br />
I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes. 				The one was to be revenged of  				<em>Berreo</em> , who the year before, 1594, had 				betrayed eight of Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> &#8217;s men, and took them while he 				departed from them to seek the  				<em>Edward Bonaventure</em> , which arrived at  				<em>Trinidad</em> the day before from the  				<em>East </em>  				<em>Indies</em> : in whose absence  				<em>Berreo</em> sent a  				<em>canoa</em> aboard the pinnace only with  				<em>Indians</em> and dogs inviting the company to 				go with them into the woods to kill a deer. Who like wise men, in the absence 				of their captain followed the  				<em>Indians</em> , but were no sooner one arquebus 				shot from the shore, but  				<em>Berreo</em> &#8217;s soldiers lying in ambush had 				them all, notwithstanding that he had given his word to Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> that they should take water and 				wood safely. The other cause of my stay was, for that by discourse with the 				Spaniards I daily learned more and more of  				<em>Guiana</em> , of the rivers and passages, and 				of the enterprise of  				<em>Berreo</em> , by what means or fault he 				failed, and how he meant to prosecute the same.<span class="numbering-line">11.</span><br />
While we thus spent the time I was assured by another 				caciqueof the north side of the island, 				that  				<em>Berreo</em> had sent to  				<em>Margarita</em> and  				<em>Cumaná</em> for soldiers, meaning to 				have given me a  				<em>cassado</em> at parting, if it had been 				possible. For although he had given order through all the island that no Indian 				should come aboard to trade with me upon pain of hanging and quartering (having 				executed two of them for the same, which I afterwards found), yet every night 				there came some with most lamentable complaints of his cruelty: how he had 				divided the island and given to every soldier a part; that he made the ancient 				cacique, which were lords of the country, to 				be their slaves; that he kept them in chains, and dropped their naked bodies 				with burning bacon, and such other torments, which I found afterwards to be 				true. For in the city, after I entered the same, there were five of the lords 				or little kings, which they call caciquein 				the  				<em>West Indies</em> , in one chain, almost dead 				of famine, and wasted with torments. These are called in their own language  				<em>acarewana</em> , and now of late since 				English, French, and Spanish, are come among them, they call themselves  				<em>captains</em> , because they perceive that the 				chiefest of every ship is called by that name. Those five captains in the chain 				were called  				<em>Wannawanare</em> ,  				<em>Carroaori</em> ,  				<em>Maquarima</em> ,  				<em>Tarroopanama</em> , and  				<em>Aterima</em> . So as both to be revenged of 				the former wrong, as also considering that to enter  				<em>Guiana</em> by small boats, to depart 400 or 				500 miles from my ships, and to leave a garrison in my back interested in the 				same enterprise, who also daily expected supplies out of  				<em>Spain</em> , I should have savoured very much 				of the ass; and therefore taking a time of most advantage, I set upon the  				<em>Corps du garde</em> in the evening, and 				having put them to the sword, sent Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> onwards with sixty soldiers, 				and myself followed with forty more, and so took their new city, which they 				called  				<em>St. Joseph</em> , by break of day. They abode 				not any fight after a few shot, and all being dismissed, but only  				<em>Berreo</em> and his companion, I brought them 				with me aboard, and at the instance of the  				<em>Indians</em> I set their new city of St. 				Joseph on fire. The same day arrived Captain  				<em>George Gifford</em> with your lordship&#8217;s 				ship, and Captain  				<em>Keymis</em> , whom I lost on the coast of  				<em>Spain</em> , with the  				<em>galego</em> , and in them divers gentlemen and 				others, which to our little army was a great comfort and supply. We then hasted 				away towards our purposed discovery, and first I called all the captains of the 				island together that were enemies to the Spaniards; for there were some which  				<em>Berreo</em> had brought out of other 				countries, and planted there to eat out and waste those that were natural of 				the place. And by my Indian interpreter, which I carried out of  				<em>England</em> , I made them understand that I 				was the servant of a queen who was the great caciqueof the north, and a virgin, and had more  				<em>caciqui</em> under her than there were trees 				in that island; that she was an enemy to the  				<em>Castellani</em> in respect of their tyranny 				and oppression, and that she delivered all such nations about her, as were by 				them oppressed; and having freed all the coast of the northern world from their 				servitude, had sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the country of  				<em>Guiana</em> from their invasion and conquest. 				I shewed them her Majesty&#8217;s picture, which they so admired and honoured, as it 				had been easy to have brought them idolatrous thereof. The like and a more 				large discourse I made to the rest of the nations, both in my passing to  				<em>Guiana</em> and to those of the borders, so 				as in that part of the world her Majesty is very famous and admirable; whom 				they now call <em>Ezrabeta cassipuna aquerewana</em>,which is as much as &#8216;Elizabeth, the 				Great Princess, or Greatest Commander.&#8217; This done, we left  				Puerto de los Españoles , and 				returned to  				<em>Curiapan</em> , and having  				<em>Berreo</em> my prisoner, I gathered from him 				as much of  				<em>Guiana</em> as he knew. This  				<em>Berreo</em> is a gentleman well descended, 				and had long served the Spanish king in  				<em>Milan</em> ,  				<em>Naples</em> , the  				<em>Low Countries</em> , and elsewhere, very 				valiant and liberal, and a gentleman of great assuredness, and of a great 				heart. I used him according to his estate and worth in all things I could, 				according to the small means I had.<span class="numbering-line">12.</span><br />
I sent Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> the year before to get what 				knowledge he could of  				<em>Guiana</em> : and the end of my journey at 				this time was to discover and enter the same. But my intelligence was far from 				truth, for the country is situate about 600 English miles further from the sea 				than I was made believe it had been. Which afterwards understanding to be true 				by  				<em>Berreo</em> , I kept it from the knowledge of 				my company, who else would never have been brought to attempt the same. Of 				which 600 miles I passed 400, leaving my ships so far from me at anchor in the 				sea, which was more of desire to perform that discovery than of reason, 				especially having such poor and weak vessels to transport ourselves in. For in 				the bottom of an old  				<em>galego</em> which I caused to be fashioned 				like a galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a ship-boat of the  				<em>Lion&#8217;s Whelp</em> , we carried 100 persons and 				their victuals for a month in the same, being all driven to lie in the rain and 				weather in the open air, in the burning sun, and upon the hard boards, and to 				dress our meat, and to carry all manner of furniture in them. Wherewith they 				were so pestered and unsavoury, that what with victuals being most fish, with 				the wet clothes of so many men thrust together, and the heat of the sun, I will 				undertake there was never any prison in  				<em>England</em> that could be found more 				unsavoury and loathsome, especially to myself, who had for many years before 				been dieted and cared for in a sort far more differing. <span class="numbering-line">13.</span><br />
If Captain  				<em>Preston</em> had not been persuaded that he 				should have come too late to  				<em>Trinidad</em> to have found us there (for the 				month was expired which I promised to tarry for him there ere he could recover 				the coast of  				<em>Spain</em> ) but that it had pleased God he 				might have joined with us, and that we had entered the country but some ten 				days sooner ere the rivers were overflown, we had adventured either to have 				gone to the great city of  				<em>Manoa</em> , or at least taken so many of the 				other cities and towns nearer at hand, as would have made a royal return. But 				it pleased not God so much to favour me at this time. If it shall be my lot to 				prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my life therein. And if any else 				shall be enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much; he 				shall perform more than ever was done in  				<em>Mexico</em> by  				<em>Cortes</em> , or in  				<em>Peru</em> by  				<em>Pizarro</em> , whereof the one conquered the 				empire of  				<em>Mutezuma</em> , the other of  				<em>Guascar</em> and  				<em>Atabalipa</em> . And whatsoever prince shall 				possess it, that prince shall be lord of more gold, and of a more beautiful 				empire, and of more cities and people, than either the king of  				<em>Spain</em> or the  				<em>Great Turk</em> .<span class="numbering-line">14.</span><br />
But because there may arise many doubts, and how this 				empire of  				<em>Guiana</em> is become so populous, and 				adorned with so many great cities, towns, temples, and treasures, I thought 				good to make it known, that the emperor now reigning is descended from those 				magnificent princes of  				<em>Peru</em> , of whose large territories, of 				whose policies, conquests, edifices, and riches,  				<em>Pedro de Cieza</em> ,  				<em>Francisco Lopez</em> , and others have written 				large discourses. For when  				<em>Francisco Pizarro</em> ,  				<em>Diego Almagro</em> and others conquered the 				said empire of  				<em>Peru</em> , and had put to death  				<em>Atabalipa</em> , son to  				<em>Guayna Capac</em> , which  				<em>Atabalipa</em> had formerly caused his eldest 				brother  				<em>Guascar</em> to be slain, one of the younger 				sons of  				<em>Guayna Capac</em> fled out of  				<em>Peru</em> , and took with him many thousands 				of those soldiers of the empire called <em>orejones</em>, and with those and many others which followed 				him, he vanquished all that tract and valley of  				<em>America</em> which is situate between the 				great river of  				<em>Amazons</em> and  				<em>Baraquan</em> , otherwise called  				<em>Orenoque</em> and  				<em>Marañon</em> .<span class="numbering-line">15.</span><br />
The empire of  				<em>Guiana</em> is directly east from  				<em>Peru</em> towards the sea, and lieth under 				the equinoctial line; and it hath more abundance of gold than any part of  				<em>Peru</em> , and as many or more great cities 				than ever  				<em>Peru</em> had when it flourished most. It is 				governed by the same laws, and the emperor and people observe the same 				religion, and the same form and policies in government as were used in  				<em>Peru</em> , not differing in any part. And I 				have been assured by such of the Spaniards as have seen  				<em>Manoa</em> , the imperial city of  				<em>Guiana</em> , which the Spaniards call  				<em>El Dorado</em> , that for the greatness, for 				the riches, and for the excellent seat, it far exceedeth any of the world, at 				least of so much of the world as is known to the Spanish nation. It is founded 				upon a lake of salt water of 200 leagues long, like unto  				<em>Mare Caspium</em> . And if we compare it to 				that of  				<em>Peru</em> , and but read the report of  				<em>Francisco Lopez</em> and others, it will seem 				more than credible; and because we may judge of the one by the other, I thought 				good to insert part of the 120. chapter of  				<em>Lopez</em> in his  			 <em>General History of the Indies</em>, wherein 			 he describeth the court and magnificence of  			 <em>Guayna Capac</em> , ancestor to the emperor of  			 <em>Guiana</em> , whose very words are these:–<span class="numbering-line">.</span><br />
&#8216;Todo el servicio de su casa, mesa, y cocina era de oro y de 				  plata, y cuando menos de plata y cobre, por mas recio. Tenia en su recamara 				  estatuas huecas de oro, que parescian gigantes, y las figuras al propio y 				  tamano de cuantos animales, aves, arboles, y yerbas produce la tierra, y de 				  cuantos peces cria la mar y agua de sus reynos. Tenia asimesmo sogas, costales, 				  cestas, y troxes de oro y plata; rimeros de palos de oro, que pareciesen lena 				  rajada para quemar. En fin no habia cosa en su tierra, que no la tuviese de oro 				  contrahecha; y aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas un verjel en una isla cerca de 				  la Puna, donde se iban a holgar, cuando querian mar, que tenia la hortaliza, 				  las flores, y arboles de oro y plata; invencion y grandeza hasta entonces nunca 				  vista. Allende de todo esto, tenia infinitisima cantidad de plata y oro por 				  labrar en el Cuzco, que se perdio por la muerte de  				  <em>Guascar</em> ; ca los Indios lo escondieron, 				  viendo que los Españoles se lo tomaban, y enviaban a España.&#8217;. 				That is,  				&#8220;All the vessels of his house, table, and kitchen, were of 				  gold and silver, and the meanest of silver and copper for strength and hardness 				  of metal. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold which seemed giants, 				  and the figures in proportion and bigness of all the beasts, birds, trees, and 				  herbs, that the earth bringeth forth; and of all the fishes that the sea or 				  waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had also ropes, budgets, chests, and troughs 				  of gold and silver, heaps of billets of gold, that seemed wood marked out to 				  burn. Finally, there was nothing in his country whereof he had not the 				  counterfeit in gold. Yea, and they say, the Ingas had a garden of pleasure in 				  an island near  				  <em>Puna</em> , where they went to recreate themselves, when they would 				  take the air of the sea, which had all kinds of garden-herbs, flowers, and 				  trees of gold and silver; an invention and magnificence till then never seen. 				  Besides all this, he had an infinite quantity of silver and gold unwrought in 				  <em>Cuzco</em> , which was lost by the death of  				  <em>Guascar</em> , for the  				  <em>Indians</em> hid it, seeing that the 				  Spaniards took it, and sent it into  				  <em>Spain</em> .&#8217;<span class="numbering-line">16.</span><br />
And in the 117. chapter;  				<em>Francisco Pizarro</em> caused the gold and 				silver of  				<em>Atabalipa</em> to be weighed after he had 				taken it, which  				<em>Lopez</em> setteth down in these words 				following:–  				&#8216;Hallaron cincuenta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y un 				  millon y trecientos y veinte y seis mil y quinientos pesos de oro.&#8217; 				Which is,  				&#8216;They found 52,000 marks of good silver, and 1,326,500  				  <em>pesos</em> of gold.&#8217;Now, although 				these reports may seem strange, yet if we consider the many millions which are 				daily brought out of  				<em>Peru</em> into  				<em>Spain</em> , we may easily believe the same. 				For we find that by the abundant treasure of that country the Spanish king 				vexes all the princes of  				<em>Europe</em> , and is become, in a few years, 				from a poor king of  				<em>Castile</em> , the greatest monarch of this 				part of the world, and likely every day to increase if other princes forslow 				the good occasions offered, and suffer him to add this empire to the rest, 				which by far exceedeth all the rest. If his gold now endanger us, he will then 				be unresistible. Such of the Spaniards as afterwards endeavoured the conquest 				thereof, whereof there have been many, as shall be declared hereafter, thought 				that this  				<em>Inga</em> , of whom this emperor now living is 				descended, took his way by the river of  				<em>Amazons</em> , by that branch which is called 				<em>Papamene</em>. For by that way followed  				<em>Orellana</em> , by the commandment of  				<em>Gonzalo Pizarro</em> , in the year 1542, whose 				name the river also beareth this day. Which is also by others called  				<em>Marañon</em> , although  				<em>Andrew Thevet</em> doth affirm that between  				<em>Marañon</em> and  				<em>Amazons</em> there are 120 leagues; but sure 				it is that those rivers have one head and beginning, and the  				<em>Marañon</em> , which  				<em>Thevet</em> describeth, is but a branch of  				<em>Amazons</em> or  				<em>Orellana</em> , of which I will speak more in 				another place. It was attempted by Ordas; but it is now little less than 70 				years since that  				<em>Diego Ordas</em> , a Knight of the Order of  				<em>Santiago</em> , attempted the same; and it was 				in the year 1542 that  				<em>Orellana</em> discovered the river of 				Amazons; but the first that ever saw  				<em>Manoa</em> was  				<em>Juan Martinez</em> , master of the munition 				to  				Ordas . At a port called  				<em>Morequito</em> , in  				<em>Guiana</em> , there lieth at this day a great 				anchor of  				<em>Ordas</em> his ship. And this port is some 				300 miles within the land, upon the great river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> . I rested at this port four 				days, twenty days after I left the ships at  				<em>Curiapan</em> .<span class="numbering-line">17.</span><br />
The relation of this  				<em>Martinez</em> , who was the first that 				discovered  				<em>Manoa</em> , his success, and end, is to be 				seen in the Chancery of  				<em>St. Juan de Puerto Rico</em> , where of  				<em>Berreo</em> had a copy, which appeared to be 				the greatest encouragement as well to  				<em>Berreo</em> as to others that formerly 				attempted the discovery and conquest.  				<em>Orellana</em> , after he failed of the 				discovery of  				<em>Guiana</em> by the said river of  				<em>Amazons</em> , passed into  				<em>Spain</em> , and there obtained a patent of 				the king for the invasion and conquest, but died by sea about the islands; and 				his fleet being severed by tempest, the action for that time proceeded not.  				<em>Diego Ordas</em> followed the enterprise, and 				departed  				<em>Spain</em> with 600 soldiers and thirty 				horse. Who, arriving on the coast of  				<em>Guiana</em> , was slain in a mutiny, with the 				most part of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious part, insomuch as 				his ships perished and few or none returned; neither was it certainly known 				what became of the said  				<em>Ordas</em> until  				<em>Berreo</em> found the anchor of his ship in 				the river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> ; but it was supposed, and so it 				is written by Lopez, that he perished on the seas, and of other writers 				diversely conceived and reported. And hereof it came that  				<em>Martinez</em> entered so far within the land, 				and arrived at that city of Inga the emperor; for it chanced that while  				<em>Ordas</em> with his army rested at the port 				of  				<em>Morequito</em> (who was either the first or 				second that attempted  				<em>Guiana</em> ), by some negligence the whole 				store of powder provided for the service was set on fire, and Martinez, having 				the chief charge, was condemned by the General  				<em>Ordas</em> to be executed forthwith.  				<em>Martinez</em> , being much favoured by the 				soldiers, had all the means possible procured for his life; but it could not be 				obtained in other sort than this, that he should be set into a  				<em>canoa</em> alone, without any victual, only 				with his arms, and so turned loose into the great river. But it pleased God 				that the  				<em>canoa</em> was carried down the stream, and 				certain of the  				<em>Guianians</em> met it the same evening; and, 				having not at any time seen any Christian nor any man of that colour, they 				carried  				<em>Martinez</em> into the land to be wondered 				at, and so from town to town, until he came to the great city of  				<em>Manoa</em> , the seat and residence of  				<em>Inga</em> the emperor. The emperor, after he 				had beheld him, knew him to be a Christian, for it was not long before that his 				brethren  				<em>Guascar</em> and  				<em>Atabalipa</em> were vanquished by the 				Spaniards in  				<em>Peru</em> : and caused him to be lodged in his 				palace, and well entertained. He lived seven months in  				<em>Manoa</em> , but was not suffered to wander 				into the country anywhere. He was also brought thither all the way blindfold, 				led by the  				<em>Indians</em> , until he came to the entrance 				of  				<em>Manoa</em> itself, and was fourteen or 				fifteen days in the passage. He avowed at his death that he entered the city at 				noon, and then they uncovered his face; and that he travelled all that day till 				night thorough the city, and the next day from sun rising to sun setting, yere 				he came to the palace of  				<em>Inga</em> . After that  				<em>Martinez</em> had lived seven months in  				<em>Manoa</em> , and began to understand the 				language of the country,  				<em>Inga</em> asked him whether he desired to 				return into his own country, or would willingly abide with him. But  				<em>Martinez</em> , not desirous to stay, obtained 				the favour of  				<em>Inga</em> to depart; with whom he sent divers 				 				<em>Guianians</em> to conduct him to the river of 				 				<em>Orenoque</em> , all loaden with as much gold 				as they could carry, which he gave to  				<em>Martinez</em> at his departure. But when he 				was arrived near the river&#8217;s side, the borderers which are called  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> robbed him and his  				<em>Guianians</em> of all the treasure (the 				borderers being at that time at wars, which  				<em>Inga</em> had not conquered) save only of two 				great bottles of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold curiously 				wrought, which those  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> thought had been no other 				thing than his drink or meat, or grain for food, with which  				<em>Martinez</em> had liberty to pass. And so in  				<em>canoas</em> he fell down from the river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> to  				<em>Trinidad</em> , and from thence to  				<em>Margarita</em> , and so to  				<em>St. Juan del Puerto Rico</em> ; where, 				remaining a long time for passage into  				<em>Spain</em> , he died. In the time of his 				extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the sacrament 				at the hands of his confessor, he delivered these things, with the relation of 				his travels, and also called for his <em>calabazas</em> or gourds of the gold beads, 				which he gave to the church and friars, to be prayed for. <span class="numbering-line">18.</span><br />
This  				<em>Martinez</em> was he that christened the city 				of  				<em>Manoa</em> by the name of  				<em>El Dorado</em> , and, as  				<em>Berreo</em> informed me, upon this occasion, 				those  				<em>Guianians</em> , and also the borderers, and 				all other in that tract which I have seen, are marvellous great drunkards; in 				which vice I think no nation can compare with them; and at the times of their 				solemn feasts, when the emperor carouseth with his captains, tributaries, and 				governors, the manner is thus. All those that pledge him are first stripped 				naked and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white  				<em>balsamum</em> (by them called  				<em>curca</em> ), of which there is great plenty, 				and yet very dear amongst them, and it is of all other the most precious, 				whereof we have had good experience. When they are anointed all over, certain 				servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it 				thorough hollow canes upon their naked bodies, until they be all shining from 				the foot to the head; and in this sort they sit drinking by twenties and 				hundreds, and continue in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days together. The 				same is also confirmed by a letter written into  				<em>Spain</em> which was intercepted, which 				Master  				<em>Robert Dudley</em> told me he had seen. Upon 				this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images 				of gold in their temples, the plates, armours, and shields of gold which they 				use in the wars, he called it  				<em>El Dorado</em> .<span class="numbering-line">19.</span><br />
After the death of  				<em>Ordas</em> and  				<em>Martinez</em> , and after  				<em>Orellana</em> , who was employed by  				<em>Gonzalo Pizarro</em> , one  				<em>Pedro de Orsúa</em> , a 				knight of  				<em>Navarre</em> , attempted  				<em>Guiana</em> , taking his way into  				<em>Peru</em> , and built his brigandines upon a 				river called  				<em>Oia</em> , which riseth to the southward of  				<em>Quito</em> , and is very great. This river 				falleth into  				<em>Amazons</em> , by which  				<em>Orsúa</em> with his companies 				descended, and came out of that province which is called  				<em>Motilones</em> ; and it seemeth to me that 				this empire is reserved for her Majesty and the English nation, by reason of 				the hard success which all these and other Spaniards found in attempting the 				same, whereof I will speak briefly, though impertinent in some sort to my 				purpose. This  				<em>Pedro de Orsóa</em> had among his 				troops a Biscayan called  				<em>Aguirre</em> , a man meanly born, who bare no 				other office than a sergeant or  				<em>alferez</em> : but after certain months, when 				the soldiers were grieved with travels and consumed with famine, and that no 				entrance could be found by the branches or body of  				<em>Amazons</em> , this  				<em>Aguirre</em> raised a mutiny, of which he 				made himself the head, and so prevailed as he put  				<em>Orsúa</em> to the sword and all 				his followers, taking on him the whole charge and commandment, with a purpose 				not only to make himself emperor of  				<em>Guiana</em> , but also of  				<em>Peru</em> and of all that side of the West  				<em>Indies</em> . He had of his party 700 				soldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other captains and companies, 				to deliver up towns and forts in  				<em>Peru</em> ; but neither finding by the said 				river any passage into  				<em>Guiana</em> , nor any possibility to return 				towards  				<em>Peru</em> by the same  				<em>Amazons</em> , by reason that the descent of 				the river made so great a current, he was enforced to disemboque at the mouth 				of the said  				<em>Amazons</em> , which cannot be less than 1,000 				leagues from the place where they embarked. From thence he coasted the land 				till he arrived at  				<em>Margarita</em> to the north of  				<em>Mompatar</em> , which is at this day called  				<em>Puerto de Tyranno</em> , for that he there 				slew  				<em>Don Juan de Villa Andreda</em> , Governor of  				<em>Margarita</em> , who was father to  				<em>Don Juan Sarmiento</em> , Governor of  				<em>Margarita</em> when Sir  				<em>John Burgh</em> landed there and attempted 				the island.  				<em>Aguirre</em> put to the sword all other in 				the island that refused to be of his party, and took with him certain  				<em>cimarrones</em> and other desperate 				companions. From thence he went to  				<em>Cumaná</em> and there slew the 				governor, and dealt in all as at  				<em>Margarita</em> . He spoiled all the coast of  				<em>Caracas</em> and the province of  				<em>Venezuela</em> and of  				<em>Rio de la Hacha</em> ; and, as I remember, it 				was the same year that  				<em>Sir John Hawkins</em> sailed to  				<em>St. Juan de Ullua</em> in the  				<em>Jesus of Lubeck</em> ;for himself told me that 				he met with such a one upon the coast, that rebelled, and had sailed down all 				the river of  				<em>Amazons</em> .  				<em>Aguirre</em> from thence landed about  				<em>Santa Marta</em> and sacked it also, putting 				to death so many as refused to be his followers, purposing to invade Nuevo 				Reyno de Granada and to sack  				<em>Pamplona</em> ,  				<em>Merida</em> ,  				<em>Lagrita</em> ,  				<em>Tunja</em> , and the rest of the cities of  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> , and from thence again to 				enter  				<em>Peru</em> ; but in a fight in the said Nuevo 				Reyno he was overthrown, and, finding no way to escape, he first put to the 				sword his own children, foretelling them that they should not live to be 				defamed or upbraided by the Spaniards after his death, who would have termed 				them the children of a traitor or tyrant; and that, sithence he could not make 				them princes, he would yet deliver them from shame and reproach. These were the 				ends and tragedies of  				<em>Ordas</em> ,  				<em>Martinez</em> ,  				<em>Orellana</em> ,  				<em>Orsúa</em> , and  				<em>Aguirre</em> . Also soon after  				<em>Ordas</em> followed  				<em>Jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa </em> , with 130 				soldiers; who failing his entrance by sea, was cast with the current on the 				coast of  				<em>Paria</em> , and peopled about  				<em>S. Miguel de Neveri</em> . It was then 				attempted by  				<em>Don Pedro de Silva</em> , a Portuguese of the 				family of  				<em>Ruy Gomez de Silva</em> , and by the favour 				which  				<em>Ruy Gomes</em> had with the king he was set 				out. But he also shot wide of the mark; for being departed from  				<em>Spain</em> with his fleet, he entered by  				<em>Marañon</em> or  				<em>Amazons</em> , where by the nations of the 				river and by the  				<em>Amazons</em> , he was utterly overthrown, and 				himself and all his army defeated; only seven escaped, and of those but two 				returned. <span class="numbering-line">20.</span><br />
After him came  				<em>Pedro Hernandez de Serpa</em> , and landed at  				<em>Cumaná</em> , in the  				<em>West Indies</em> , taking his journey by land 				towards  				<em>Orenoque</em> , which may be some 120 leagues; 				but yere he came to the borders of the said river, he was set upon by a nation 				of the  				<em>Indians</em> , called  				<em>Wikiri</em> , and overthrown in such sort, 				that of 300 soldiers, horsemen, many  				<em>Indians</em> , and negroes, there returned but 				eighteen. Others affirm that he was defeated in the very entrance of  				<em>Guiana</em> , at the first civil town of the 				empire called  				<em>Macureguarai</em> . Captain  				<em>Preston</em> , in taking  				<em>Santiago de Leon</em> (which was by him and 				his companies very resolutely performed, being a great town, and far within the 				land) held a gentleman prisoner, who died in his ship, that was one of the 				company of  				<em>Hernandez de Serpa</em> , and saved among 				those that escaped; who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spaniards 				thereabouts of the great riches of  				<em>Guiana</em> , and  				<em>El Dorado</em> , the city of  				<em>Inga</em> . Another Spaniard was brought 				aboard me by Captain  				<em>Preston</em> , who told me in the hearing of 				himself and divers other gentlemen, that he met with  				<em>Berreo</em> &#8217;s campmaster at  				<em>Caracas</em> , when he came from the borders 				of  				<em>Guiana</em> , and that he saw with him forty 				of most pure plates of gold, curiously wrought, and swords of  				<em>Guiana</em> decked and inlaid with gold, 				feathers garnished with gold, and divers rarities, which he carried to the 				Spanish king.<span class="numbering-line">21.</span><br />
After  				<em>Hernandez de Serpa</em> , it was undertaken by 				the <em>Adelantado</em>,  				<em>Don Gonzalez Ximenes de Quesada</em> , who was 				one of the chiefest in the conquest of  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> , whose daughter and heir  				<em>Don Antonio de Berrero</em> married.  				<em>Gonzalez</em> sought the passage also by the 				river called  				<em>Papamene</em> , which riseth by  				<em>Quito</em> , in  				<em>Peru</em> , and runneth south-east 100 				leagues, and then falleth into  				<em>Amazons</em> . But he also, failing the 				entrance, returned with the loss of much labour and cost. I took one Captain  				<em>George</em> , a Spaniard, that followed  				<em>Gonzalez</em> in this enterprise.  				<em>Gonzalez</em> gave his daughter to  				<em>Berreo</em> , taking his oath and honour to 				follow the enterprise to the last of his substance and life. Who since, as he 				hath sworn to me, hath spent 300,000 ducats in the same, and yet never could 				enter so far into the land as myself with that poor troop, or rather a handful 				of men, being in all about 100 gentlemen, soldiers, rowers, boat-keepers, boys, 				and of all sorts; neither could any of the forepassed undertakers, nor  				<em>Berreo</em> himself, discover the country, 				till now late y by conference with an ancient king, called  				<em>Carapana</em> , he got the true light thereof. 				For  				<em>Berreo</em> came about 1,500 miles yere he 				understood aught, or could find any passage or entrance into any part thereof; 				yet he had experience of all these fore-named, and divers others, and was 				persuaded of their errors and mistakings.  				<em>Berreo</em> sought it by the river  				<em>Cassanar</em> , which falleth into a great 				river called  				<em>Pato</em> :  				<em>Pato</em> falleth into  				<em>Meta</em> , and  				<em>Meta</em> into  				<em>Baraquan</em> , which is also called  				<em>Orenoque</em> . He took his journey from  				<em>Nuevo Reyno de Granada</em> , where he dwelt, 				having the inheritance of  				<em>Gonzalez Ximenes</em> in those parts; he was 				followed with 700 horse, he drove with him 1,000 head of cattle, he had also 				many women,  				<em>Indians</em> , and slaves. How all these 				rivers cross and encounter, how the country lieth and is bordered, the passage 				of  				<em>Ximenes</em> and  				<em>Berreo</em> , mine own discovery, and the way 				that I entered, with all the rest of the nations and rivers, your lordship 				shall receive in a large chart or map, which I have not yet finished, and which 				I shall most humbly pray your lordship to secrete, and not to suffer it to pass 				your own hands; for by a draught thereof all may be prevented by other nations; 				for I know it is this very year sought by the French, although by the way that 				they now take, I fear it not much. It was also told me yere I departed  				<em>England</em> , that  				<em>Villiers</em> , the Admiral, was in 				preparation for the planting of  				<em>Amazons</em> , to which river the French have 				made divers voyages, and returned much gold and other rarities. I spake with a 				captain of a French ship that came from thence, his ship riding in  				<em>Falmouth</em> the same year that my ships 				came first from Virginia; there was another this year in  				<em>Helford</em> , that also came from thence, and 				had been fourteen months at an anchor in  				<em>Amazons</em> ; which were both very rich. <span class="numbering-line">22.</span><br />
Although, as I am persuaded,  				<em>Guiana</em> cannot be entered that way, yet 				no doubt the trade of gold from thence passeth by branches of rivers into the 				river of  				<em>Amazons</em> , and so it doth on every hand 				far from the country itself; for those  				<em>Indians</em> of  				<em>Trinidad</em> have plates of gold from  				<em>Guiana</em> , and those  				<em>Cannibals</em> of  				<em>Dominica</em> which dwell in the islands by 				which our ships pass yearly to the  				<em>West Indies</em> , also the  				<em>Indians</em> of  				<em>Paria</em> , those  				<em>Indians</em> called  				<em>Tucaris</em> ,  				<em>Chochi</em> ,  				<em>Apotomios</em> ,  				<em>Cumaná</em> gotos, and all those other 				nations inhabiting near about the mountains that run from  				<em>Paria</em> thorough the province of  				<em>Venezuela</em> , and in  				<em>Maracapana</em> , and the  				<em>Cannibals</em> of  				<em>Guanipa</em> , the  				<em>Indians</em> called  				<em>Assawai</em> ,  				<em>Coaca</em> ,  				<em>Ajai</em> , and the rest (all which shall be 				described in my description as they are situate) have plates of gold of  				<em>Guiana</em> . And upon the river of  				<em>Amazons</em> ,  				Thevet writeth that the people wear  				croissants of gold, for of that form the 				 				<em>Guianians</em> most commonly make them; so as 				from  				<em>Dominica</em> to  				<em>Amazons</em> , which is above 250 leagues, all 				the chief  				<em>Indians</em> in all parts wear of those 				plates of  				<em>Guiana</em> . Undoubtedly those that trade 				[with]  				<em>Amazons</em> return much gold, which (as is 				aforesaid) cometh by trade from  				<em>Guiana</em> , by some branch of a river that 				falleth from the country into  				<em>Amazons</em> , and either it is by the river 				which passeth by the nations called  				Tisnados , or by  				Caripuna .<span class="numbering-line">23.</span><br />
I made enquiry amongst the most ancient and best travelled 				of the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> , and I had knowledge of all 				the rivers between  				<em>Orenoque</em> and  				<em>Amazons</em> , and was very desirous to 				understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of 				others not. And though I digress from my purpose, yet I will set down that 				which hath been delivered me for truth of those women, and I spake with a 				cacique, or lord of people, that told me he 				had been in the river, and beyond it also. The nations of these women are on 				the south side of the river in the provinces of  				<em>Topago</em> , and their chiefest strengths and 				retracts are in the islands situate on the south side of the entrance, some 60 				leagues within the mouth of the said river. The memories of the like women are 				very ancient as well in  				<em>Africa</em> as in  				<em>Asia</em> . In  				<em>Africa</em> those that had  				<em>Medusa</em> for queen; others in  				<em>Scythia</em> , near the rivers of  				<em>Tanais </em> and  				<em>Thermodon</em> . We find, also, that  				<em>Lampedo</em> and  				<em>Marthesia</em> were queens of the  				<em>Amazons</em> . In many histories they are 				verified to have been, and in divers ages and provinces; but they which are not 				far from  				<em>Guiana</em> do accompany with men but once in 				a year, and for the time of one month, which I gather by their relation, to be 				in April; and that time all kings of the borders assemble, and queens of the  				<em>Amazons</em> ; and after the queens have 				chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. This one month they feast, 				dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and the moon being done they all 				depart to their own provinces. They are said to be very cruel and bloodthirsty, 				especially to such as offer to invade their territories. These  				<em>Amazons</em> have likewise great store of 				these plates of gold, which they recover by exchange chiefly for a kind of 				green stones, which the Spaniards call <em>piedras 				hijadas</em>, and we use for spleen-stones; and for the disease of the 				stone we also esteem them. Of these I saw divers in  				<em>Guiana</em> ; and commonly every king or 				caciquehath one, which their wives for the 				most part wear, and they esteem them as great jewels. <span class="numbering-line">24.</span><br />
But to return to the enterprise of  				<em>Berreo</em> , who, as I have said, departed 				from  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> with 700 horse, besides the 				provisions above rehearsed. He descended by the river called  				<em>Cassanar</em> , which riseth in  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> out of the mountains by the 				city of  				<em>Tunja</em> , from which mountain also 				springeth  				<em>Pato</em> ; both which fall into the great 				river of  				<em>Meta</em> , and  				<em>Meta</em> riseth from a mountain joining to 				Pamplona, in the same  				<em>Nuevo Reyno de Granada</em> . These, as also  				<em>Guaiare</em> , which issueth out of the 				mountains by  				<em>Timana</em> , fall all into  				<em>Baraquan</em> , and are but of his heads; for 				at their coming together they lose their names, and  				<em>Baraquan</em> farther down is also rebaptized 				by the name of  				<em>Orenoque</em> . On the other side of the city 				and hills of  				<em>Timana</em> riseth  				<em>Rio Grande</em> , which falleth into the sea 				by  				<em>Santa Marta</em> . By  				<em>Cassanar</em> first, and so into  				<em>Meta</em> ,  				<em>Berreo</em> passed, keeping his horsemen on 				the banks, where the country served them for to march; and where otherwise, he 				was driven to embark them in boats which he builded for the purpose, and so 				came with the current down the river of  				<em>Meta</em> , and so into  				<em>Baraquan</em> . After he entered that great 				and mighty river, he began daily to lose of his companies both men and horse; 				for it is in many places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands, 				and divers islands sharp pointed with rocks. But after one whole year, 				journeying for the most part by river, and the rest by land, he grew daily to 				fewer numbers; from both by sickness, and by encountering with the people of 				those regions thorough which he travelled, his companies were much wasted, 				especially by divers encounters with the  				<em>Amapaians</em> . And in all this time he never 				could learn of any passage into  				<em>Guiana</em> , nor any news or fame thereof, 				until he came to a further border of the said  				<em>Amapaia</em> , eight days&#8217; journey from the 				river  				<em>Caroli</em> , which was the furthest river 				that he entered. Among those of  				<em>Amapaia</em> ,  				<em>Guiana</em> was famous; but few of these 				people accosted  				<em>Berreo</em> , or would trade with him the 				first three months of the six which he sojourned there. This  				<em>Amapaia</em> is also marvellous rich in gold, 				as both  				<em>Berreo</em> confessed and those of  				<em>Guiana</em> with whom I had most conference; 				and is situate upon  				<em>Orenoque</em> also. In this country  				<em>Berreo</em> lost sixty of his best soldiers, 				and most of all his horse that remained in his former year&#8217;s travel. But in the 				end, after divers encounters with those nations, they grew to peace, and they 				presented  				<em>Berreo</em> with ten images of fine gold 				among divers other plates and  				<em>croissants</em> , which, as he sware to me, 				and divers other gentlemen, were so curiously wrought, as he had not seen the 				like either in  				<em>Italy</em> ,  				<em>Spain</em> , or the  				<em>Low Countries</em> ; and he was resolved that 				when they came to the hands of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent them by 				his camp-master, they would appear very admirable, especially being wrought by 				such a nation as had no iron instruments at all, nor any of those helps which 				our goldsmiths have to work withal. The particular name of the people in  				<em>Amapaia</em> which gave him these pieces, are 				called  				<em>Anebas</em> , and the river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> at that place is about twelve 				English miles broad, which may be from his outfall into the sea 700 or 800 				miles. <span class="numbering-line">25.</span><br />
This province of  				<em>Amapaia</em> is a very low and a marish 				ground near the river; and by reason of the red water which issueth out in 				small branches thorough the fenny and boggy ground, there breed divers 				poisonful worms and serpents. And the Spaniards not suspecting, nor in any sort 				foreknowing the danger, were infected with a grievous kind of flux by drinking 				thereof, and even the very horses poisoned therewith; insomuch as at the end of 				the six months that they abode there, of all their troops there were not left 				above 120 soldiers, and neither horse nor cattle. For  				<em>Berreo</em> hoped to have found  				<em>Guiana</em> be 1,000 miles nearer than it 				fell out to be in the end; by means whereof they sustained much want, and much 				hunger, oppressed with grievous diseases, and all the miseries that could be 				imagined, I demanded of those in  				<em>Guiana</em> that had travelled  				<em>Amapaia</em> , how they lived with that tawny 				or red water when they travelled thither; and they told me that after the sun 				was near the middle of the sky, they used to fill their pots and pitchers with 				that water, but either before that time or towards the setting of the sun it 				was dangerous to drink of, and in the night strong poison. I learned also of 				divers other rivers of that nature among them, which were also, while the sun 				was in the meridian, very safe to drink, and in the morning, evening, and 				night, wonderful dangerous and infective. From this province  				<em>Berreo</em> hasted away as soon as the spring 				and beginning of summer appeared, and sought his entrance on the borders of  				<em>Orenoque</em> on the south side; but there 				ran a ledge of so high and impassable mountains, as he was not able by any 				means to march over them, continuing from the east sea into which  				<em>Orenoque</em> falleth, even to  				<em>Quito</em> in  				<em>Peru</em> . Neither had he means to carry 				victual or munition over those craggy, high, and fast hills, being all woody, 				and those so thick and spiny, and so full or prickles, thorns, and briars, as 				it is impossible to creep thorough them. He had also neither friendship among 				the people, nor any interpreter to persuade or treat with them; and more, to 				his disadvantage, the caciquesand kings of  				<em>Amapaia</em> had given knowledge of his 				purpose to the  				<em>Guianians</em> , and that he sought to sack 				and conquer the empire, for the hope of their so great abundance and quantities 				of gold. He passed by the mouths of many great rivers which fell into  				<em>Orenoque</em> both from the north and south, 				which I forbear to name, for tediousness, and because they are more pleasing in 				describing than reading. <span class="numbering-line">26.</span><br />
<em>Berreo</em> affirmed that there fell an 				hundred rivers into  				<em>Orenoque</em> from the north and south: 				whereof the least was as big as  				<em>Rio Grande</em> , that passed between  				<em>Popayan</em> and  				<em>Nuevo Reyno de Granada</em> ,  				<em>Rio Grande</em> being esteemed one of the 				renowned rivers in all the  				<em>West Indies</em> , and numbered among the 				great rivers of the world. But he knew not the names of any of these, but  				<em>Caroli</em> only; neither from what nations 				they descended, neither to what provinces they led, for he had no means to 				discourse with the inhabitants at any time; neither was he curious in these 				things, being utterly unlearned, and not knowing the east from the west. But of 				all these I got some knowledge, and of many more, partly by mine own travel, 				and the rest by conference; of some one I learned one, of others the rest, 				having with me an Indian that spake many languages, and that of  				<em>Guiana</em> naturally. I sought out all the 				aged men, and such as were greatest travellers. And by the one and the other I 				came to understand the situations, the rivers, the kingdoms from the east sea 				to the borders of  				<em>Peru</em> , and from  				<em>Orenoque</em> southward as far as  				<em>Amazons</em> or  				<em>Marañon</em> , and the regions of  				<em>Marinatambal</em> , and of all the kings of 				provinces, and captains of towns and villages, how they stood in terms of peace 				or war, and which were friends or enemies the one with the other; without which 				there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts, nor elsewhere. For 				by the dissension between  				<em>Guascar</em> and  				<em>Atabalipa</em> ,  				<em>Pizarro</em> conquered  				<em>Peru</em> , and by the hatred that the  				<em>Tlaxcallians</em> bare to  				<em>Mutezuma</em> ,  				<em>Cortes</em> was victorious over  				<em>Mexico</em> ; without which both the one and 				the other had failed of their enterprise, and of the great honour and riches 				which they attained unto. <span class="numbering-line">27.</span><br />
Now  				<em>Berreo</em> began to grow into despair, and 				looked for no other success than his predecessor in this enterprise; until such 				time as he arrived at the province of  				<em>Emeria</em> towards the east sea and mouth of 				the river, where he found a nation of people very favourable, and the country 				full of all manner of victual. The king of this land is called  				<em>Carapana</em> , a man very wise, subtle, and 				of great experience, being little less than an hundred years old. In his youth 				he was sent by his father into the island of  				<em>Trinidad</em> , by reason of civil war among 				themselves, and was bred at a village in that island, called  				<em>Parico</em> . At that place in his youth he 				had seen many Christians, both French and Spanish, and went divers times with 				the  				<em>Indians</em> of  				<em>Trinidad</em> to  				<em>Margarita</em> and  				<em>Cumaná</em> , in the  				<em>West Indies</em> , for both those places have 				ever been relieved with victual from  				<em>Trinidad</em> : by reason whereof he grew of 				more understanding, and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the 				strength and arms of his country with those of the Christians, and ever after 				temporised so as whosoever else did amiss, or was wasted by contention,  				<em>Carapana</em> kept himself and his country in 				quiet and plenty. He also held peace with the  				<em>Caribs</em> or  				<em>Cannibals</em> , his neighbours, and had free 				trade with all nations, whosoever else had war. <span class="numbering-line">28.</span><br />
<em>Berreo</em> sojourned and rested his weak 				troop in the town of  				<em>Carapana</em> six weeks, and from him learned 				the way and passage to  				<em>Guiana</em> , and the riches and magnificence 				thereof. But being then utterly unable to proceed, he determined to try his 				fortune another year, when he had renewed his provisions, and regathered more 				force, which he hoped for as well out of  				<em>Spain</em> as from  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> , where he had left his son  				<em>Don Antonio Ximenes</em> to second him upon 				the first notice given of his entrance; and so for the present embarked himself 				in  				<em>canoas</em> , and by the branches of  				<em>Orenoque</em> arrived at  				<em>Trinidad</em> , having from  				<em>Carapana</em> sufficient pilots to conduct 				him. From  				<em>Trinidad</em> he coasted  				<em>Paria</em> , and so recovered  				<em>Margarita</em> ; and having made relation to  				<em>Don Juan Sarmiento</em> , the Governor, of his 				proceeding, and persuaded him of the riches of  				<em>Guiana</em> , he obtained from thence fifty 				soldiers, promising presently to return to  				<em>Carapana</em> , and so into  				<em>Guiana</em> . But  				<em>Berreo</em> meant nothing less at that time; 				for he wanted many provisions necessary for such an enterprise, and therefore 				departed from  				<em>Margarita</em> , seated himself in  				<em>Trinidad</em> , and from thence sent his 				camp-master and his sergeant-major back to the borders to discover the nearest 				passage into the empire, as also to treat with the borderers, and to draw them 				to his party and love; without which, he knew he could neither pass safely, nor 				in any sort be relieved with victual or aught else.  				<em>Carapana</em> directed his company to a king 				called  				<em>Morequito</em> , assuring them that no man 				could deliver so much  				<em>Guiana</em> as  				<em>Morequito</em> could, and that his dwelling 				was but five days&#8217; journey from  				<em>Macureguarai</em> , the first civil town of  				<em>Guiana</em> .<span class="numbering-line">29.</span><br />
Now your lordship shall understand that this  				<em>Morequito</em> , one of the greatest lords or 				kings of the borders of  				<em>Guiana</em> , had two or three years before 				been at  				<em>Cumaná</em> and at  				<em>Margarita</em> , in the  				<em>West Indies</em> , with great store of plates 				of gold, which he carried to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his 				own country, and was daily feasted, and presented by the governors of those 				places, and held amongst them some two months. In which time one  				<em>Vides</em> , Governor of  				<em>Cumaná</em> , won him to be his 				conductor into  				<em>Guiana</em> , being allured by those  				<em>croissants</em> and images of gold which he 				brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame and magnificence of  				<em>El Dorado</em> ; whereupon  				<em>Vides</em> sent into  				<em>Spain</em> for a patent to discover and 				conquer  				<em>Guiana</em> , not knowing of the precedence of 				 				<em>Berreo</em> &#8217;s patent; which, as  				<em>Berreo</em> affirmeth, was signed before that 				of Vidas. So as when  				<em>Vides</em> understood of  				<em>Berreo</em> and that he had made entrance 				into that territory, and foregone his desire and hope, it was verily thought 				that  				<em>Vides</em> practised with  				<em>Morequito</em> to hinder and disturb  				<em>Berreo</em> in all he could, and not to 				suffer him to enter through his seignory, nor any of his companies; neither to 				victual, nor guide them in any sort. For  				<em>Vides</em> , Governor of  				<em>Cumaná</em> , and  				<em>Berreo</em> , were become mortal enemies, as 				well for that  				<em>Berreo</em> had gotten  				<em>Trinidad</em> into his patent with  				<em>Guiana</em> , as also in that he was by  				<em>Berreo</em> prevented in the journey of  				<em>Guiana</em> itself. Howsoever it was, I know 				not, but  				<em>Morequito</em> for a time dissembled his 				disposition, suffered ten Spaniards and a friar, which  				<em>Berreo</em> has sent to discover  				<em>Manoa</em> , to travel through his country, 				gave them a guide for  				<em>Macureguarai</em> , the first town of civil 				and apparelled people, from whence they had other guides to bring them to  				<em>Manoa</em> , the great city of  				<em>Inga</em> ; and being furnished with those 				things which they had learned of  				<em>Carapana</em> were of most price in  				<em>Guiana</em> , went onward, and in eleven days 				arrived at  				<em>Manoa</em> , as  				<em>Berreo</em> affirmeth for certain; although I 				could not be assured thereof by the lord which now governeth the province of  				<em>Morequito</em> , for he told me that they got 				all the gold they had in other towns on this side  				<em>Manoa</em> , there being many very great and 				rich, and (as he said) built like the towns of Christians, with many rooms. 				<span class="numbering-line">30.</span><br />
When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put 				out of the border of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , the people of  				<em>Morequito</em> set upon them, and slew them 				all but one that swam the river, and took from them to the value of 40,000 				pesos of gold; and one of them only lived to bring the news to  				<em>Berreo</em> , that both his nine soldiers and 				holy father were benighted in the said province. I myself spake with the 				captains of  				<em>Morequito</em> that slew them, and was at the 				place where it was executed.  				<em>Berreo</em> , enraged herewithal, sent all the 				strength he could make into  				<em>Aromaia</em> , to be revenged of him, his 				people, and country. But  				<em>Morequito</em> , suspecting the same, fled 				over  				<em>Orenoque</em> , and thorough the territories 				of the  				<em>Saima</em> and  				<em>Wikiri</em> recovered  				<em>Cumaná</em> , where he thought himself 				very safe, with  				<em>Vides</em> the governor. But  				<em>Berreo</em> sending for him in the king&#8217;s 				name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one  				<em>Fajardo</em> , on the sudden, yere he was 				suspected, so as he could not then be conveyed away,  				<em>Vides</em> durst not deny him, as well to 				avoid the suspicion of the practice, as also for that an holy father was slain 				by him and his people.  				<em>Morequito</em> offered  				<em>Fajardo</em> the weight of three quintals in 				gold, to let him escape; but the poor  				<em>Guianian</em> , betrayed on all sides, was 				delivered to the camp-master of  				<em>Berreo</em> , and was presently executed.<span class="numbering-line">31.</span><br />
After the death of this  				<em>Morequito</em> , the soldiers of  				<em>Berreo</em> spoiled his territory and took 				divers prisoners. Among others they took the uncle of  				<em>Morequito</em> , called  				<em>Topiawari</em> , who is now king of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , whose son I brought with me 				into  				<em>England</em> , and is a man of great 				understanding and policy; he is above an hundred years old, and yet is of a 				very able body. The Spaniards led him in a chain seventeen days, and made him 				their guide from place to place between his country and  				<em>Emeria</em> , the province of  				<em>Carapana</em> aforesaid, and he was at last 				redeemed for an hundred plates of gold, and divers stones called 				<em>piedras hijadas</em>, or spleen-stones. Now  				<em>Berreo</em> for executing of  				<em>Morequito</em> , and other cruelties, spoils, 				and slaughters done in  				<em>Aromaia</em> , hath lost the love of the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> , and of all the borderers, 				and dare not send any of his soldiers any further into the land than to  				<em>Carapana</em> , which he called the port of  				<em>Guiana</em> ; but from thence by the help of  				<em>Carapana</em> he had trade further into the 				country, and always appointed ten Spaniards to reside in  				<em>Carapana</em> &#8217;s town, by whose favour, and by 				being conducted by his people, those ten searched the country thereabouts, as 				well for mines as for other trades and commodities.<span class="numbering-line">32.</span><br />
They also have gotten a nephew of  				<em>Morequito</em> , whom they have christened and 				named  				<em>Don Juan</em> , of whom they have great hope, 				endeavouring by all means to establish him in the said province. Among many 				other trades, those Spaniards used  				<em>canoas</em> to pass to the rivers of  				<em>Barema</em> ,  				<em>Pawroma,</em> and  				<em>Dissequebe</em> , which are on the south side 				of the mouth of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , and there buy women and 				children from the  				<em>Cannibals</em> , which are of that barbarous 				nature, as they will for three or four hatchets sell the sons and daughters of 				their own brethren and sisters, and for somewhat more even their own daughters. 				Hereof the Spaniards make great profit; for buying a maid of twelve or thirteen 				years for three or four hatchets, they sell them again at  				<em>Margarita</em> in the  				<em>West Indies</em> for fifty and an hundred  				<em>pesos</em> , which is so many crowns.<span class="numbering-line">33.</span><br />
The master of my ship,  				<em>John Douglas</em> , took one of the  				<em>canoas</em> which came laden from thence with 				people to be sold, and the most of them escaped; yet of those he brought, there 				was one as well favoured and as well shaped as ever I saw any in  				<em>England</em> ; and afterwards I saw many of 				them, which but for their tawny colour may be compared to any in  				<em>Europe</em> . They also trade in those rivers 				for bread of  				<em>cassavi</em> , of which they buy an hundred 				pound weight for a knife, and sell it at  				<em>Margarita</em> for ten pesos. They also 				recover great store of cotton, Brazil wood, and those beds which they call  				<em>hamacas</em> or Brazil beds, wherein in hot 				countries all the Spaniards use to lie commonly, and in no other, neither did 				we ourselves while we were there. By means of which trades, for ransom of 				divers of the  				<em>Guianians</em> , and for exchange of hatchets 				and knives,  				<em>Berreo</em> recovered some store of gold 				plates, eagles of gold, and images of men and divers birds, and dispatched his 				camp-master for  				<em>Spain</em> , with all that he had gathered, 				therewith to levy soldiers, and by the show thereof to draw others to the love 				of the enterprise. And having sent divers images as well of men as beasts, 				birds, and fishes, so curiously wrought in gold, he doubted not but to persuade 				the king to yield to him some further help, especially for that this land hath 				never been sacked, the mines never wrought, and in the  				<em>Indies</em> their works were well spent, and 				the gold drawn out with great labour and charge. He also despatched messengers 				to his son in  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> to levy all the forces he 				could, and to come down the river  				<em>Orenoque</em> to  				<em>Emeria</em> , the province of  				<em>Carapana</em> , to meet him; he had also sent 				to  				<em>Santiago de Leon</em> on the coast of the  				<em>Caracas</em> , to buy horses and mules.<span class="numbering-line">34.</span><br />
After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and 				purposed, I told him that I had resolved to see  				<em>Guiana</em> , and that it was the end of my 				journey, and the cause of my coming to  				<em>Trinidad</em> , as it was indeed, and for that 				purpose I sent  				<em>Jacob</em>  				<em>Whiddon</em> the year before to get 				intelligence: with whom  				<em>Berreo</em> himself had speech at that time, 				and remembered how inquisitive  				<em>Jacob </em>  				<em>Whiddon</em> was of his proceedings, and of 				the country of  				<em>Guiana</em> .  				<em>Berreo</em> was stricken into a great 				melancholy and sadness, and used all the arguments he could to dissuade me; and 				also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost, and that 				they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded. And first he delivered that 				I could not enter any of the rivers with any bark or pinnace, or hardly with 				any ship&#8217;s boat, it was so low, sandy, and full of flats, and that his 				companies were daily grounded in their canoes, which drew but twelve inches 				water. He further said that none of the country would come to speak with us, 				but would all fly; and if we followed them to their dwellings, they would burn 				their own towns. And besides that, the way was long, the winter at hand, and 				that the rivers beginning once to swell, it was impossible to stem the current; 				and that we could not in those small boats by any means carry victuals for half 				the time, and that (which indeed most discouraged my company) the kings and 				lords of all the borders of  				<em>Guiana</em> had decreed that none of them 				should trade with any Christians for gold, because the same would be their own 				overthrow, and that for the love of gold the Christians meant to conquer and 				dispossess them of all together.<span class="numbering-line">35.</span><br />
Many and the most of these I found to be true; but yet I 				resolving to make trial of whatsoever happened, directed Captain  				<em>George Gifford</em> , my Vice-Admiral, to take 				the  				<em>Lion&#8217;s Whelp</em> , and Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> his bark, [and] to turn to the 				eastward, against the mouth of a river called  				<em>Capuri</em> , whose entrance I had before sent 				Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> and  				<em>John Douglas</em> the master to discover. Who 				found some nine foot water or better upon the flood, and five at low water: to 				whom I had given instructions that they should anchor at the edge of the shoal, 				and upon the best of the flood to thrust over, which shoal  				<em>John Douglas</em> buoyed and beckoned for 				them before. But they laboured in vain; for neither could they turn it up 				altogether so far to the east, neither did the flood continue so long, but the 				water fell yere they could have passed the sands. As we after found by a second 				experience: so as now we must either give over our enterprise, or leaving our 				ships at adventure 400 mile behind us, must run up in our ship&#8217;s boats, one 				barge, and two wherries. But being doubtful how to carry victuals for so long a 				time in such baubles, or any strength of men, especially for that  				<em>Berreo</em> assured us that his son must be 				by that time come down with many soldiers, I sent away one  				<em>King</em> , master of the  				<em>Lion&#8217;s Whelp</em> , with his ship-boat, to try 				another branch of the river in the bottom of the Bay of Guanipa, which was 				called  				<em>Amana</em> , to prove if there were water to 				be found for either of the small ships to enter. But when he came to the mouht 				of  				<em>Amana</em> , he found it as the rest, but 				stayed not to discover it thoroughly, because he was assured by an Indian, his 				guide, that the  				<em>Cannibals</em> of  				<em>Guanipa</em> would assail them with many  				<em>canoas</em> , and that they shot poisoned 				arrows; so as if he hasted not back, they should all be lost.<span class="numbering-line">36.</span><br />
In the meantime, fearing the worst, I caused all the 				carpenters we had to cut down a  				<em>galego</em> boat, which we meant to cast off, 				and to fit her with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best 				they could, so as she might be brought to draw but five foot: for so much we 				had on the bar of  				<em>Capuri </em> at low water. And doubting of  				<em>King</em> &#8217;s return, I sent  				<em>John Douglas</em> again in my long barge, as 				well to relieve him, as also to make a perfect search in the bottom of the bay; 				for it hath been held for infallible, that whatsoever ship or boat shall fall 				therein can never disemboque again, by reason of the violent current which 				setteth into the said bay, as also for that the breeze and easterly wind 				bloweth directly into the same. Of which opinion I have heard  				<em>John Hampton</em> , of  				<em>Plymouth</em> , one of the greatest experience 				of England, and divers other besides that have traded to  				<em>Trinidad</em> .<span class="numbering-line">37.</span><br />
I sent with  				<em>John Douglas</em> an old 				caciqueof  				<em>Trinidad</em> for a pilot, who told us that 				we could not return again by the bay or gulf, but that he knew a by-branch 				which ran within the land to the eastward, and he thought by it we might fall 				into  				<em>Capuri</em> , and so return in four days. John 				Douglas searched those rivers, and found four goodly entrances, whereof the 				least was as big as the  				<em>Thames</em> at  				<em>Woolwich</em> , but in the bay thitherward it 				was shoal and but six foot water; so as we were now without hope of any ship or 				bark to pass over, and therefore resolved to go on with the boats, and the 				bottom of the  				<em>galego</em> , in which we thrust 60 men. In 				the  				<em>Lion&#8217;s Whelp</em> &#8217;s boat and wherry we 				carried twenty, Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> in his wherry carried ten 				more, and in my barge other ten, which made up a hundred; we had no other means 				but to carry victual for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we 				could, and to boil and dress our meat. Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> had with him Master  				<em>Edward Porter</em> , Captain  				<em>Eynos</em> , and eight more in his wherry, 				with all their victual, weapons, and provisions. Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> had with him my cousin  				<em>Butshead Gorges</em> , and eight more. In the 				galley, of gentlemen and officers myself had Captain  				<em>Thyn</em> , my cousin  				<em>John Greenvile</em> , my nephew  				<em>John Gilbert</em> , Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> , Captain  				<em>Keymis</em> ,  				<em>Edward Hancock</em> ,  				<em>Captain Clarke</em> , Lieutenant  				<em>Hughes</em> ,  				<em>Thomas Upton</em> ,  				<em>Captain Facy</em> ,  				<em>Jerome Ferrar</em> ,  				<em>Anthony Wells</em> ,  				<em>William Connock</em> ,,and above fifty more. 				We could not learn of  				<em>Berreo</em> any other way to enter but in 				branches so far to windward as it was impossible for us to recover; for we had 				as much sea to cross over in our wherries, as between Dover and Calice, and in 				a great bollow, the wind and current being both very strong. So as we were 				driven to go in those small boats directly before the wind into the bottom of 				the Bay of  				<em>Guanipa</em> , and from thence to enter the 				mouth of some one of those rivers which  				<em>John Douglas</em> had last discovered; and 				had with us for pilot an Indian of  				<em>Barema</em> , a river to the south of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , between that and  				<em>Amazons</em> , whose  				<em>canoas</em> we had formerly taken as he was 				going from the said  				<em>Barema</em> , laden with cassavi bread to sell 				at  				<em>Margarita</em> . This  				<em>Arwacan</em> promised to bring me into the 				great river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> ; but indeed of that which he 				entered he was utterly ignorant, for he had not seen it in twelve years before, 				at which time he was very young, and of no judgment. And if God had not sent us 				another help, we might have wandered a whole year in that labyrinth of rivers, 				yere we had found any way, either out or in, especially after we were past 				ebbing and flowing, which was in four days. For I know all the earth doth not 				yield the like confluence of streams and branches, the one crossing the other 				so many times, and all so fair and large, and so like one to another, as no man 				can tell which to take: and if we went by the sun or compass, hoping thereby to 				go directly one way or other, yet that way we were also carried in a circle 				amongst multitudes of islands, and every island so bordered with high trees as 				no man could see any further than the breadth of the river, or length of the 				breach. But this it chanced, that entering into a river (which because it had 				no name, we called the River of the Red Cross, ourselves being the first 				Christians that ever came therein), the 22. of May, as we were rowing up the 				same, we espied a small  				<em>canoa</em> with three  				<em>Indians</em> , which by the swiftness of my 				barge, rowing with eight oars, I overtook yere they could cross the river. The 				rest of the people on the banks, shadowed under the thick wood, gazed on with a 				doubtful conceit what might befall those three which we had taken. But when 				they perceived that we offered them no violence, neither entered their  				<em>canoa</em> with any of ours, nor took out of 				the  				<em>canoa</em> any of theirs, they then began to 				show themselves on the bank&#8217;s side, and offered to traffic with us for such 				things as they had. And as we drew near, they all stayed; and we came with our 				barge to the mouth of a little creek which came from their town into the great 				river. <span class="numbering-line">38.</span><br />
As we abode here awhile, our Indian pilot, called  				<em>Ferdinando</em> , would needs go ashore to 				their village to fetch some fruits and to drink of their artificial wines, and 				also to see the place and know the lord of it against another time, and took 				with him a brother of his which he had with him in the journey. When they came 				to the village of these people the lord of the island offered to lay hands on 				them, purposing to have slain them both; yielding for reason that this Indian 				of ours had brought a strange nation into their territory to spoil and destroy 				them. But the pilot being quick and of a disposed body, slipt their fingers and 				ran into the woods, and his brother, being the better footman of the two, 				recovered the creek&#8217;s mouth, where we stayed in our barge, crying out that his 				brother was slain. With that we set hands on one of them that was next us, a 				very old man, and brought him into the barge, assuring him that if we had not 				our pilot again we would presently cut off his head. This old man, being 				resolved that he should pay the loss of the other, cried out to those in the 				woods to save  				<em> 				  <em>Ferdinando</em> </em> , our pilot; but they 				followed him notwithstanding, and hunted after him upon the foot with their 				deer-dogs, and with so main a cry that all the woods echoed with the shout they 				made. But at the last this poor chased Indian recovered the river side and got 				upon a tree, and, as we were coasting, leaped down and swam to the barge half 				dead with fear. But our good hap was that we kept the other old Indian, which 				we handfasted to redeem our pilot withal; for, being natural of those rivers, 				we assured ourselves that he knew the way better than any stranger could. And, 				indeed, but for this chance, I think we had never found the way either to  				<em>Guiana</em> or back to our ships; for  				<em>Ferdinando</em> after a few days knew nothing 				at all, nor which way to turn; yea, and many times the old man himself was in 				great doubt which river to take. Those people which dwell in these broken 				islands and drowned lands are generally called  				<em>Tivitivas</em> . There are of them two sorts; 				the one called  				<em>Ciawani</em> , and the other  				<em>Waraweete</em> .<span class="numbering-line">39.</span><br />
The great river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> or  				<em>Baraquan</em> hath nine branches which fall 				out on the north side of his own main mouth. On the south side it hath seven 				other fallings into the sea, so it disemboqueth by sixteen arms in all, between 				islands and broken ground; but the islands are very great, many of them as big 				as the  				<em>Isle of Wight</em> , and bigger, and many 				less. From the first branch on the north to the last of the south it is at 				least 100 leagues, so as the river&#8217;s mouth is 300 miles wide at his entrance 				into the sea, which I take to be far bigger than that of  				<em>Amazons</em> . All those that inhabit in the 				mouth of this river upon the several north branches are these  				<em>Tivitivas</em> , of which there are two chief 				lords which have continual wars one with the other. The islands which lie on 				the right hand are called  				<em>Pallamos</em> , and the land on the left,  				<em>Hororotomaka</em> ; and the river by which  				<em>John Douglas</em> returned within the land 				from  				<em>Amana</em> to  				<em>Capuri</em> they call  				<em>Macuri</em> . <span class="numbering-line">40.</span><br />
These  				<em>Tivitivas</em> are a very goodly people and 				very valiant, and have the most manly speech and most deliberate that ever I 				heard of what nation soever. In the summer they have houses on the ground, as 				in other places; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very 				artificial towns and villages, as it is written in the Spanish story of the  				<em>West Indies</em> that those people do in the 				low lands near the gulf of  				<em>Uraba</em> . For between May and September the 				river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> riseth thirty foot upright, and 				then are those islands overflown twenty foot high above the level of the 				ground, saving some few raised grounds in the middle of them; and for this 				cause they are enforced to live in this manner. They never eat of anything that 				is set or sown; and as at home they use neither planting nor other manurance, 				so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of aught but of that which nature 				without labour bringeth forth. They use the tops of palmitos for bread, and 				kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance. They have also 				many sorts of fruits that grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and 				fowls; and if to speak of them were not tedious and vulgar, surely we saw in 				those passages of very rare colours and forms not elsewhere to be found, for as 				much as I have either seen or read. <span class="numbering-line">41.</span><br />
Of these people those that dwell upon the branches of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , called  				<em>Capuri</em> , and  				<em>Macureo</em> , are for the most part 				carpenters of  				<em>canoas</em> ; for they make the most and 				fairest  				<em>canoas</em> ; and sell them into  				<em>Guiana</em> for gold and into  				<em>Trinidad</em> for tabacco, in the excessive 				taking whereof they exceed all nations. And notwithstanding the moistness of 				the air in which they live, the hardness of their diet, and the great labours 				they suffer to hunt, fish, and fowl for their living, in all my life, either in 				the  				<em>Indies</em> or in  				<em>Europe</em> , did I never behold a more goodly 				or better-favoured people or a more manly. They were wont to make war upon all 				nations, and especially on the  				Cannibals , so as none durst without a 				good strength trade by those rivers; but of late they are at peace with their 				neighbours, all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy. When their commanders 				die they use great lamentation; and when they think the flesh of their bodies 				is putrified and fallen from their bones, then they take up the carcase again 				and hang it in the cacique&#8217;s house that 				died, and deck his skull with feathers of all colours, and hang all his gold 				plates about the bones of this arms, thighs, and legs. Those nations which are 				called Arwacas, which dwell on the south of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , of which place and nation our 				Indian pilot was, are dispersed in many other places, and do use to beat the 				bones of their lords into powder, and their wives and friends drink it all in 				their several sorts of drinks. <span class="numbering-line">42.</span><br />
After we departed from the port of these  				<em>Ciawani</em> we passed up the river with the 				flood and anchored the ebb, and in this sort we went onward. The third day that 				we entered the river, our galley came on ground; and stuck so fast as we 				thought that even there our discovery had ended, and that we must have left 				four-score and ten of our men to have inhabited, like rooks upon trees, with 				those nations. But the next morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, 				with tugging and hauling to and fro we got her afloat and went on. At four 				days&#8217; end we fell into as goodly a river as ever I beheld, which was called the 				great  				<em>Amana</em> , which ran more directly without 				windings and turnings than the other. But soon after the flood of the sea left 				us; and, being enforced either by main strength to row against a violent 				current, or to return as wise as we went out, we had then no shift but to 				persuade the companies that it was but two or three days&#8217; work, and therefore 				desired them to take pains, every gentleman and others taking their turns to 				row, and to spell one the other at the hour&#8217;s end. Every day we passed by 				goodly branches of rivers, some falling from the west, others from the east, 				into  				<em>Amana</em> ; but those I leave to the 				description in the chart of discovery, where every one shall be named with his 				rising and descent. When three days more were overgone, our companies began to 				despair, the weather being extreme hot, the river bordered with very high trees 				that kept away the air, and the current against us every day stronger than 				other. But we evermore commanded our pilots to promise an end the next day, and 				used it so long as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the river 				to three, and so to two, and so to the next reach. But so long we laboured that 				many days were spent, and we driven to draw ourselves to harder allowance, our 				bread even at the last, and no drink at all; and our men and ourselves so 				wearied and scorched, and doubtful withal whether we should ever perform it or 				no, the heat increasing as we drew towards the line; for we were now in five 				degrees. <span class="numbering-line">43.</span><br />
The further we went on, our victual decreasing and the air 				breeding great faintness, we grew weaker and weaker, when we had most need of 				strength and ability. For hourly the river ran more violently than other 				against us, and the barge, wherries, and ship&#8217;s boat of Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> and Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> had spent all their 				provisions; so as we were brought into despair and discomfort, had we not 				persuaded all the company that it was but only one day&#8217;s work more to attain 				the land where we should be relieved of all we wanted, and if we returned, that 				we were sure to starve by the way, and that the world would also laugh us to 				scorn. On the banks of these rivers were divers sorts of fruits good to eat, 				flowers and trees of such variety as were sufficient to make ten volumes of 				Herbals; we relieved ourselves many times with the fruits of the country, and 				sometimes with fowl and fish. We saw birds of all colours, some carnation, some 				crimson, orange-tawny, purple, watchet, and of all other sorts, both simple and 				mixed, and it was unto us a great good-passing of the time to behold them, 				besides the relief we found by killing some store of them with our 				fowling-pieces; without which, having little or no bread, and less drink, but 				only the thick and troubled water of the river, we had been in a very hard 				case.<span class="numbering-line">44.</span><br />
Our old pilot of the  				<em>Ciawani</em> , whom, as I said before, we took 				to redeem  				<em>Ferdinando</em> , told us, that if we would 				enter a branch of a river on the right hand with our barge and wherries, and 				leave the galley at anchor the while in the great river, he would bring us to a 				town of the  				<em>Arwacas</em> , where we should find store of 				bread, hens, fish, and of the country wine; and persuaded us, that departing 				from the galley at noon we might return yere night. I was very glad to hear 				this speech, and presently took my barge, with eight musketeers, Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> &#8217;s wherry, with himself and four 				musketeers, and Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> with his wherry, and as many; 				and so we entered the mouth of this river; and because we were persuaded that 				it was so near, we took no victual with us at all. When we had rowed three 				hours, we marvelled we saw no sign of any dwelling, and asked the pilot where 				the town was; he told us, a little further. After three hours more, the sun 				being almost set, we began to suspect that he led us that way to betray us; for 				he confessed that those Spaniards which fled from  				<em>Trinidad</em> , and also those that remained 				with  				<em>Carapana</em> in  				<em> 				  <em>Emeria</em> </em> , were joined together in 				some village upon that river. But when it grew towards night, and we demanded 				where the place was, he told us but four reaches more. When we had rowed four 				and four, we saw no sign; and our poor watermen, even heart-broken and tired, 				were ready to give up the ghost; for we had now come from the galley near forty 				miles.<span class="numbering-line">45.</span><br />
At the last we determined to hang the pilot; and if we had 				well known the way back again by night, he had surely gone. But our own 				necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety; for it was a dark as pitch, 				and the river began so to narrow itself, and the trees to hang over from side 				to side, as we were driven with arming swords to cut a passage thorough those 				branches that covered the water. We were very desirous to find this town hoping 				of a feast, because we made but a short breakfast aboard the galley in the 				morning, and it was now eight o&#8217;clock at night, and our stomachs began to gnaw 				apace; but whether it was best to return or go on, we began to doubt, 				suspecting treason in the pilot more and more; but the poor old Indian ever 				assured us that it was but a little further, but this one turning and that 				turning; and at the last about one o&#8217;clock after midnight we saw a light, and 				rowing towards it we heard the dogs of the village. When we landed we found few 				people; for the lord of that place was gone with divers  				<em>canoas</em> above 400 miles off, upon a 				journey towards the head of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , to trade for gold, and to buy 				women of the  				<em>Cannibals</em> , who afterwards unfortunately 				passed by us as we rode at an anchor in the port of  				<em>Morequito</em> in the dark of the night, and 				yet came so near us as his  				<em>canoas</em> grated against our barges; he 				left one of his company at the port of  				<em>Morequito</em> , by whom we understood that he 				had brought thirty young women, divers plates of gold, and had great store of 				fine pieces of cotton cloth, and cotton beds. In his house we had good store of 				bread, fish, hens, and Indian drink, and so rested that night; and in the 				morning, after we had traded with such of his people as came down, we returned 				towards our galley, and brought with us some quantity of bread, fish, and 				hens.<span class="numbering-line">46.</span><br />
On both sides of this river we passed the most beautiful 				country that ever mine eyes beheld; and whereas all that we had seen before was 				nothing but woods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here we beheld plains of 				twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers parts groves 				of trees by themselves, as if they had been by all the art and labour in the 				world so made of purpose; and still as we rowed, the deer came down feeding by 				the water&#8217;s side as if they had been used to a keeper&#8217;s call. Upon this river 				there were great store of fowl, and of many sorts; we saw in it divers sorts of 				strange fishes, and of marvellous bigness; but for  				<em>lagartos</em> it exceeded, for there were 				thousands of those ugly serpents; and the people call it, for the abundance of 				them, the River of  				<em>Lagartos</em> , in their language. I had a 				negro, a very proper young fellow, who leaping out of the galley to swim in the 				mouth of this river, was in all our sights taken and devoured with one of those 				 				<em>lagartos</em> . In the meanwhile our companies 				in the galley thought we had been all lost, for we promised to return before 				night; and sent the  				<em>Lion&#8217;s Whelp</em> &#8217;s ship&#8217;s boat with Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> to follow us up the river. But 				the next day, after we had rowed up and down some fourscore miles, we returned, 				and went on our way up the great river; and when we were even at the last cast 				for want of victuals, Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> being before the galley and the 				rest of the boats, seeking out some place to land upon the banks to make fire, 				espied four  				<em>canoas</em> coming down the river; and with 				no small joy caused his men to try the uttermost of their strengths, and after 				a while two of the four gave over and ran themselves ashore, every man betaking 				himself to the fastness of the woods. The two other lesser got away, while he 				landed to lay hold on these; and so turned into some by-creek, we knew not 				whither. Those  				<em>canoas</em> that were taken were loaded with 				bread, and were bound for  				<em>Margarita</em> in the  				<em>West Indies</em> , which those  				<em>Indians</em> , called  				<em>Arwacas</em> , proposed to carry thither for 				exchange; but in the lesser there were three Spaniards, who having heard of the 				defeat of their Governor in  				<em>Trinidad</em> , and that we purposed to enter  				<em>Guiana</em> , came away in those  				<em>canoas</em> ; one of them was a  				<em>cavallero</em> , as the captain of the  				<em>Arwacas</em> after told us, another a soldier 				and the third a refiner.<span class="numbering-line">47.</span><br />
In the meantime, nothing on the earth could have been more 				welcome to us, next unto gold, than the great store of very excellent bread 				which we found in these  				<em>canoas</em> ; for now our men cried,  				<em>Let us go on, we care not how far</em>. 				After that Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> had brought the two  				<em>canoas</em> to the galley, I took my barge 				and went to the bank&#8217;s side with a dozen shot, where the  				<em>canoas</em> first ran themselves ashore, and 				landed there, sending out Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> and Captain  				<em>Thyn</em> on one hand and Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> on the other, to follow those 				that were fled into the woods. And as I was creeping thorough the bushes, I saw 				an Indian basket hidden, which was the refiner&#8217;s basket; for I found in it his 				quicksilver, saltpetre, and divers things for the trial of  				<em>Meta</em> ls, and also the dust of such ore as 				he had refined; but in those  				<em>canoas</em> which escaped there was a good 				quantity of ore and gold. I then landed more men, and offered five hundred 				pound to what soldier soever could take one of those three Spaniards that we 				thought were landed. But our labours were in vain in that behalf, for they put 				themselves into one of the small  				<em>canoas</em> , and so, while the greater  				<em>canoas</em> were in taking, they escaped. But 				seeking after the Spaniards we found the  				<em>Arwacas</em> hidden in the woods, which were 				pilots for the Spaniards, and rowed their  				<em>canoas</em> . Of which I kept the chiefest for 				a pilot, and carried him with me to  				<em>Guiana</em> ; by whom I understood where and 				in what countries the Spaniards had laboured for gold, though I made not the 				same known to all. For when the springs began to break, and the rivers to raise 				themselves so suddenly as by no means we could abide the digging of any mine, 				especially for that the richest are defended with rocks of hard stones, which 				we call the <em>white spar</em>, and that it required 				both time, men, and instruments fit for such a work, I thought it best not to 				hover thereabouts, lest if the same had been perceived by the company, there 				would have been by this time many barks and ships set out, and perchance other 				nations would also have gotten of ours for pilots. So as both ourselves might 				have been prevented, and all our care taken for good usage of the people been 				utterly lost, by those that only respect present profit; and such violence or 				insolence offered as the nations which are borderers would have changed the 				desire of our love and defence into hatred and violence. And for any longer 				stay to have brought a more quantity, which I hear hath been often objected, 				whosoever had seen or proved the fury of that river after it began to arise, 				and had been a month and odd days, as we were, from hearing aught from our 				ships, leaving them meanly manned 400 miles off, would perchance have turned 				somewhat sooner than we did, if all the mountains had been gold, or rich 				stones. And to say the truth, all the branches and small rivers which fell into 				 				<em>Orenoque</em> were raised with such speed, as 				if we waded them over the shoes in the morning outward, we were covered to the 				shoulders homeward the very same day; and to stay to dig our gold with our 				nails, had been <em>opus laboris</em>but not 				<em>ingenii</em>. Such a quantity as would have served 				our turns we could not have had, but a discovery of the mines to our infinite 				disadvantage we had made, and that could have been the best profit of farther 				search or stay; for those mines are not easily broken, nor opened in haste, and 				I could have returned a good quantity of gold ready cast if I had not shot at 				another mark than present profit.<span class="numbering-line">48.</span><br />
This  				<em>Arwacan</em> pilot, with the rest, feared 				that we would have eaten them, or otherwise have put them to some cruel death: 				for the Spaniards, to the end that none of the people in the passage towards  				<em>Guiana</em> , or in  				<em>Guiana</em> itself, might come to speech with 				us, persuaded all the nations that we were men-eaters and  				<em>Cannibals</em> . But when the poor men and 				women had seen us, and that we gave them meat, and to every one something or 				other which was rare and strange to them, they began to conceive the deceit and 				purpose of the Spaniards, who indeed, as they confessed took from them both 				their wives and daughters daily . . . But I protest before the Majesty of the 				living God, that I neither know nor believe, that any of our company, one or 				other, did offer insult to any of their women, and yet we saw many hundreds, 				and had many in our power, and of those very young and excellently favoured, 				which came among us without deceit, stark naked. Nothing got us more love 				amongst them than this usage; for I suffered not any man to take from any of 				the nations so much as a  				<em>pina</em> or a  				<em>potato</em> root without giving them 				contentment, nor any man so much as to offer to touch any of their wives or 				daughters; which course, so contrary to the Spaniards, who tyrannize over them 				in all things, drew them to admire her Majesty, whose commandment I told them 				it was, and also wonderfully to honour our nation. But I confess it was a very 				impatient work to keep the meaner sort from spoil and stealing when we came to 				their houses; which because in all I could not prevent, I caused my Indian 				interpreter at every place when we departed, to know of the loss or wrong done, 				and if aught were stolen or taken by violence, either the same was restored, 				and the party punished in their sight, or else was paid for to their uttermost 				demand. They also much wondered at us, after they heard that we had slain the 				Spaniards at  				<em>Trinidad</em> , for they were before resolved 				that no nation of Christians durst abide their presence; and they wondered more 				when I had made them know of the great overthrow that her Majesty&#8217;s army and 				fleet had given them of late years in their own countries.<span class="numbering-line">49.</span><br />
After we had taken in this supply of bread, with divers 				baskets of roots, which were excellent meat, I gave one of the  				<em>canoas</em> to the  				<em>Arwacas</em> , which belonged to the Spaniards 				that were escaped; and when I had dismissed all but the captain, who by the 				Spaniards was christened  				<em>Martin</em> , I sent back in the same  				<em>canoa</em> the old  				<em>Ciawani</em> , and  				<em>Ferdinando</em> , my first pilot, and gave 				them both such things as they desired, with sufficient victual to carry them 				back, and by them wrote a letter to the ships, which they promised to deliver, 				and performed it; and then I went on, with my new hired pilot,  				<em>Martin</em> the  				<em>Arwacan</em> . But the next or second day 				after, we came aground again with our galley, and were like to cast her away, 				with all our victual and provision, and so lay on the sand one whole night, and 				were far more in despair at this time to free her than before, because we had 				no tide of flood to help us, and therefore feared that all our hopes would have 				ended in mishaps. But we fastened an anchor upon the land, and with main 				strength drew her off; and so the fifteenth day we discovered afar off the 				mountains of  				<em>Guiana</em> , to our great joy, and towards 				the evening had a slent of a northerly wind that blew very strong, which 				brought us in sight of the great river  				<em>Orenoque</em> ; out of which this river 				descended wherein we were. We descried afar off three other  				<em>canoas</em> as far as we could discern them, 				after whom we hastened with ourbarge and wherries, but two of them passed out 				of sight, and the third entered up the great river, on the right hand to the 				westward, and there stayed out of sight, thinking that we meant to take the way 				eastward towards the province of  				<em>Carapana</em> ; for that way the Spaniards 				keep, not daring to go upwards to  				<em>Guiana</em> , the people in those parts being 				all their enemies, and those in the  				<em>canoas</em> thought us to have been those 				Spaniards that were fled from  				<em>Trinidad</em> , and escaped killing. And when 				we came so far down as the opening of that branch into which they slipped, 				being near them with our barge and wherries, we made after them, and yere they 				could land came within call, and by our interpreter told them what we were, 				wherewith they came back willingly aboard us; and of such fish and 				<em>tortugas</em>&#8216; eggs as they had gathered they gave 				us, and promised in the morning to bring the lord of that part with them, and 				to do us all other services they could. That night we came to an anchor at the 				parting of the three goodly rivers (the one was the river of  				<em>Amana</em> , by which we came from the north, 				and ran athwart towards the south, the other two were of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , which crossed from the west 				and ran to the sea towards the east) and landed upon a fair sand, where we 				found thousands of tortugas&#8217; eggs, which are very wholesome meat, and greatly 				restoring; so as our men were now well filled and highly contented both with 				the fare, and nearness of the land of  				<em>Guiana</em> , which appeared in sight.<span class="numbering-line">50.</span><br />
In the morning there came down, according to promise, the 				lord of that border, called  				<em>Toparimaca</em> , with some thirty or forty 				followers, and brought us divers sorts of fruits, and of his wine, bread, fish, 				and flesh, whom we also feasted as we could; at least we drank good Spanish 				wine, whereof we had a small quantity in bottles, which above all things they 				love. I conferred with this  				<em>Toparimaca</em> of the next way to  				<em>Guiana</em> , who conducted our galley and 				boats to his own port, and carried us from thence some mile and a-half to his 				town; where some of our captains garoused of his wine till they were reasonable 				pleasant, for it is very strong with pepper, and the juice of divers herbs and 				fruits digested and purged. They keep it in great earthen pots of ten or twelve 				gallons, very clean and sweet, and are themselves at their meetings and feasts 				the greatest carousers and drunkards of the world. When we came to his town we 				found two cacique, whereof one was a 				stranger that had been up the river in trade, and his boats, people, and wife 				encamped at the port where we anchored; and the other was of that country, a 				follower of  				<em>Toparimaca</em> . They lay each of them in a 				cotton <em>hamaca</em>, which we call  				<em>Brazil</em> beds, and two women attending 				them with six cups, and a little ladle to fill them out of an earthen pitcher 				of wine; and so they drank each of them three of those cups at a time one to 				the other, and in this sort they drink drunk at their feasts and meetings.<span class="numbering-line">51.</span><br />
That caciquethat was a 				stranger had his wife staying at the port where we anchored, and in all my life 				I have seldom seen a better favoured woman. She was of good stature, with black 				eyes, fat of body, of an excellent countenance, her hair almost as long as 				herself, tied up again in pretty knots; and it seemed she stood not in that awe 				of her husband as the rest, for she spake and discoursed, and drank among the 				gentlemen and captains, and was very pleasant, knowing her own comeliness, and 				taking great pride therein. I have seen a lady in  				<em>England</em> so like to her, as but for the 				difference of colour, I would have sworn might have been the same.<span class="numbering-line">52.</span><br />
The seat of this town of  				<em>Toparimaca</em> was very pleasant, standing 				on a little hill, in an excellent prospect, with goodly gardens a mile compass 				round about it, and two very fair and large ponds of excellent fish adjoining. 				This town is called  				Arowocai ; the people are of the 				nation called  				Nepoios , and are followers of  				<em>Carapana</em> . In that place I saw very aged 				people, that we might perceive all their sinews and veins without any flesh, 				and but even as a case covered only with skin. The lord of this place gave me 				an old man for pilot, who was of great experience and travel, and knew the 				river most perfectly both by day and night. And it shall be requisite for any 				man that passeth it to have such a pilot; for it is four, five, and six miles 				over in many places, and twenty miles in other places, with wonderful eddies 				and strong currents, many great islands, and divers shoals, and many dangerous 				rocks; and besides upon any increase of wind so great a billow, as we were 				sometimes in great peril of drowning in the galley, for the small boats durst 				not come from the shore but when it was very fair.<span class="numbering-line">53.</span><br />
The next day we hasted thence, and having an easterly wind 				to help us, we spared our arms from rowing; for after we entered  				<em>Orenoque</em> , the river lieth for the most 				part east and west, even from the sea unto  				<em>Quito</em> , in  				<em>Peru</em> . This river is navigable with barks 				little less than 1000 miles; and from the place where we entered it may be 				sailed up in small pinnaces to many of the best parts of  				<em>Nuevo Reyno de Granada</em> and of  				<em>Popayan</em> . And from no place may the 				cities of these parts of the  				<em>Indies</em> be so easily taken and invaded as 				from hence. All that day we sailed up a branch of that river, having on the 				left hand a great island, which they call Assapana, which may contain some 				five-and-twenty miles in length, and six miles in breadth, the great body of 				the river running on the other side of this island. Beyond that middle branch 				there is also another island in the river, called Iwana, which is twice as big 				as the Isle of  				<em>Wight</em> ; and beyond it, and between it and 				the main of  				<em>Guiana</em> , runneth a third branch of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , called  				<em>Arraroopana</em> . All three are goodly 				branches, and all navigable for great ships. I judge the river in this place to 				be at least thirty miles broad, reckoning the islands which divide the branches 				in it, for afterwards I sought also both the other branches. <span class="numbering-line">54.</span><br />
After we reached to the head of the island called  				<em>Assapana</em> , a little to the westward on 				the right hand there opened a river which came from the north, called Europa, 				and fell into the great river; and beyond it on the same side we anchored for 				that night by another island, six miles long and two miles broad, which they 				call  				<em>Ocaywita</em> . From hence, in the morning, we 				landed two  				<em>Guianians</em> , which we found in the town of 				 				<em>Toparimaca</em> , that came with us; who went 				to give notice of our coming to the lord of that country, called  				<em>Putyma</em> , a follower of  				<em>Topiawari</em> , chief lord of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , who succeeded  				<em>Morequito</em> , whom (as you have heard 				before)  				<em>Berreo</em> put to death. But his town being 				far within the land, he came not unto us that day; so as we anchored again that 				night near the banks of another land, of bigness much like the other, which 				they call  				<em>Putapayma</em> , over against which island, on 				the main land, was a very high mountain called  				<em>Oecope</em> . We coveted to anchor rather by 				these islands in the river than by the main, because of the 				<em>tortugas</em>&#8216; eggs, which our people found on them 				in great abundance; and also because the ground served better for us to cast 				uur nets for fish, the main banks being for the most part stony and high and 				the rocks of a blue,  				<em>Meta</em> lline colour, like unto the best 				steel ore, which I assuredly take it to be. Of the same blue stone are also 				divers great mountains which border this river in many places. <span class="numbering-line">55.</span><br />
The next morning, towards nine of the clock, we weighed 				anchor; and the breeze increasing, we sailed always west up the river, and, 				after a while, opening the land on the right side, the country appeared to be 				champaign and the banks shewed very perfect red. I therefore sent two of the 				little barges with Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> , and with him Captain  				<em>Thyn</em> , Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> , my cousin  				<em>Greenvile</em> , my nephew  				<em>John Gilbert</em> , Captain  				<em>Eynos</em> , Master  				<em>Edward Porter</em> , and my cousin  				<em>Butshead Gorges</em> , with some few soldiers, 				to march over the banks of that red land and to discover what manner of country 				it was on the other side; who at their return found it all a plain level as far 				as they went or could discern from the highest tree they could get upon. And my 				old pilot, a man of great travel, brother to the cacique  				<em>Toparimaca</em> , told me that those were 				called the plains of the  				<em>Sayma</em> , and that the same level reached 				to  				<em>Cumaná</em> and  				<em>Caracas</em> , in the  				<em>West Indies</em> , which are a hundred and 				twenty leagues to the north, and that there inhabited four principal nations. 				The first were the  				<em>Sayma</em> , the next  				<em>Assawai</em> , the third and greatest the  				<em>Wikiri</em> , by whom  				<em>Pedro Hernandez de Serpa</em> , before 				mentioned, was overthrown as he passed with 300 horse from  				<em>Cumaná</em> towards  				<em>Orenoque</em> in his enterprise of  				<em>Guiana</em> . The fourth are called  				<em>Aroras</em> , and are as black as negroes, but 				have smooth hair; and these are very valiant, or rather desperate, people, and 				have the most strong poison on their arrows, and most dangerous, of all 				nations, of which I will speak somewhat, being a digression not unnecessary. 				<span class="numbering-line">56.</span><br />
There was nothing whereof I was more curious than to find 				out the true remedies of these poisoned arrows. For besides the mortality of 				the wound they make, the party shot endureth the most insufferable torment in 				the world, and abideth a most ugly and lamentable death, sometimes dying stark 				mad, sometimes their bowels breaking out of their bellies; which are presently 				discoloured as black as pitch, and so unsavory as no man can endure to cure or 				to attend them. And it is more strange to know that in all this time there was 				never Spaniard, either by gift or torment, that could attain to the true 				knowledge of the cure, although they have martyred and put to invented torture 				I know not how many of them. But everyone of these  				<em>Indians</em> know it not, no, not one among 				thousands, but their soothsayers and priests, who do conceal it, and only teach 				it but from the father to the son.<span class="numbering-line">57.</span><br />
Those medicines which are vulgar, and serve for the 				ordinary poison, are made of the juice of a root called  				<em>tupara</em> ; the same also quencheth 				marvellously the heat of burning fevers, and healeth inward wounds and broken 				veins that bleed within the body. But I was more beholding to the  				<em>Guianians</em> than any other; for  				<em>Antonio de Berreo</em> told me that he could 				never attain to the knowledge thereof, and yet they taught me the best way of 				healing as well thereof as of all other poisons. Some of the Spaniards have 				been cured in ordinary wounds of the common poisoned arrows with the juice of 				garlic. But this is a general rule for all men that shall hereafter travel the  				<em>Indies</em> where poisoned arrows are used, 				that they must abstain from drink. For if they take any liquor into their body, 				as they shall be marvellously provoked thereunto by drought, I say, if they 				drink before the wound be dressed, or soon upon it, there is no way with them 				but present death.<span class="numbering-line">58.</span><br />
And so I will return again to our journey, which for this 				third day we finished, and cast anchor again near the continent on the left 				hand between two mountains, the one called  				<em>Aroami</em> and the other  				<em>Aio</em> . I made no stay here but till 				midnight; for I feared hourly lest any rain should fall, and then it had been 				impossible to have gone any further up, notwithstanding that there is every day 				a very strong breeze and easterly wind. I deferred the search of the country on 				 				<em>Guiana</em> side till my return down the 				river.<span class="numbering-line">59.</span><br />
The next day we sailed by a great island in the middle of 				the river, called  				<em>Manoripano</em> ; and, as we walked awhile on 				the island, while the galley got ahead of us, there came for us from the main a 				small  				<em>canoa</em> with seven or eight  				<em>Guianians</em> , to invite us to anchor at 				their port, but I deferred till my return. It was that caciqueto whom those  				<em>Nepoios</em> went, which came with us from 				the town of  				<em>Toparimaca</em> . And so the fifth day we 				reached as high up as the province of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , the country of  				<em>Morequito</em> , whom  				<em>Berreo</em> executed, and anchored to the 				west of an island called  				<em>Murrecotima</em> , ten miles long and five 				broad. And that night the cacique  				<em>Aramiary</em> , to whose town we made our long 				and hungry voyage out of the river of  				<em>Amana</em> , passed by us.<span class="numbering-line">60.</span><br />
The next day we arrived at the port of  				<em>Morequito</em> , and anchored there, sending 				away one of our pilots to seek the king of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , uncle to  				<em>Morequito</em> , slain by  				<em>Berreo</em> as aforesaid. The next day 				following, before noon, he came to us on foot from his house, which was 				fourteen English miles, himself being a hundred and ten years old, and returned 				on foot the same day; and with him many of the borderers, with many women and 				children, that came to wonder at our nation and to bring us down victual, which 				they did in great plenty, as venison, pork, hens, chickens, fowl, fish, with 				divers sorts of excellent fruits and roots, and great abundance of 				pinas, the princess of fruits that grow 				under the sun, especially those of  				<em>Guiana</em> . They brought us, also, store of 				bread and of their wine, and a sort of paraquitos no bigger than wrens, and of 				all other sorts both small and great. One of them gave me a beast called by the 				Spaniards armadillo, which they call 				cassacam, which seemeth to be all barred 				over with small plates somewhat like to a  				<em>rhinoceros</em> , with a white horn growing in 				his hinder parts as big as a great hunting-horn, which they use to wind instead 				of a trumpet.  				<em>Monardus </em> writeth that a little of the 				powder of that horn put into the ear cureth deafness.<span class="numbering-line">61.</span><br />
After this old king had rested awhile in a little tent that 				I caused to be set up, I began by my interpreter to discourse with him of the 				death of  				<em>Morequito</em> his predecessor, and afterward 				of the Spaniards; and yere I went any farther I made him know the cause of my 				coming thither, whose servant I was, and that the Queen&#8217;s pleasure was I should 				undertake the voyage for their defence, and to deliver them from the tyranny of 				the Spaniards, dilating at large, as I had done before to those of  				<em>Trinidad</em> , her Majesty&#8217;s greatness, her 				justice, her charity to all oppressed nations, with as many of the rest of her 				beauties and virtues as either I could express or they conceive. All which 				being with great admiration attentively heard and marvellously admired, I began 				to sound the old man as touching  				<em>Guiana</em> and the state thereof, what sort 				of commonwealth it was, how governed, of what strength and policy, how far it 				extended, and what nations were friends or enemies adjoining, and finally of 				the distance, and way to enter the same. He told me that himself and his 				people, with all those down the river towards the sea, as far as  				<em>Emeria</em> , the province of  				<em>Carapana</em> , were of  				<em>Guiana</em> , but that they called themselves  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> , and that all the nations 				between the river and those mountains in sight, called  				<em>Wacarima</em> , were of the same cast and 				appellation; and that on the other side of those mountains of  				<em>Wacarima</em> there was a large plain (which 				after I discovered in my return) called the valley of Amariocapana. In all that 				valley the people were also of the ancient  				<em>Guianians</em> . <span class="numbering-line">62.</span><br />
I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the 				further side of those mountains, beyond the valley of  				<em>Amariocapana</em> . He answered with a great 				sigh (as a man which had inward feeling of the loss of his country and liberty, 				especially for that his eldest son was slain in a battle on that side of the 				mountains, whom he most entirely loved) that he remembered in his father&#8217;s 				lifetime, when he was very old and himself a young man, that there came down 				into that large valley of  				<em>Guiana</em> a nation from so far off as the 				sun slept (for such were his own words), with so great a multitude as they 				could not be numbered nor resisted, and that they wore large coats, and hats of 				crimson colour, which colour he expressed by shewing a piece of red wood 				wherewith my tent was supported, and that they were called  				<em>Orejones</em> and  				<em>Epuremei</em> ; that those had slain and 				rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaves in the wood upon 				all the trees, and had now made themselves lords of all, even to that mountain 				foot called  				<em>Curaa</em> , saving only of two nations, the 				one called  				<em>Iwarawaqueri</em> and the other  				<em>Cassipagotos</em> ; and that in the last 				battle fought between the  				<em>Epuremei</em> and the  				<em>Iwarawaqueri</em> his eldest son was chosen 				to carry to the aid of the Iwarawaqueri a great troop of the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> , and was there slain with 				all his people and friends, and that he had now remaining but one son; and 				farther told me that those  				<em>Epuremei</em> had built a great town called  				<em>Macureguarai</em> at the said mountain foot, 				at the beginning of the great plains of  				<em>Guiana</em> , which have no end; and that 				their houses have many rooms, one over the other, and that therein the great 				king of the  				<em>Orejones</em> and  				<em>Epuremei</em> kept three thousand men to 				defend the borders against them, and withal daily to invade and slay them; but 				that of late years, since the Christians offered to invade his territories and 				those frontiers, they were all at peace, and traded one with another, saving 				only the  				<em>Iwarawaqueri</em> and those other nations 				upon the head of the river of  				<em>Caroli</em> called  				<em>Cassipagotos</em> , which we afterwards 				discovered, each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemy. <span class="numbering-line">63.</span><br />
After he had answered thus far, he desired leave to depart, 				saying that he had far to go, that he was old and weak, and was every day 				called for by death, which was also his own phrase. I desired him to rest with 				us that night, but I could not entreat him; but he told me that at my return 				from the country above he would again come to us, and in the meantime provide 				for us the best he could, of all that his country yielded. The same night he 				returned to  				<em>Orocotona</em> , his own town; so as he went 				that day eight-and-twenty miles, the weather being very hot, the country being 				situate between four and five degrees of the equinoctial. This  				<em>Topiawari</em> is held for the proudest and 				wisest of all the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> , and so he behaved himself 				towards me in all his answers, at my return, as I marvelled to find a man of 				that gravity and judgment and of so good discourse, that had no help of 				learning nor breed.<span class="numbering-line">64.</span><br />
The next morning we also left the port, and sailed westward 				up to the river, to view the famous river called  				<em>Caroli</em> , as well because it was 				marvellous of itself, as also for that I understood it led to the strongest 				nations of all the frontiers, that were enemies to the  				<em>Epuremei</em> , which are subjects to  				<em>Inga</em> , emperor of  				<em>Guiana</em> and  				<em>Manoa</em> . And that night we anchored at 				another island called Caiama, of some five or six miles in length; and the next 				day arrived at the mouth of  				<em>Caroli</em> . When we were short of it as low 				or further down as the port of  				<em>Morequito</em> , we heard the great roar and 				fall of the river. But when we came to enter with our barge and wherries, 				thinking to have gone up some forty miles to the nations of the  				<em>Cassipagotos</em> , we were not able with a 				barge of eight oars to row one stone&#8217;s cast in an hour; and yet the river is as 				broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and we tried both sides, and the middle, and 				every part of the river. So as we encamped upon the banks adjoining, and sent 				off our  				<em>Orenoquepone</em> which came with us from  				<em>Morequito</em> to give knowledge to the 				nations upon the river of our being there, and that we desired to see the lords 				of  				<em>Canuria</em> , which dwelt within the province 				upon that river, making them know that we were enemies to the Spaniards; for it 				was on this river side that  				<em>Morequito</em> slew the friar, and those nine 				Spaniards which came from  				<em>Manoa</em> , the city of  				<em>Inga</em> , and took from them 14,000 pesos of 				gold. So as the next day there came down a lord or cacique, called  				<em>Wanuretona</em> , with many people with him, 				and brought all store of provisions to entertain us, as the rest had done. And 				as I had before made my coming known to  				<em>Topiawari</em> , so did I acquaint this 				caciquetherewith, and how I was sent by her 				Majesty for the purpose aforesaid, and gathered also what I could of him 				touching the estate of  				<em>Guiana</em> . And I found that those also of  				<em>Caroli</em> were not only enemies to the 				Spaniards, but most of all to the  				<em>Epuremei</em> , which abound in gold. And by 				this  				<em>Wanuretona</em> I had knowledge that on the 				head of this river were three mighty nations, which were seated on a great 				lake, from whence this river descended, and were called  				<em>Cassipagotos</em> ,  				<em>Eparegotos</em> , and  				<em>Arawagotos</em> ; and that all those either 				against the Spaniards or the  				<em>Epuremei</em> would join with us, and that if 				we entered the land over the mountains of Curaa we should satisfy ourselves 				with gold and all other good things. He told us farther of a nation called  				<em>Iwarawaqueri</em> , before spoken of, that 				held daily war with the  				<em>Epuremei</em> that inhabited  				<em>Macureguarai</em> , and first civil town of  				<em>Guiana</em> , of the subjects of  				<em>Inga</em> , the emperor.<span class="numbering-line">65.</span><br />
Upon this river one Captain  				<em>George</em> , that I took with  				<em>Berreo</em> , told me that there was a great 				silver mine, and that it was near the banks of the said river. But by this time 				as well  				<em>Orenoque</em> ,  				<em>Caroli</em> , as all the rest of the rivers 				were risen four or five feet in height, so as it was not possible by the 				strength of any men, or with any boat whatsoever, to row into the river against 				the stream. I therefore sent Captain  				<em>Thyn</em> , Captain  				<em>Greenvile</em> , my nephew  				<em>John Gilbert</em> , my cousin  				<em>Butshead Gorges</em> , Captain Clarke, and 				some thirty shot more to coast the river by land, and to go to a town some 				twenty miles over the valley called  				<em>Amnatapoi</em> ; and they found guides there 				to go farther towards the mountain foot to another great town called 				Capurepana, belonging to a caciquecalled 				Haharacoa, that was a nephew to old Topiawari, king of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , our chiefest friend, because 				this town and province of  				<em>Capurepana</em> adjoined to  				<em>Macureguarai</em> , which was a frontier town 				of the empire. And the meanwhile myself with Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> , Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> , Edward  				<em>Hancock</em> , and some half-a-dozen shot 				marched overland to view the strange overfalls of the river of  				<em>Caroli</em> , which roared so far off; and 				also to see the plains adjoining, and the rest of the province of  				<em>Canuri</em> . I sent also Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> ,  				<em>William Connock</em> , and some eight shot 				with them, to see if they could find any mineral stone alongst the river&#8217;s 				side. When we were come to the tops of the first hills of the plains adjoining 				to the river, we beheld that wonderful breach of waters which ran down  				<em>Caroli</em> ; and might from that mountain see 				the river how it ran in three parts, above twenty miles off, and there appeared 				some ten or twelve overfalls in sight, every one as high over the other as a 				church tower, which fell with that fury, that the rebound of water made it seem 				as if it had been all covered over with a great shower of rain; and in some 				places we took it at the first for a smoke that had risen over some great town. 				For mine own part I was well persuaded from thence to have returned, being a 				very ill footman; but the rest were all so desirous to go near the said strange 				thunder of waters, as they drew me on by little and little, till we came into 				the next valley, where we might better discern the same. I never saw a more 				beautiful country, nor more lively prospects; hills so raised here and there 				over the valley ; the river winding into divers branches; the plains adjoining 				without bush or stubble, all fair green grass; the ground of hard sand, easy to 				march on, either for horse or foot; the deer crossing in every path; the birds 				towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes; cranes 				and herons of white, crimson, and carnation, perching in the river&#8217;s side; the 				air fresh with a gentle easterly wind; and every stone that we stooped to take 				up promised either gold or silver by his complexion. Your Lordship shall see of 				many sorts, and I hope some of them cannot be bettered under the sun; and yet 				we had no means but with our daggers and fingers to tear them out here and 				there, the rocks being most hard of that mineral spar aforesaid, which is like 				a flint, and is altogether as hard or harder, and besides the veins lie a 				fathom or two deep in the rocks. But we wanted all things requisite save only 				our desires and good will to have performed more if it had pleased God. To be 				short, when both our companies returned, each of them brought also several 				sorts of stones that appeared very fair, but were such as they found loose on 				the ground, and were for the most part but coloured, and had not any gold fixed 				in them. Yet such as had no judgment or experience kept all that glistered, and 				would not be persuaded but it was rich because of the lustre; and brought of 				those, and of  				<em>marcasite</em> withal, from  				<em>Trinidad</em> , and have delivered of those 				stones to be tried in many places, and have thereby bred an opinion that all 				the rest is of the same. Yet some of these stones I shewed afterward to a 				Spaniard of the  				<em>Caracas</em> , who told me that it was  				<em>El Madre del Oro</em> , that is, the mother of 				gold, and that the mine was farther in the ground. <span class="numbering-line">66.</span><br />
But it shall be found a weak policy in me, either to betray 				myself or my country with imaginations; neither am I so far in love with that 				lodging, watching, care, peril, diseases, ill savours, bad fare, and many other 				mischiefs that accompany these voyages, as to woo myself again into any of 				them, were I not assured that the sun covereth not so much riches in any part 				of the earth. Captain  				<em>Whiddon</em> , and our chirurgeon,  				<em>Nicholas Millechamp</em> , brought me a kind 				of stones like sapphires; what they may prove I know not. I shewed them to some 				of the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> , and they promised to bring 				me to a mountain that had of them very large pieces growing diamond-wise; 				whether it be crystal of the mountain,  				<em>Bristol</em> diamond, or sapphire, I do not 				yet know, but I hope the best; sure I am that the place is as likely as those 				from whence all the rich stones are brought, and in the same height or very 				near.<span class="numbering-line">67.</span><br />
On the left hand of this river  				<em>Caroli</em> are seated those nations which I 				called  				<em>Iwarawaqueri</em> before remembered, which 				are enemies to the  				<em>Epuremei</em> ; and on the head of it, 				adjoining to the great lake  				<em>Cassipa</em> , are situated those other 				nations which also resist  				<em>Inga</em> , and the  				<em>Epuremei</em> , called  				<em>Cassipagotos</em> ,  				<em>Eparegotos</em> , and  				<em>Arawagotos</em> . I farther understood that 				this lake of  				<em>Cassipa</em> is so large, as it is above one 				day&#8217;s journey for one of their  				<em>canoas</em> , to cross, which may be some 				forty miles; and that thereinto fall divers rivers, and that great store of 				grains of gold are found in the summer time when the lake falleth by the banks, 				in those branches. <span class="numbering-line">68.</span><br />
There is also another goodly river beyond  				<em>Caroli</em> which is called Arui, which also 				runneth thorough the lake Cassipa, and falleth into  				<em>Orenoque</em> farther west, making all that 				land between  				<em>Caroli</em> and Arui an island; which is 				likewise a most beautiful country. Next unto  				<em>Arui</em> there are two rivers  				<em>Atoica</em> and  				<em>Caura</em> , and on that branch which is 				called Caura are a nation of people whose heads appear not above their 				shoulders; which though it may be thought a mere fable, yet for mine own part I 				am resolved it is true, because every child in the provinces of  				<em>Aromaia</em> and Canuri affirm the same. They 				are called Ewaipanoma; they are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, 				and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of hair 				groweth backward between their shoulders. The son of Topiawari, which I brought 				with me into  				<em>England</em> , told me that they were the most 				mighty men of all the land, and use bows, arrows, and clubs thrice as big as 				any of  				<em>Guiana</em> , or of the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> ; and that one of the  				<em>Iwarawaqueri</em> took a prisoner of them the 				year before our arrival there, and brought him into the borders of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , his father&#8217;s country. And 				farther, when I seemed to doubt of it, he told me that it was no wonder among 				them; but that they were as great a nation and as common as any other in all 				the provinces, and had of late years slain many hundreds of his father&#8217;s 				people, and of other nations their neighbours. But it was not my chance to hear 				of them till I was come away; and if I had but spoken one word of it while I 				was there I might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out of 				doubt. Such a nation was written of by  				<em>Mandeville</em> , whose reports were holden 				for fables many years; and yet since the  				<em>East Indies</em> were discovered, we find his 				relations true of such things as heretofore were held incredible. Whether it be 				true or no, the matter is not great, neither can there be any profit in the 				imagination; for mine own part I saw them not, but I am resolved that so many 				people did not all combine or forethink to make the report. <span class="numbering-line">69.</span><br />
When I came to  				<em>Cumaná</em> in the  				<em>West Indies</em> afterwards by chance I spake 				with a Spaniard dwelling not far from thence, a man of great travel. And after 				he knew that I had been in  				<em>Guiana</em> , and so far directly west as  				<em>Caroli</em> , the first question he asked me 				was, whether I had seen any of the  				<em>Ewaipanoma</em> , which are those without 				heads. Who being esteemed a most honest man of his word, and in all things 				else, told me that he had seen many of them; I may not name him, because it may 				be for his disadvantage, but he is well known to  				<em>Monsieur Moucheron</em> &#8217;s son of  				<em>London</em> , and to  				<em>Peter Moucheron</em> , merchant, of the 				Flemish ship that was there in trade; who also heard, what he avowed to be 				true, of those people. <span class="numbering-line">70.</span><br />
The fourth river to the west of  				<em>Caroli</em> is  				<em>Casnero</em> : which falleth into the  				<em>Orenoque</em> on this side of  				<em>Amapaia</em> . And that river is greater than  				<em>Danubius</em> , or any of  				<em>Europe</em> : it riseth on the south of  				<em>Guiana</em> from the mountains which divide  				<em>Guiana</em> from  				<em>Amazons</em> , and I think it to be navigable 				many hundred miles. But we had no time, means, nor season of the year, to 				search those rivers, for the causes aforesaid, the winter being come upon us; 				although the winter and summer as touching cold and heat differ not, neither do 				the trees ever sensibly lose their leaves, but have always fruit either ripe or 				green, and most of them both blossoms, leaves, ripe fruit, and green, at one 				time: but their winter only consisteth of terrible rains, and overflowing of 				the rivers, with many great storms and gusts, thunder and lightnings, of which 				we had our fill ere we returned.<span class="numbering-line">71.</span><br />
On the north side, the first river that falleth into the  				<em>Orenoque</em> is  				<em>Cari</em> . Beyond it, on the same side is the 				river of  				<em>Limo</em> . Between these two is a great 				nation of  				<em>Cannibals</em> , and their chief town beareth 				the name of the river, and is called  				<em>Acamacari</em> . At this town is a continual 				market of women for three or four hatchets apiece; they are bought by the  				<em>Arwacas</em> , and by them sold into the  				<em>West Indies</em> . To the west of  				<em>Limo</em> is the river  				<em>Pao</em> , beyond it  				<em>Caturi</em> , beyond that  				<em>Voari</em> , and  				<em>Capuri</em> , which falleth out of the great 				river of  				<em>Meta</em> , by which  				<em>Berreo</em> descended from  				<em>Nuevo Reyno de Granada</em> . To the westward 				of  				<em>Capuri</em> is the province of  				<em>Amapaia</em> , where  				<em>Berreo</em> wintered and had so many of his 				people poisoned with the tawny water of the marshes of the  				<em>Anebas</em> . Above  				<em>Amapaia</em> , toward  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> , fall in  				<em>Meto</em> ,  				<em>Pato</em> and  				<em>Cassanar</em> . To the west of those, towards 				the provinces of the  				<em>Ashaguas</em> and  				<em>Catetios</em> , are the rivers of Beta,  				<em>Dawney</em> , and  				<em>Ubarro</em> ; and toward the frontier of  				<em>Peru</em> are the provinces of  				<em>Thomebamba</em> , and  				<em>Caxamalca</em> . Adjoining to  				<em>Quito</em> in the north side of  				<em>Peru</em> are the rivers of  				<em>Guiacar</em> and Goauar; and on the other 				side of the said mountains the river of  				<em>Papamene</em> which descendeth into  				<em>Marañon</em> or  				<em>Amazons</em> , passing through the province  				<em>Motilones</em> , where  				<em>Don Pedro de Orsúa</em> , who was slain 				by the traitor  				<em>Aguirre</em> before rehearsed, built his 				brigandines, when he sought  				<em>Guiana</em> by the way of  				<em>Amazons</em> . <span class="numbering-line">72.</span><br />
Between  				<em>Dawney</em> and  				<em>Beta</em> lieth a famous island in  				<em>Orenoque</em> (now called  				<em>Baraquan</em> , for above  				<em>Meta</em> it is not known by the name of  				<em>Orenoque</em> ) which is called  				<em>Athule</em> ; beyond which ships of burden 				cannot pass by reason of a most forcible overfall, and current of water; but in 				the eddy all smaller vessels may be drawn even to  				<em>Peru</em> itself. But to speak of more of 				these rivers without the description were but tedious, and therefore I will 				leave the rest to the description. This river of  				<em>Orenoque</em> is navigable for ships little 				less than 1,000 miles, and for lesser vessels near 2,000. By it, as aforesaid,  				<em>Peru</em> ,  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> and  				<em>Popayan</em> may be invaded: it also leadeth 				to the great empire of  				<em>Inga</em> , and to the provinces of  				<em>Amapaia</em> and  				<em>Anebas</em> , which abound in gold. His 				branches of  				<em>Casnero</em> ,  				<em>Manta</em> ,  				<em>Caura</em> descend from the middle land and 				valley which lieth between the easter province of  				<em>Peru</em> and  				<em>Guiana</em> ; and it falls into the sea 				between  				<em>Marañon</em> and  				<em>Trinidad</em> in two degrees and a half. All 				of which your honours shall better perceive in the general description of  				<em>Guiana</em> ,  				<em>Peru</em> ,  				<em>Nuevo Reyno</em> , the kingdom of  				<em>Popayan</em> , and  				<em>Rodas</em> , with the province of  				<em>Venezuela</em> , to the bay of  				<em>Uraba</em> , behind  				<em>Cartagena</em> , westward, and to  				<em>Amazons</em> southward. While we lay at 				anchor on the coast of  				<em>Canuri</em> , and had taken knowledge of all 				the nations upon the head and branches of this river, and had found out so many 				several people, which were enemies to the  				<em>Epuremei</em> and the new conquerors, I 				thought it time lost to linger any longer in that place, especially for that 				the fury of  				<em>Orenoque</em> began daily to threaten us with 				dangers in our return. For no half day passed but the river began to rage and 				overflow very fearfully, and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts 				in great abundance; and withal our men began to cry out for want of shift, for 				no man had place to bestow any other apparel than that which he ware on his 				back, and that was throughly washed on his body for the most part ten times in 				one day; and we had now been well-near a month every day passing to the 				westward farther and farther from our ships. We therefore turned towards the 				east, and spent the rest of the time in discovering the river towards the sea, 				which we had not viewed, and which was most material.<span class="numbering-line">73.</span><br />
The next day following we left the mouth of  				<em>Caroli</em> , and arrived again at the port of 				 				<em>Morequito</em> where we were before; for 				passing down the stream we went without labour, and against the wind, little 				less than a hundred miles a day. As soon as I came to anchor, I sent away one 				for old  				<em>Topiawari</em> , with whom I much desired to 				have further conference, and also to deal with him for some one of his country 				to bring with us into  				<em>England</em> , as well to learn the language, 				as to confer withal by the way, the time being now spent of any longer stay 				there. Within three hours after my messenger came to him, he arrived also, and 				with him such a rabble of all sorts of people, and every one loaden with 				somewhat, as if it had been a great market or fair in England; and our hungry 				companies clustered thick and threefold among their baskets, every one laying 				hand on what he liked. After he had rested awhile in my tent, I shut out all 				but ourselves and my interpreter, and told him that I knew that both the  				<em>Epuremei</em> and the Spaniards were enemies 				to him, his country and nations: that the one had conquered  				<em>Guiana</em> already, and the other sought to 				regain the same from them both; and therefore I desired him to instruct me what 				he could, both of the passage into the golden parts of  				<em>Guiana</em> , and to the civil towns and 				apparelled people of  				<em>Inga</em> . He gave me an answer to this 				effect: first, that he could not perceive that I meant to go onward towards the 				city of  				<em>Manoa</em> , for neither the time of the year 				served, neither could he perceive any sufficient numbers for such an 				enterprise. And if I did, I was sure with all my company to be buried there, 				for the emperor was of that strength, as that many times so many men more were 				too few. Besides, he gave me this good counsel and advised me to hold it in 				mind (as for himself, he knew he could not live till my return), that I should 				not offer by any means hereafter to invade the strong parts of  				<em>Guiana</em> without the help of all those 				nations which were also their enemies; for that it was impossible without 				those, either to be conducted, to be victualled, or to have aught carried with 				us, our people not being able to endure the march in so great heat and travail, 				unless the borderers gave them help, to cart with them both their meat and 				furniture. For he remembered that in the plains of  				<em>Macureguarai</em> three hundred Spaniards 				were overthrown, who were tired out, and had none of the borderers to their 				friends; but meeting their enemies as they passed the frontier, were environed 				on all sides, and the people setting the long dry grass on fire, smothered 				them, so as they had no breath to fight, nor could discern their enemies for 				the great smoke. He told me further that four days&#8217; journey from his town was  				<em>Macureguarai</em> , and that those were the 				next and nearest of the subjects of  				<em>Inga</em> , and of the  				<em>Epuremei</em> , and the first town of 				apparelled and rich people; and that all those plates of gold which were 				scattered among the borderers and carried to other nations far and near, came 				from the said  				<em>Macureguarai</em> and were there made, but 				that those of the land within were far finer, and were fashioned after the 				images of men, beasts, birds, and fishes. I asked him whether he thought that 				those companies that I had there with me were sufficient to take that town or 				no; he told me that he thought they were. I then asked him whether he would 				assist me with guides, and some companies of his people to join with us; he 				answered that he would go himself with all the borderers, if the rivers did 				remain fordable, upon this condition, that I would leave with him till my 				return again fifty soldiers, which he undertook to victual. I answered that I 				had not above fifty good men in all there; the rest were labourers and rowers, 				and that I had no provision to leave with them of powder, shot, apparel, or 				aught else, and that without those things necessary for their defence, they 				should be in danger of the Spaniards in my absence, who I knew would use the 				same measures towards mine that I offered them at  				<em>Trinidad</em> . And although upon the motion 				Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> , Captain  				<em>Greenvile</em> , my nephew  				<em>John Gilbert</em> and divers others were 				desirous to stay, yet I was resolved that they must needs have perished. For  				<em>Berreo</em> expected daily a supply out of  				<em>Spain</em> , and looked also hourly for his 				son to come down from  				<em>Nuevo Reyno de Granada</em> , with many horse 				and foot, and had also in  				<em>Valencia</em> , in the  				<em>Caracas</em> , two hundred horse ready to 				march; and I could not have spared above forty, and had not any store at all of 				powder, lead, or match to have left with them, nor any other provision, either 				spade, pickaxe, or aught else to have fortified withal. <span class="numbering-line">74.</span><br />
When I had given him reason that I could not at this time 				leave him such a company, he then desired me to forbear him and his country for 				that time; for he assured me that I should be no sooner three days from the 				coast but those  				<em>Epuremei</em> would invade him, and destroy 				all the remain of his people and friends, if he should any way either guide us 				or assist us against them. He further alleged that the Spaniards sought his 				death; and as they had already murdered his nephew  				<em>Morequito</em> , lord of that province, so 				they had him seventeen days in a chain before he was king of the country, and 				led him like a dog from place to place until he had paid an hundred plates of 				gold and divers chains of spleen-stones for his ransom. And now, since he 				became owner of that province, that they had many times laid wait to take him, 				and that they would be now more vehement when they should understand of his 				conference with the English.  				<em>And because</em>, said he,  				<em>they would the better displant me, if they 				  cannot lay hands on me, they have gotten a nephew of mine called  				  Eparacano , whom they have christened  				  Don Juan , and his son  				  Don Pedro , whom they have also 				  apparelled and armed, by whom they seek to make a party against me in mine own 				  country. He also hath taken to wife one  				  Louiana , of a strong family, which are 				  borderers and neighbours; and myself now being old and in the hands of death am 				  not able to travel nor to shift as when I was of younger years</em>. He 				therefore prayed us to defer it till the next year, when he would undertake to 				draw in all the borderers to serve us, and then, also, it would be more 				seasonable to travel; for at this time of the year we should not be able to 				pass any river, the waters were and would be so grown are our return. <span class="numbering-line">75.</span><br />
He farther told me that I could not desire so much to 				invade  				<em>Macureguarai</em> and the rest of  				<em>Guiana</em> but that the borderers would be 				more vehement than I. For he yielded for a chief cause that in the wars with 				the  				<em>Epuremei</em> they were spoiled of their 				women, and that their wives and daughters were taken from them; so as for their 				own parts they desired nothing of the gold or treasure for their labours, but 				only to recover women from the  				<em>Epuremei</em> . For he farther complained very 				sadly, as it had been a matter of great consequence, that whereas they were 				wont to have ten or twelve wives, they were now enforced to content themselves 				with three or four, and that the lords of the  				<em>Epuremei</em> had fifty or a hundred. And in 				truth they war more for women than either for gold or dominion. For the lords 				of countries desire many children of their own bodies to increase their races 				and kindreds, for in those consist their greatest trust and strength. Divers of 				his followers afterwards desired me to make haste again, that they might sack 				the  				<em>Epuremei</em> , and I asked them, of what? 				They answered,  				<em>Of their women for us, and their gold for 				  you</em>. For the hope of those many of women they more desire the war than 				either for gold or for the recovery of their ancient territories. For what 				between the subjects of  				<em>Inga</em> and the Spaniards, those frontiers 				are grown thin of people; and also great numbers are fled to other nations 				farther off for fear of the Spaniards. <span class="numbering-line">76.</span><br />
After I received this answer of the old man, we fell into 				consideration whether it had been of better advice to have entered  				<em>Macureguarai</em> , and to have begun a war 				upon  				<em>Inga</em> at this time, yea, or no, if the 				time of the year and all things else had sorted. For mine own part, as we were 				not able to march it for the rivers, neither had any such strength as was 				requisite, and durst not abide the coming of the winter, or to tarry any longer 				from our ships, I thought it were evil counsel to have attempted it at that 				time, although the desire for gold will answer many objections. But it would 				have been, in mine opinion, an utter overthrow to the enterprise, if the same 				should be hereafter by her Majesty attempted. For then, whereas now they have 				heard we were enemies to the Spaniards and were sent by her Majesty to relieve 				them, they would as good cheap have joined with the Spaniards at our return, as 				to have yielded unto us, when they had proved that we came both for one errand, 				and that both sought but to sack and spoil them. But as yet our desire gold, or 				our purpose of invasion, is not known to them of the empire. And it is likely 				that if her Majesty undertake the enterprise they will rather submit themselves 				to her obedience than to the Spaniards, of whose cruelty both themselves and 				the borderers have already tasted. And therefore, till I had known her 				Majesty&#8217;s pleasure, I would rather have lost the sack of one or two towns, 				although they might have been very profitable, than to have defaced or 				endangered the future hope of so many millions, and the great good and rich 				trade which  				<em>England</em> may be possessed of thereby. I 				am assured now that they will all die, even to the last man, against the 				Spaniards in hope of our succour and return. Whereas, otherwise, if I had 				either laid hands on the borderers or ransomed the lords, as  				<em>Berreo</em> did, or invaded the subjects of  				<em>Inga</em> , I know all had been lost for 				hereafter. <span class="numbering-line">77.</span><br />
After that I had resolved  				<em>Topiawari</em> , lord of  				<em>Aromaia</em> , that I could not at this time 				leave with him the companies he desired, and that I was contented to forbear 				the enterprise against the  				<em>Epuremei</em> till the next year, he freely 				gave me his only son to take with me into  				<em>England</em> ; and hoped that though he 				himself had but a short time to live, yet that by our means his son should be 				established after his death. And I left with him one  				<em>Francis Sparrow</em> , a servant of Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> , who was desirous to tarry, and 				could describe a country with his pen, and a boy of mine called  				<em>Hugh Goodwin</em> , to learn the language. I 				after asked the manner how the  				<em>Epuremei</em> wrought those plates of gold, 				and how they could melt it out of the stone. He told me that the most of the 				gold which they made in plates and images was not severed from the stone, but 				that on the lake of  				<em>Manoa</em> , and in a multitude of other 				rivers, they gathered it in grains of perfect gold and in pieces as big as 				small stones, and they put it to a part of copper, otherwise they could not 				work it; and that they used a great earthen pot with holes round about it, and 				when they had mingled the gold and copper together they fastened canes to the 				holes, and so with the breath of men they increased the fire till the  				<em>Meta</em> l ran, and then they cast it into 				moulds of stone and clay, and so make those plates and images. I have sent your 				honours of two sorts such as I could by chance recover, more to shew the manner 				of them than for the value. For I did not in any sort make my desire of gold 				known, because I had neither time nor power to have a great quantity. I gave 				among them many more pieces of gold than I received, of the new money of twenty 				shillings with her Majesty&#8217;s picture, to wear, with promise that they would 				become her servants thenceforth. <span class="numbering-line">78.</span><br />
I have also sent your honours of the ore, whereof I know 				some is as rich as the earth yieldeth any, of which I know there is sufficient, 				if nothing else were to be hoped for. But besides that we were not able to 				tarry and search the hills, so we had neither pioneers, bars, sledges, nor 				wedges of iron to break the ground, without which there is no working in mines. 				But we saw all the hills with stones of the colour of gold and silver, and we 				tried them to be no  				<em>marcasite</em> , and therefore such as the 				Spaniards call <em>El madre del oro</em>or &#8216;the mother 				of gold,&#8217; which is an undoubted assurance of the general abundance; and myself 				saw the outside of many mines of the spar, which I know to be the same that all 				covet in this world, and of those more than I will speak of.<span class="numbering-line">79.</span><br />
Having learned what I could in Canuri and  				<em>Aromaia</em> , and received a faithful promise 				of the principallest of those provinces to become servants to her Majesty, and 				to resist the Spaniards if they made any attempt in our absence, and that they 				would draw in the nations about the lake of  				<em>Cassipa </em> and those of  				<em>Iwarawaqueri</em> , I then parted from old  				<em>Topiawari</em> , and received his son for a 				pledge between us, and left with him two of ours as aforesaid. To  				<em>Francis Sparrow</em> I gave instructions to 				travel to  				<em>Macureguarai</em> with such merchandises as I 				left with them, thereby to learn the place, and if it were possible, to go on 				to the great city of  				<em>Manoa</em> . Which being done, we weighed 				anchor and coasted the river on  				<em>Guiana</em> side, because we came upon the 				north side, by the lawns of the  				<em>Saima</em> and  				<em>Wikiri</em> . <span class="numbering-line">80.</span><br />
There came with us from  				<em>Aromaia</em> a caciquecalled  				<em>Putijma</em> , that commanded the province of  				<em>Warapana</em> , which  				<em>Putijma</em> slew the nine Spaniards upon  				<em>Caroli</em> before spoken of; who desired us 				to rest in the port of his country, promising to bring us unto a mountain 				adjoining to his town that had stones of the colour of gold, which he 				performed. And after we had rested there one night I went myself in the morning 				with most of the gentlemen of my company over-land towards the said mountain, 				marching by a river&#8217;s side called Mana, leaving on the right hand a town called 				 				<em>Tuteritona</em> , standing in the province of  				<em>Tarracoa</em> , of which  				<em>Wariaaremagoto</em> is principal. Beyond it 				lieth another town towards the south, in the valley of  				<em>Amariocapana</em> , which beareth the name of 				the said valley; whose plains stretch themselves some sixty miles in length, 				east and west, as fair ground and as beautiful fields as any man hath ever 				seen, with divers copses scattered here and there by the river&#8217;s side, and all 				as full of deer as any forest or park in  				<em>England</em> , and in every lake and river the 				like abundance of fish and fowl; of which  				<em>Irraparragota</em> is lord. <span class="numbering-line">81.</span><br />
From the river of  				<em>Mana</em> we crossed another river in the 				said beautiful valley called  				<em>Oiana</em> , and rested ourselves by a clear 				lake which lay in the middle of the said  				<em>Oiana</em> ; and one of our guides kindling us 				fire with two sticks, we stayed awhile to dry our shirts, which with the heat 				hung very wet and heavy on our shoulders. Afterwards we sought the ford to pass 				over towards the mountain called  				<em>Iconuri</em> , where  				<em>Putijma</em> foretold us of the mine. In this 				lake we saw one of the great fishes, as big as a wine pipe, which they call  				<em>manati</em> , being most excellent and 				wholesome meat. But after I perceived that to pass the said river would require 				half-a-day&#8217;s march more, I was not able myself to endure it, and therefore I 				sent Captain  				<em>Keymis</em> with six shot to go on, and gave 				him order not to return to the port of  				<em>Putijma</em> , which is called  				<em>Chiparepare</em> , but to take leisure, and to 				march down the said valley as far as a river called  				<em>Cumaca</em> , where I promised to meet him 				again,  				<em>Putijma</em> himself promising also to be his 				guide. And as they marched, they left the towns of  				<em>Emperapana</em> and  				<em>Capurepana</em> on the right hand, and 				marched from  				<em>Putijma</em> &#8217;s house, down the said valley of 				 				<em>Amariocapana</em> ; and we returning the same 				day to the river&#8217;s side, saw by the way many rocks like unto gold ore, and on 				the left hand a round mountain which consisted of mineral stone. <span class="numbering-line">82.</span><br />
From hence we rowed down the stream, coasting the province 				of  				<em>Parino</em> . As for the branches of rivers 				which I overpass in this discourse, those shall be better expressed in the 				description, with the mountains of  				<em>Aio</em> ,  				<em>Ara</em> , and the rest, which are situate in 				the provinces of  				<em>Parino</em> and  				<em>Carricurrina</em> . When we were come as far 				down as the land called  				<em>Ariacoa</em> , where  				<em>Orenoque</em> divideth itself into three 				great branches, each of them being most goodly rivers, I sent away Captain  				 				  <em>Henry Thyn</em>  , and Captain  				<em>Greenvile</em> with the galley, the nearest 				way, and took with me Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> , Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> ,  				<em>Edward Porter</em> , and Captain  				<em>Eynos</em> with mine own barge and the two 				wherries, and went down that branch of  				<em>Orenoque</em> which is called  				<em>Cararoopana</em> , which leadeth towards  				<em>Emeria</em> , the province of  				<em>Carapana</em> , and towards the east sea, as 				well to find out Captain  				<em>Keymis</em> , whom I had sent overland, as 				also to acquaint myself with  				<em>Carapana</em> , who is one of the greatest of 				all the lords of the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> . And when I came to the 				river of  				<em>Cumaca</em> , to which  				<em>Putijma</em> promised to conduct Captain  				<em>Keymis</em> , I left Captain  				<em>Eynos</em> and Master  				<em>Porter</em> in the said river to expect his 				coming, and the rest of us rowed down the stream towards  				<em>Emeria</em> . <span class="numbering-line">83.</span><br />
In this branch called  				<em>Cararoopana</em> were also many goodly 				islands, some of six miles long, some of ten, and some of twenty. When it grew 				towards sunset, we entered a branch of a river that fell into  				<em>Orenoque</em> , called  				<em>Winicapora</em> ; where I was informed of the 				mountain of crystal, to which in truth for the length of the way, and the evil 				season of the year, I was not able to march, nor abide any longer upon the 				journey. We saw it afar off; and it appeared like a white church-tower of an 				exceeding height. There falleth over it a mighty river which toucheth no part 				of the side of the mountain, but rusheth over the top of it, and falleth to the 				ground with so terrible a noise and clamour, as if a thousand great bells were 				knocked one against another. I think there is not in the world so strange an 				overfall, nor so wonderful to behold.  				<em>Berreo</em> told me that there were diamonds 				and other precious stones on it, and that they shined very far off; but what it 				hath I know not, neither durst he or any of his men ascend to the top of the 				said mountain, those people adjoining being his enemies, as they were, and the 				way to it so impassable.<span class="numbering-line">84.</span><br />
Upon this river of  				<em>Winicapora</em> we rested a while, and from 				thence marched into the country to a town called after the name of the river, 				whereof the captain was one  				<em>Timitwara</em> , who also offered to conduct 				me to the top of the said mountain called Wacarima. But when we came in first to the house of 				the said  				<em>Timitwara</em> , being upon one of their said 				feast days, we found them all as drunk as beggars, and the pots walking from 				one to another without rest. We that were weary and hot with marching were glad 				of the plenty, though a small quantity satisfied us, their drink being very 				strong and heady, and so rested ourselves awhile. After we had fed, we drew 				ourselves back to our boats upon the river, and there came to us all the lords 				of the country, with all such kind of victual as the place yielded, and with 				their delicate wine of pinas, and with abundance of hens and other provisions, 				and of those stones which we call spleen-stones. We understood by these 				chieftains of  				<em>Winicapora</em> that their lord,  				<em>Carapana</em> , was departed from  				<em>Emeria</em> , which was now in sight, and that 				he was fled to  				<em>Cairamo</em> , adjoining to the mountains of  				<em>Guiana</em> , over the valley called  				<em>Amariocapana</em> , being persuaded by those 				ten Spaniards which lay at his house that we would destroy him and his country. 				But after these caciquesof  				<em>Winicapora</em> and  				<em>Saporatona</em> his followers perceived our 				purpose, and saw that we came as enemies to the Spaniards only, and had not so 				much as harmed any of those nations, no, though we found them to be of the 				Spaniards&#8217; own servants, they assured us that  				<em>Carapana</em> would be as ready to serve us 				as any of the lords of the provinces which we had passed; and that he durst do 				no other till this day but entertain the Spaniards, his country lying so 				directly in their way, and next of all other to any entrance that should be 				made in  				<em>Guiana</em> on that side. And they further 				assured us, that it was not for fear of our coming that he was removed, but to 				be acquitted of the Spaniards or any other that should come hereafter. For the 				province of Cairoma is situate at the mountain foot, which divideth the plains 				of  				<em>Guiana</em> from the countries of the  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> ; by means whereof if any 				should come in our absence into his towns, he would slip over the mountains 				into the plains of  				<em>Guiana</em> among the  				<em> 				  <em>Epuremei</em> </em> , where the Spaniards 				durst not follow him without great force. But in mine opinion, or rather I 				assure myself, that  				<em>Carapana</em> being a notable wise and subtle 				fellow, a man of one hundred years of age and therefore of great experience, is 				removed to look on, and if he find that we return strong he will be ours; if 				not, he will excuse his departure to the Spaniards, and say it was for fear of 				our coming. <span class="numbering-line">85.</span><br />
We therefore thought it bootless to row so far down the 				stream, or to seek any farther of this old fox; and therefore from the river of 				Waricapana, which lieth at the entrance of  				<em>Emeria</em> , we returned again, and left to 				the eastward those four rivers which fall from the mountains of  				<em>Emeria</em> into  				<em>Orenoque</em> , which are Waracayari, Coirama, 				Akaniri, and Iparoma. Below those four are also these branches and mouths of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , which fall into the east sea, 				whereof the first is Araturi, the next Amacura, the third Barima, the fourth 				Wana, the fifth Morooca, the sixth Paroma, the last Wijmi. Beyond them there 				fall out of the land between  				<em>Orenoque</em> and  				<em>Amazons</em> fourteen rivers, which I forbear 				to name, inhabited by the  				<em>Arwacas</em> and  				<em>Cannibals</em> .<span class="numbering-line">86.</span><br />
It is now time to return towards the north, and we found it 				a wearisome way back from the borders of  				<em>Emeria</em> , to recover up again to the head 				of the river Carerupana, by which we descended, and where we parted from the 				galley, which I directed to take the next way to the port of  				<em>Toparimaca</em> , by which we entered first. 				<span class="numbering-line">87.</span><br />
All the night it was stormy and dark, and full of thunder 				and great showers, so as we were driven to keep close by the banks in our small 				boats, being all heartily afraid both of the billow and terrible current of the 				river. By the next morning we recovered the mouth of the river of Cumaca, where 				we left Captain Eynos and Edward Porter to attend the coming of Captain  				<em>Keymis</em> overland; but when we entered the 				same, they had heard no news of his arrival, which bred in us a great doubt 				what might become of him. I rowed up a league or two farther into the river, 				shooting off pieces all the way, that he might know of our being there; and the 				next morning we heard them answer us also with a piece. We took them aboard us, 				and took our leave of  				<em>Putijma</em> , their guide, who of all others 				most lamented our departure, and offered to send his son with us into  				<em>England</em> , if we could have stayed till he 				had sent back to his town. But our hearts were cold to behold the great rage 				and increase of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , and therefore [we] departed, 				and turned toward the west, till we had recovered the parting of the three 				branches aforesaid, that we might put down the stream after the galley. <span class="numbering-line">88.</span><br />
The next day we landed on the island of Assapano, which 				divideth the river from that branch by which we sent down to  				<em>Emeria</em> , and there feasted ourselves with 				that beast which is called armadillo, presented unto us before at Winicapora. 				And the day following, we recovered the galley at anchor at the port of  				<em>Toparimaca</em> , and the same evening 				departed with very foul weather, and terrible thunder and showers, for the 				winter was come on very far. The best was, we went no less than 100 miles a day 				down the river; but by the way we entered it was impossible to return, for that 				the river of  				<em>Amana</em> , being in the bottom of the bay of 				Guanipa, cannot be sailed back by any means, both the breeze and current of the 				sea were so forcible. And therefore we followed a branch of  				<em>Orenoque</em> called  				<em>Capuri</em> , which entered into the sea 				eastward of our ships, to the end we might bear with them before the wind; and 				it was not without need, for we had by that way as much to cross of the main 				sea, after we came to the river&#8217;s mouth, as between Gravelin and Dover, in such 				boats as your honour hath heard. <span class="numbering-line">89.</span><br />
To speak of what passed homeward were tedious, either to 				describe or name any of the rivers, islands, or villages of the Tivitivas, 				which dwell on trees; we will leave all those to the general map. And to be 				short, when we were arrived at the sea-side, then grew our greatest doubt, and 				the bitterest of all our journey forepassed; for I protest before God, that we 				were in a most desperate estate. For the same night which we anchored in the 				mouth of the river of  				<em>Capuri</em> , where it falleth into the sea, 				there arose a mighty storm, and the river&#8217;s mouth was at least a league broad, 				so as we ran before night close under the land with our small boats, and 				brought the galley as near as we could. But she had as much ado to live as 				could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her; for 				mine own part, I confess I was very doubtful which way to take, either to go 				over in the pestered galley, there being but six foot water over the sands for 				two leagues together, and that also in the channel, and she drew five; or to 				adventure in so great a billow, and in so doubtful weather, to cross the seas 				in my barge. The longer we tarried the worse it was, and therefore I took 				Captain  				<em>Gifford</em> , Captain  				<em>Caulfield</em> , and my cousin  				<em>Greenvile</em> into my barge; and after it 				cleared up about midnight we put ourselves to God&#8217;s keeping, and thrust out 				into the sea, leaving the galley at anchor, who durst not adventure but by 				daylight. And so, being all very sober and melancholy, one faintly cheering 				another to shew courage, it pleased God that the next day about nine o&#8217;clock, 				we descried the island of  				<em>Trinidad</em> ; and steering for the nearest 				part of it, we kept the shore till we came to  				<em>Curiapan</em> , where we found our ships at 				anchor, than which there was never to us a more joyful sight. <span class="numbering-line">90.</span><br />
Now that it hath pleased God to send us safe to our ships, 				it is time to leave  				<em>Guiana</em> to the sun, whom they worship, 				and steer away towards the north. I will, therefore, in a few words finish the 				discovery thereof. Of the several nations which we found upon this discovery I 				will once again make repetition, and how they are affected. At our first 				entrance into  				<em>Amana</em> , which is one of the outlets of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , we left on the right hand of 				us in the bottom of the bay, lying directly against  				<em>Trinidad</em> , a nation of inhuman  				<em>Cannibals</em> , which inhabit the rivers of  				<em>Guanipa</em> and  				<em>Berbeese</em> . In the same bay there is also 				a third river, which is called  				<em>Areo</em> , which riseth on  				<em>Paria</em> side towards  				<em>Cumaná</em> , and that river is 				inhabited with the  				<em>Wikiri</em> , whose chief town upon the said 				river is  				<em>Sayma</em> . In this bay there are no more 				rivers but these three before rehearsed and the four branches of  				<em>Amana</em> , all which in the winter thrust so 				great abundance of water into the sea, as the same is taken up fresh two or 				three leagues from the land. In the passages towards  				<em>Guiana</em> , that is, in all those lands 				which the eight branches of  				<em>Orenoque</em> fashion into islands, there are 				but one sort of people, called  				<em>Tivitivas</em> , but of two castes, as they 				term them, the one called  				<em>Ciawani</em> , the other  				<em>Waraweeti</em> , and those war one with 				another. <span class="numbering-line">91.</span><br />
On the hithermost part of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , as at  				<em>Toparimaca</em> and  				<em>Winicapora</em> , those are of a nation called 				Nepoios, and are the followers of  				<em>Carapana</em> , lord of  				<em>Emeria</em> . Between Winicapora and the port 				of  				<em>Morequito</em> , which standeth in  				<em>Aromaia</em> , and all those in the valley of  				<em>Amariocapana</em> are called  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> , and did obey  				<em>Morequito</em> and are now followers of  				<em>Topiawari</em> . Upon the river of  				<em>Caroli</em> are the  				<em>Canuri</em> , which are governed by a woman 				who is inheritrix of that province; who came far off to see our nation, and 				asked me divers questions of her Majesty, being much delighted with the 				discourse of her Majesty&#8217;s greatness, and wondering at such reports as we truly 				made of her Highness&#8217; many virtues. And upon the head of  				<em>Caroli</em> and on the lake of  				<em>Cassipa</em> are the three strong nations of 				the  				<em>Cassipagotos</em> . Right south into the land 				are the  				<em>Capurepani</em> and  				<em>Emparepani</em> , and beyond those, adjoining 				to  				<em>Macureguarai</em> , the first city of  				<em>Inga</em> , are the Iwarawakeri. All these are 				professed enemies to the Spaniards, and to the rich  				<em>Epuremei</em> also. To the west of  				<em>Caroli</em> are divers nations of  				<em>Cannibals</em> and of those Ewaipanoma 				without heads. Directly west are the  				<em>Amapaias</em> and  				<em>Anebas</em> , which are also marvellous rich 				in gold. The rest towards  				<em>Peru</em> we will omit. On the north of  				<em>Orenoque</em> , between it and the  				<em>West Indies</em> , are the  				<em>Wikiri</em> ,  				<em>Saymi</em> , and the rest before spoken of, 				all mortal enemies to the Spaniards. On the south side of the main mouth of  				<em>Orenoque</em> are the  				<em>Arwacas</em> ; and beyond them, the  				<em>Cannibals</em> ; and to the south of them, the 				 				<em>Amazons</em> . <span class="numbering-line">92.</span><br />
To make mention of the several beasts, birds, fishes, 				fruits, flowers, gums, sweet woods, and of their several religions and customs, 				would for the first require as many volumes as those of  				<em>Gesnerus</em> , and for the next another 				bundle of Decades. The religion of the  				<em>Epuremei</em> is the same which the  				<em>Inga</em> s, emperors of  				<em>Peru</em> , used, which may be read in  				<em>Cieza</em> and other Spanish stories; how 				they believe the immortality of the soul, worship the sun, and bury with them 				alive their best beloved wives and treasure, as they likewise do in  				<em>Pegu</em> in the  				<em>East Indies</em> , and other places. The  				<em>Orenoqueponi</em> bury not their wives with 				them, but their jewels, hoping to enjoy them again. The  				<em>Arwacas</em> dry the bones of their lords, 				and their wives and friends drink them in powder. In the graves of the  				<em>Peruvians</em> the Spaniards found their 				greatest abundance of treasure. The like, also, is to be found among these 				people in every province. They have all many wives, and the lords five-fold to 				the common sort. Their wives never eat with their husbands, nor among the men, 				but serve their husbands at meals and afterwards feed by themselves. Those that 				are past their younger years make all their bread and drink, and work their 				cotton-beds, and do all else of service and labour; for the men do nothing but 				hunt, fish, play, and drink, when they are out of the wars.<span class="numbering-line">93.</span><br />
I will enter no further into discourse of their manners, 				laws, and customs. And because I have not myself seen the cities of  				<em>Inga</em> I cannot avow on my credit what I 				have heard, although it be very likely that the emperor  				<em>Inga</em> hath built and erected as 				magnificent palaces in  				<em>Guiana</em> as his ancestors did in  				<em>Peru</em> ; which were for their riches and 				rareness most marvellous, and exceeding all in  				<em>Europe</em> , and, I think, of the world,  				<em>China</em> excepted, which also the 				Spaniards, which I had, assured me to be true, as also the nations of the 				borderers, who, being but savages to those of the inland, do cause much 				treasure to be buried with them. For I was informed of one of the 				caciquesof the valley of  				<em>Amariocapana</em> which had buried with him a 				little before our arrival a chair of gold most curiously wrought, which was 				made either in  				<em>Macureguarai</em> adjoining or in  				<em>Manoa</em> . But if we should have grieved 				them in their religion at the first, before they had been taught better, and 				have digged up their graves, we had lost them all. And therefore I held my 				first resolution, that her Majesty should either accept or refuse the 				enterprise ere anything should be done that might in any sort hinder the same. 				And if  				<em>Peru</em> had so many heaps of gold, whereof 				those  				<em>Inga</em> s were princes, and that they 				delighted so much therein, no doubt but this which now liveth and reigneth in  				<em>Manoa</em> hath the same humour, and, I am 				assured, hath more abundance of gold within his territory than all  				<em>Peru</em> and the  				<em>West Indies</em> .<span class="numbering-line">94.</span><br />
For the rest, which myself have seen, I will promise these 				things that follow, which I know to be true. Those that are desirous to 				discover and to see many nations may be satisfied within this river, which 				bringeth forth so many arms and branches leading to several countries and 				provinces, above 2,000 miles east and west and 800 miles south and north, and 				of these the most either rich in gold or in other merchandises. The common 				soldier shall here fight for gold, and pay himself, instead of pence, with 				plates of half-a-foot broad, whereas he breaketh his bones in other wars for 				provant and penury. Those commanders and chieftains that shoot at honour and 				abundance shall find there more rich and beautiful cities, more temples adorned 				with golden images, more sepulchres filled with treasure, than either  				<em>Cortes</em> found in  				<em>Mexico</em> or  				<em>Pizarro</em> in  				<em>Peru</em> . And the shining glory of this 				conquest will eclipse all those so far-extended beams of the Spanish nation. 				There is no country which yieldeth more pleasure to the inhabitants, either for 				those common delights of hunting, hawking, fishing, fowling, and the rest, than 				 				<em>Guiana</em> doth; it hath so many plains, 				clear rivers, and abundance of pheasants, partridges, quails, rails, cranes, 				herons, and all other fowl; deer of all sorts, porks, hares, lions, tigers, 				leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts, either for chase or food. It hath a 				kind of beast called camaor 				anta, as big as an English beef, and in great plenty. To 				speak of the several sorts of every kind I fear would be troublesome to the 				reader, and therefore I will omit them, and conclude that both for health, good 				air, pleasure, and riches, I am resolved it cannot be equalled by any region 				either in the east or west. Moreover the country is so healthful, as of an 				hundred persons and more, which lay without shift most sluttishly, and were 				every day almost melted with heat in rowing and marching, and suddenly wet 				again with great showers, and did eat of all sorts of corrupt fruits, and made 				meals of fresh fish without seasoning, of  				<em>tortugas</em> , of  				<em>lagartos</em> or  				<em>crocodiles</em> , and of all sorts good and 				bad, without either order or measure, and besides lodged in the open air every 				night, we lost not any one, nor had one ill-disposed to my knowledge; nor found 				any calentura or other of those pestilent diseases which dwell in all hot 				regions, and so near the equinoctial line. <span class="numbering-line">95.</span><br />
Where there is store of gold it is in effect needless to 				remember other commodities for trade. But it hath, towards the south part of 				the river, great quantities of brazil-wood, and divers berries that dye a most 				perfect crimson and carnation; and for painting, all  				<em>France</em> ,  				<em>Italy</em> , or the  				<em>Eas Indies</em> yield none such. For the more 				the skin is washed, the fairer the colour appeareth, and with which even those 				brown and tawny women spot themselves and colour their cheeks. All places yield 				abundance of cotton, of silk, of  				<em>balsamum</em> , and of those kinds most 				excellent and never known in  				<em>Europe</em> ,of all sorts of gums, of Indian 				pepper; and what else the countries may afford within the land we know not, 				neither had we time to abide the trial and search. The soil besides is so 				excellent and so full of rivers, as it will carry sugar, ginger, and all those 				other commodities which the  				<em>West Indies</em> have. <span class="numbering-line">96.</span><br />
The navigation is short, for it may be sailed with an 				ordinary wind in six weeks, and in the like time back again; and by the way 				neither lee-shore, enemies&#8217; coast, rocks, nor sands. All which in the voyages 				to the  				<em>West Indies</em> and all other places we are 				subject unto; as the channel of  				<em>Bahama</em> , coming from the  				<em>West Indies</em> , cannot well be passed in 				the winter, and when it is at the best, it is a perilous and a fearful place; 				the rest of the  				<em>Indies</em> for calms and diseases very 				troublesome, and the sea about the  				<em>Bermudas</em> a hellish sea for thunder, 				lightning, and storms. <span class="numbering-line">97.</span><br />
This very year (1595) there were seventeen sail of Spanish 				ships lost in the channel of  				<em>Bahama</em> , and the great  				<em>Philip</em> , like to have sunk at the  				<em>Bermudas</em> , was put back to  				<em>St. Juan de Puerto Rico</em> ; and so it 				falleth out in that navigation every year for the most part. Which in this 				voyage are not to be feared; for the time of year to leave  				<em>England</em> is best in July, and the summer 				in  				<em>Guiana</em> is in October, November, 				December, January, February, and March, and then the ships may depart thence in 				April, and so return again into England in June. So as they shall never be 				subject to winter weather, either coming, going, or staying there: which, for 				my part, I take to be one of the greatest comforts and encouragements that can 				be thought on, having, as I have done, tasted in this voyage by the  				<em>West Indies</em> so many calms, so much heat, 				such outrageous gusts, such weather, and contrary winds.<span class="numbering-line">98.</span><br />
To conclude,  				<em>Guiana</em> is a country that hath yet her 				maidenhead, never sacked, turned, nor wrought; the face of the earth hath not 				been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance. The graves 				have not been opened for gold, the mines not broken with sledges, nor their 				images pulled down out of their temples. It hath never been entered by any army 				of strength, and never conquered or possessed by any Christian prince. It is 				besides so defensible, that if two forts be builded in one of the provinces 				which I have seen, the flood setteth in so near the bank, where the channel 				also lieth, that no ship can pass up but within a pike&#8217;s length of the 				artillery, first of the one, and afterwards of the other. Which two forts will 				be a sufficient guard both to the empire of  				<em>Inga</em> , and to an hundred other several 				kingdoms, lying within the said river, even to the city of  				<em>Quito</em> n  				<em>Peru</em> .<span class="numbering-line">99.</span><br />
There is therefore great difference between the easiness 				of the conquest of  				<em>Guiana</em> , and the defence of it being 				conquered, and the West or  				<em>East Indies</em> .  				<em>Guiana</em> hath but one entrance by the sea, 				if it hath that, for any vessels of burden. So as whosoever shall first possess 				it, it shall be found unaccessible for any enemy, except he come in wherries, 				barges, or  				<em>canoas</em> , or else in flat-bottomed boats; 				and if he do offer to enter it in that manner, the woods are so thick 200 miles 				together upon the rivers of such entrance, as a mouse cannot sit in a boat 				unhit from the bank. By land it is more impossible to approach; for it hath the 				strongest situation of any region under the sun, and it is so environed with 				impassable mountains on every side, as it is impossible to victual any company 				in the passage. Which hath been well proved by the Spanish nation, who since 				the conquest of  				<em>Peru</em> have never left five years free 				from attempting this empire, or discovering some way into it; and yet of 				three-and-twenty several gentlemen, knights, and noblemen, there was never any 				that knew which way to lead an army by land, or to conduct ships by sea, 				anything near the said country.  				<em>Orellana</em> , of whom the river of  				<em>Amazons</em> taketh name, was the first, and  				<em>Don Antonio de Berreo</em> , whom we 				displanted, the last: and I doubt much whether he himself or any of his yet 				know the best way into the said empire. It can therefore hardly be regained, if 				any strength be formerly set down, but in one or two places, and but two or 				three crumsters or galleys built and furnished upon the river within. The  				<em>West Indies</em> have many ports, watering 				places, and landings; and nearer than 300 miles to  				<em>Guiana</em> , no man can harbour a ship, 				except he know one only place, which is not learned in haste, and which I will 				undertake there is not any one of my companies that knoweth, whosoever 				hearkened most after it. <span class="numbering-line">100.</span><br />
Besides, by keeping one good fort, or building one town of 				strength, the whole empire is guarded; and whatsoever companies shall be 				afterwards planted within the land, although in twenty several provinces, those 				shall be able all to reunite themselves upon any occasion either by the way of 				one river, or be able to march by land without either wood, bog, or mountain. 				Whereas in the  				<em>West Indies</em> there are few towns or 				provinces that can succour or relieve one the other by land or sea. By land the 				countries are either desert, mountainous, or strong enemies. By sea, if any man 				invade to the eastward, those to the west cannot in many months turn against 				the breeze and eastern wind. Besides, the Spaniards are therein so dispersed as 				they are nowhere strong, but in  				<em>Nueva España</em> only; the sharp 				mountains, the thorns, and poisoned prickles, the sandy and deep ways in the 				valleys, the smothering heat and air, and want of water in other places are 				their only and best defence; which, because those nations that invade them are 				not victualled or provided to stay, neither have any place to friend adjoining, 				do serve them instead of good arms and great multitudes. <span class="numbering-line">101.</span><br />
The  				<em>West Indies</em> were first offered her 				Majesty&#8217;s grandfather by  				<em>Columbus</em> , a stranger, in whom there 				might be doubt of deceit; and besides it was then thought incredible that there 				were such and so many lands and regions never written of before. This Empire is 				made known to her Majesty by her own vassal, and by him that oweth to her more 				duty than an ordinary subject; so that it shall ill sort with the many graces 				and benefits which I have received to abuse her Highness, either with fables or 				imaginations. The country is already discovered, many nations won to her 				Majesty&#8217;s love and obedience, and those Spaniards which have latest and longest 				laboured about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged, and disgraced, which 				among these nations were thought invincible. Her Majesty may in this enterprise 				employ all those soldiers and gentlemen that are younger brethren, and all 				captains and chieftains that want employment, and the charge will be only the 				first setting out in victualling and arming them; for after the first or second 				year I doubt not but to see in  				<em>London</em> a Contractation-House of more 				receipt for  				<em>Guiana</em> than there is now in  				<em>Seville</em> for the  				<em>West Indies</em> . <span class="numbering-line">102.</span><br />
And I am resolved that if there were but a small army 				afoot in  				<em>Guiana</em> , marching towards  				<em>Manoa</em> , the chief city of  				<em>Inga</em> , he would yield to her Majesty by 				composition so many hundred thousand pounds yearly as should both defend all 				enemies abroad, and defray all expenses at home; and that he would besides pay 				a garrison of three or four thousand soldiers very royally to defend him 				against other nations. For he cannot but know how his predecessors, yea, how 				his own great uncles,  				<em>Guascar</em> and  				<em>Atabalipa</em> , sons to  				<em>Guiana</em> -Capac, emperor of  				<em>Peru</em> , were, while they contended for the 				empire, beaten out by the Spaniards, and that both of late years and ever since 				the said conquest, the Spaniards have sought the passages and entry of his 				country; and of their cruelties used to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In 				which respects no doubt but he will be brought to tribute with great gladness; 				if not, he hath neither shot nor iron weapon in all his empire, and therefore 				may easily be conquered. <span class="numbering-line">103.</span><br />
And I further remember that  				<em>Berreo</em> confessed to me and others, which 				I protest before the Majesty of God to be true, that there was found among the 				prophecies in  				<em>Peru</em> , at such time as the empire was 				reduced to the Spanish obedience, in their chiefest temples, amongst divers 				others which foreshadowed the loss of the said empire, that from  				<em>Inglatierra</em> those  				<em>Inga</em> s should be again in time to come 				restored, and delivered from the servitude of the said conquerors. And I hope, 				as we with these few hands have displanted the first garrison, and driven them 				out of the said country, so her Majesty will give order for the rest, and 				either defend it, and hold it as tributary, or conquer and keep it as empress 				of the same. For whatsoever prince shall possess it, shall be greatest; and if 				the king of  				<em>Spain</em> enjoy it, he will become 				unresistible. Her Majesty hereby shall confirm and strengthen the opinions of 				all nations as touching her great and princely actions. And where the south 				border of  				<em>Guiana</em> reacheth to the dominion and 				empire of the  				<em>Amazons</em> , those women shall hereby hear 				the name of a virgin, which is not only able to defend her own territories and 				her neighbours, but also to invade and conquer so great empires and so far 				removed. <span class="numbering-line">104.</span><br />
To speak more at this time I fear would be but 				troublesome: I trust in God, this being true, will suffice, and that he which 				is King of all Kings, and Lord of Lords, will put it into her heart which is 				Lady of Ladies to possess it. If not, I will judge those men worthy to be kings 				thereof, that by her grace and leave will undertake it of themselves.</p>
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<title><![CDATA[Poem of the Week]]></title>
<link>http://jwocky.wordpress.com/2009/07/17/poem-of-the-week/</link>
<pubDate>Fri, 17 Jul 2009 06:39:59 +0000</pubDate>
<dc:creator>Uriah Heep</dc:creator>
<guid>http://jwocky.wordpress.com/2009/07/17/poem-of-the-week/</guid>
<description><![CDATA[&#8220;Life&#8221; What is our life? A play of passion, Our mirth the music of division Our mother]]></description>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class='snap_preview'><p>&#8220;Life&#8221;</p>
<p>What is our life?  A play of passion,</p>
<p>Our mirth the music of division</p>
<p>Our mother&#8217;s wombs the tiring-houses be,</p>
<p>Where we are dressed for this short comedy.</p>
<p>Heaven the judicious sharp spectator is,</p>
<p>That sits and marks still who doth act amiss.</p>
<p>Our graves that hide us from the setting sun</p>
<p>Are like drawn curtains when the play is done.</p>
<p>Thus march we, playing, to our latest rest,</p>
<p>Only we die in earnest, that&#8217;s no jest.</p>
<p style="padding-left:120px;">-Sir Walter Raleigh (1552-1618)</p>
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